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THE 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 

H 


PROFESSOR  DR.  ERNST  CURTIUS. 


TRANSLATED  BY 

ADOLPHUS  WILLIAM  W LRD,  M A.. 

FELLOW  OF  ST.  PETER'S  COLLEGE,  CAMBRIDGE  ; 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  OWENS  COLLEGE,  MANCHESTER. 


VOL.  V. 


2.  6 3 5"  2. 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

1892 


9 3g 

c.  ?g) 

p 

K uc 

CONTENTS. 


BOOK  THE  SEVENTH. 

MACEDONIA  AND  GREECE. 

I.  The  Kingdoms  of  the  North , 7 

II.  The  Policy  and  Intellectual  Life  of  Athens  up  to  the 

Beginning  of  the  Public  Career  of  Demosthenes  . 85 

III.  Athens  and  King  Philip  to  the  Peace  of  Philocrates  . 225 

IV.  The  Last  Struggles  for  the  Independence  of  Greece  . 341 


Index  to  Vol.  V 497 

General  Index 505 


a <c  3 5 2. 


BOOK  THE  SEVENTH. 

MACEDONIA  AND  GREECE. 


From  Ol.  civ.  3 (b.  c.  362)  to  Ol.  cx.  4 (b.  c.  337,1 


THE  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  KINGDOMS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

In  a higher  degree  than  the  other  nations  Theeountries 
of  ancient  and  of  modern  times,  the  Hellenes  i“  *he  North 
possess  an  independent  history.  Their  civili- 
zation is  based  on  their  connexion  with  the  East;  but 
that  which  thence  accrued  to  them  they  independently 
developed,  and  thoroughly  converted  into  property  of 
their  own.  Foreign  nations  at  various  times  interfered  in 
the  relations  between  the  Hellenic  states ; but  these  inter- 
ventions actually  brought  about  the  reverse  of  that  which 
they  had  been  intended  to  accomplish.  The  Persian 
Wars  only  served  to  raise  the  Hellenes  to  a full  conscious- 
ness of  their  national  resources  ; and  so  far  from  the  later 
proceedings  on  the  part  of  Persia  which  affected  Greece 
having  had  their  origin  in  Persia  itself,  it  was  rather  the 
Hellenic  states  which  transferred  to  the  Great  Kins  an 
influence  such  as  he  would  never  have  been  capable  of 
acquiring  by  himself,  and  such  as  he  was  also  unable  to 
turn  to  account.  For,  notwithstanding  the  disruption  of 
the  Hellenic  nation,  it  was  beyond  his  power  to  recover 
the  dominion  over  the  sea,  upon  which  the  relations 
between  Persia  and  Greece  entirely  hinged.  Thus  the 
development  of  the  Hellenic  states  had  hitherto  been  of  a 
thoroughly  independent  character.  Good  and  evil  for- 


8 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


tune  had  been  the  results  of  internal  causes,  and  the 
history  of  Greece  had  never  been  controlled  by  foreign 
powers. 

An  entirely  different  phase  necessarily  began,  when  in 
the  North  of  the  Greek  mainland  forces  of  population 
came  into  motion,  which  had  hitherto  slumbered ; when 
from  the  same  mountains,  whence  a great  part  of  the 
Hellenic  nation  had  formerly  issued,  tribes  came  forth 
anew,  to  form  states  and  to  assert  an  influence  upon  their 
Southern  neighbors.  They  were  by  birth  infinitely  better 
entitled  to  rank  as  the  equals  of  the  Hellenes,  than  were 
the  Persians  and  Medes ; and  it  was  far  easier  for  them  to 
establish  their  claims  as  valid,  inasmuch  as  no  seas  sepa- 
rated them  from  the  Greek  states.  By  sea,  it  was  only  a 
state  already  developed,  and  in  command  of  a coast-line 
and  of  pecuniary  resources,  which  could  enter  the  lists 
with  the  Hellenes.  By  land,  the  greatest  successes  might 
be  achieved  even  by  ruder  forces  of  population. 

The  first  attempts  to  make  the  history  of  the  Southern 
states  dependent  upon  the  North  originated  in  Thessaly. 
No  country  indeed  was  by  nature  better  adapted  for  the 
purpose.  For  Thessaly  was  the  nearest  in  situation,  and 
the  wealthiest  in  resources ; it  formed  the  natural  comple- 
ment to  the  peninsular  countries  in  the  South.  In  Thes- 
saly there  dwelt  the  largest  body  of  Hellenic  population 
settled  outside  Hellas  (in  the  more  limited  sense  of  the 
term)  ; and  according  to  ancient  tradition  Mount  Olym- 
pus was  the  true  boundary  of  a system  of  Hellenic  states. 
The  condition  of  political  affairs  was  however  too  un- 
favorable for  success  to  have  attended  the  attempt  to 
transfer  the  centre  of  gravity  of  Hellenic  history  to  Thes- 
saly. The  endeavors  in  this  direction  proceeded  from 
families,  whose  power  was  one  founded  by  force,  and  was 
therefore  insecure  in  its  bases  ; these  endeavors  were  iden- 
tified with  individual  men,  and  were  wrecked  by  the 
death  of  Iasou  (vol.  iv.  p.  472)  and  by  the  resistance  of 


chap,  i.]  27te  Kingdoms  oj  the  North.  « 

Thebes,  which  frustrated  for  ever  the  schemes  of  a Thes- 
salian hegemony,  without  being  able  to  carry  out  its  own 
designs. 

It  was  now  the  turn  of  the  countries  beyond  Mount 
Olympus,  which  connect  the  southern  peninsulas  with  the 
broad  masses  of  territory  forming  the  mainland  of  Eastern 
Europe, — of  the  alpine  countries  of  Northern  Greece, 
with  their  lofty  ranges  and  large  river-valleys,  viz.,  Mace- 
donia and  Thrace.  These  regions  had,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  tracts  along  the  coasts,  remained  strange  and 
unknown  to  the  Hellenes ; for  centuries  they  had  been 
regarded  as  a land  of  barbarians,  destined  only  to  be 
made  use  of  by  the  Hellenes  through  the  agency  of  the 
colonies  settled  on  the  coasts,  and  to  be  turned  to  account 
by  them  for  the  purposes  of  their  trade.  And  indeed 
Mount  Olympus,  together  with  the  Cambunian  range, 
marks  a very  definite  division.  On  the  further  side  a new 
world  commences ; and  this  not  only  in  the  external  for- 
mation of  the  land,  but  also  in  climate  and  in  the  whole 
life  of  nature.  Thessaly  itself  already  shows  the  transi- 
tion towards  the  Northern  regions,  which  in  this  part  of 
Europe  begins  much  sooner  than  in  France  or  in  Italy. 
On  the  further  side  of  Mount  Olympus  the  olive-tree  and 
the  flora  of  the  South  prosper  only  in  specially  favored 
localities,  notably  in  the  sunny  plains  by  the  sea-shore, 
stretching  like  a narrow  rim  round  Macedonia  and 
Thrace.  In  the  interior  a climate  like  that  of  Central 
Europe  prevails,  which  was  unfamiliar  and  full  of  mys- 
terious discomfort  to  a Greek,  and  which  with  regard  to 
dress  and  food,  modes  of  dwelling  and  social  intercourse, 
likewise  prescribed  to  human  life  conditions  quite  differ- 
ent from  those  to  wdiich  the  Greeks  were  accustomed. 

But  though  such  differences  beyond  a doubt  deeply 
affect  national  civilization,  yet  they  are  unable  perma- 
nently to  determine  the  progress  of  political  relations. 
The  very  charms  which  a Southerner  misses  in  a foreign 

1* 


10 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


clime,  tempt  the  Northerner  to  advance  southwards,  so 
soon  as  the  weakness  of  the  neighboring  tribes  opens  to 
him  a prospect  of  success;  nor  was  Mount  Olympus  in 
any  respect  such  a boundary  as  could  have  prevented  the 
countries  and  populations  beyond  from  claiming  their 
share  in  Greek  history.  The  peninsular  countries  of 
Greece  are  after  all  nothing  but  the  offshoots  of  the 
Northern  mountain-system;  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
countries  on  the  hither  and  on  the  further  side  of  Mount 
Olympus  were,  not  less  than  those  countries  themselves, 
naturally  connected  together.  An  entirely  new  epoch 
therefore  necessarily  commenced,  so  soon  as  this  connex- 
ion was  asserted,  so  soon  as  the  Hellenes  ceased  to  lead 
in  their  states  a life  untouched  from  the  direction  of  the 
North,  and  left  entirely  to  itself.  Accordingly,  already 
those  men  who  narrated  the  history  of  the  Hellenes  in  the 
times  of  their  absolute  independence,  Herodotus  and 
Thucydides  alike,  directed  glances  of  special  attention  to 
the  North,  and  carefully  watched  the  earliest  beginnings 
of  the  formation  of  states  observable  there. 

. . . Let  us  now  more  closely  survey  the  coun- 

configuration,  tries  of  the  North,  starting  from  the  same 
point,  which  we  previously  designated  as  the  starting- 
point  of  the  formation  of  the  Southern  land  (vol.  i. 

p.  10). 

The  fortieth  degree  of  latitude  is  the  boundary-line  of 
Hellas  proper.  Here  the  mountains  are,  out  of  the 
ramification  dividing  off  the  southern  countries,  drawn 
together  in  a firm  knot,  viz.  Mount  Lacmon.  From  this 
point  the  chain  of  mountains  which  severs  Thessaly  from 
Epirus  continues  in  the  same  direction  through  two  de- 
grees of  latitude.  This  is  Mount  Pindus,  the  lofty  ridge 
of  the  regions  between  Macedonia  and  Illyria,  extending 
from  south  to  north  as  far  as  the  point  where  it  inserts 
itself  in  the  Northern  mountain-systems  leading  horizon- 
tally across  from  the  Adriatic  to  the  Black  Sea.  But 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


11 


here,  instead  of  any  immediate  junction  taking  place,  a 
broad  gap  remains  between  the  Dalmatian  chain  of  Alps, 
running  parallel  to  the  Adriatic  Gulf,  and  the  Balkan. 
Into  this  gap  the  northern  end  of  the  extremity  of  the 
Pindus-chain,  called  at  the  present  day  the  Tschardagh, 
inserts  itself  like  a mighty  promontory:  it  forms  the  final 
point  of  the  mountains  of  the  Greek  peninsulas,  the 
Scardus  of  the  ancients. 

After  the  Tschardagh  there  begin,  in  the  forty-second 
degree  of  latitude,  the  heights  stretching  to  the  east,  and 
separating  the  waters  of  the  Danube  from  the  rivers  of 
the  Archipelago.  These  form  the  rear -wall  of  the  Thra- 
cian mainland,  which  are  designated  by  the  collective 
name  of  the  Balkan  or  Hsemus.  They  are,  however,  no 
unbroken  chain,  but  a series  of  knots  of  mountains  (Rilos- 
tock  and  Perm),  from  which  two  main  ranges  issue  sepa- 
rately,— a northern  range,  the  Hsemus  proper,  and 
another,  which  runs  down  in  a south-easterly  direction, 
and  gives  to  the  coast-land  of  Thrace  the  character  of  a 
highland  district,  viz.  Rhodope. 

The  two  series  of  mountains  which  meet  in  a right 
angle  at  the  Tschardagh,  viz.  Pindus  and  Haemus,  form 
the  framework  of  the  great  river-territories  which  are 
distinctive  of  the  North  of  the  Greek  world : two  in  the 
west,  the  valleys  of  the  Haliacmon  and  the  Axius,  and 
two  in  the  east,  those  of  the  Nestus  and  the  Hebrus,  with 
the  valley  of  the  Strymon  in  the  centre. 

These  river-districts  possess  this  feature  in  common: 
that  they  are  by  the  lofty  mountain-ranges  cut  off  from 
the  regions  along  the  Adriatic,  as  well  as  from  the  low- 
lying  districts  of  the  Danube;  while  on  the  other  hand 
the  course  of  their  rivers  causes  one  and  all  of  these 
countries  to  depend  exclusively  upon  the  iEgean,  and 
summons  them  to  participation  in  its  affairs.  At  the  same 
time,  however,  the  surrounding  mountain-ranges  are 
broken  through  at  certain  points ; whereby  it  becomes  to 


12 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


such  a degree  easier  to  pass  to  the  districts  beyond,  (so 
especially  from  the  sources  of  the  Axius  to  the  valley  of 
the  Morava,  and  again  from  the  Hebrus  to  the  Iscer  or 
Oscius,)  that  it  naturally  suggested  itself  to  the  peoples 
dwelling  in  the  valleys  of  those  rivers  also  to  advance 
further  to  the  north.  In  other  words,  upon  their  states 
was  imposed  the  mission  of  establishing  a connexion 
between  the  lands  of  the  Danube  and  the  regions  on  the 
coasts  of  the  Archipelago. 

As  to  the  internal  configuration  of  the  countries  which 
we  call  Macedonia  and  Thrace,  the  two  are  by  no  means 
separated  in  any  such  way  as  that  of  a territory,  coherent 
in  itself  and  confined  within  natural  boundaries,  being 
formed  in  common  by  the  basins  of  the  two  western,  and 
another  such  by  those  of  the  two  or  three  eastern,  rivers. 
The  valley  of  the  Strymon  in  particular  may  be  equally 
well  reckoned  as  belonging  to  the  eastern  and  as  belonging 
to  the  western  half.  For  this  reason,  too,  no  fixed  frontier 
between  the  states  ever  existed  here ; but  every  imperial 
dominion  developed  in  these  regions  endeavored  to  spread 
to  the  east  or  to  the  west,  from  the  territory  of  one  river  to 
that  of  the  next. 

The  most  important  part  of  the  eastern  country  is  the 
basin  of  the  river  Maritza,  the  ancient  Hebrus.  Its 
sources  are  at  Mount  Rilostock,  called  Scombrus  by 
Aristotle ; whence  it  flows  first  in  a line  parallel  to  that  of 
the  Balkan,  and  then  after  a sharp  turn  (at  Adrianople) 
along  the  base  of  Rhodope,  in  a southerly  direction,  and 
into  the  sea. 

The  Ttir i-  When  King  Darius  on  his  Scythian  expedi- 

cian  empire,  tion  passed  through  Thrace,  he  found  settled 
in  the  valley  of  the  Hebrus  the  Odrysse,  who  at  that  time 
constituted  only  one  of  the  many  tribes  dwelling  as 
neighbors  in  the  land.  After  the  Persian  Wars  the 
chieftain  of  the  Odrysse,  Teres,  succeeded  in  increasing 
their  power,  and  in  placing  his  tribe  at  the  head  of  the 


Chap.  I.] 


13 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 

whole  population.  He  left  to  his  son  Sitalces  a realm  of 
considerable  extent,  which  had  its  centre  in  the  fertile 
lowland  district  of  Adrianople,  while  in  the  north  it 
reached  as  far  as  the  Danube,  and  in  the  east  as  the  Black 
Sea,  and  subjected  to  itself  the  populations  of  the 
mountain-ranges  around.  He  passed,  to  the  west,  beyond 
the  Strymon,  and  first  opened  paths  through  the  jungle  of 
the  Cercine-chain,  in  order  to  incorporate  in  his  kingdom 
the  Pceonians  in  the  valley  of  the  Axius. 

This  was  the  first  national  kingdom  in  the  North  of  the 
Archipelago, — a kingdom  which  comprehended  an  abun- 
dance of  vigorous  population.  For  the  Thracian  people 
was  accounted  the  most  numerous  and  the  most  powerful 
of  all  the  nations  in  the  regions  of  the  Mediterranean  ; and 
its  obstinate  valor  was  most  severely  felt  by  the  Athenians 
in  the  course  of  their  settlements. 

If  the  kingdom  was  to  have  a future,  it  was  necessary 
for  it  to  acquire  influence  on  the  shores  of  the  iEgean. 
The  first  step  towards  this  end  was  taken  by  the  formation 
of  family-connexions  with  the  nearest  Greek  city  of  some 
importance,  viz.  Abdera  (vol.  ii.  p.  147),  whereby  the  in- 
troduction of  the  foreign  princely  dynasty  into  the  system 
of  relations  subsisting  between  the  Greek  states  was  pre- 
pared. The  brother-in-law  of  Sitalces,  Nym-  Thrace  and 
phodorus  (vol.  iii.  p.  64),  acted  as  mediator  Athens- 
with  Athens,  where  it  was  early  recognized  what  import- 
ance a Thracian  empire  possessed  for  the  Attic  maritime 
state,  and  what  dangers,  as  well  as  what  advantages,  might 
arise  from  such  an  empire  for  the  Athenians  in  the  war 
then  breaking  out  with  Sparta.  Nothing  was  therefore 
left  undone,  by  way  of  honoring  the  royal  house  in  the 
North ; advantage  was  taken  of  the  ancient  popular 
legends  about  Tereus  and  Procne,  in  order  to  represent  the 
family  of  Teres  as  of  kin  with  the  Athenians  ; the  alliance 
with  Sitalces  was  regarded  as  the  most  valuable  of  all  the 
foreign  connexions  of  Athens ; and  in  his  Acharnians 


14 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Aristophanes  makes  the  envoys  report,  how  Sitalces  adored 
the  city  of  the  Athenians  like  a tender  lover,  and  wrote 
her  name  upon  every  wall,  while  his  son  Sadocus,  the 
honorary  burgess  of  Athens,  longed  for  naught  else  more 
deeply  than  to  take  part  in  the  festive  banquets  of  his  new 
home. 

But  the  alliance  concluded  in  the  year  431  was  also  to 
acquire  a political  significance.  A great  military  expedi- 
tion was  jointly  devised.  From  the  north  the  Odrysse,  from 
the  south  the  Athenians, — thus  they  intended  in  common 
to  overthrow  the  guileful  hostility  of  Perdiccas,  who  had 
injured  both  the  one  and  the  other,  as  well  as  the  defiant 
obstinacy  of  the  Potidasans  and  of  the  Chalcidians,  which 
gave  so  much  trouble  to  the  Athenians ; and  who  could 
have  withstood  such  a power  as  this  ? 

At  the  head  of  150,000  men  Sitalces  advanced  out  of 
the  valley  of  the  Hebrus.  It  was  a host  of  nations,  such 
as  had  not  been  seen  since  the  days  of  Xerxes.  With  fear 
and  trembling  the  power  of  the  North  was  for  the  first 
time  recognized ; all  the  neighboring  peoples,  all  Thessaly, 
were  full  of  apprehensions  for  their  liberty ; and  the  states 
which  had  taken  the  side  against  Athens  already  saw 
themselves  crushed  by  a double  overwhelming  force  (vol. 
iii.  p.  103). 

But  grandly  as  the  undertaking  had  begun,  it  ended  as 
a failure  after  a campaign  of  thirty  days.  The  Athenians 
never  made  their  appearance,  either  from  negligence,  or 
because  they  were  themselves  visited  by  a fear  of  the 
superior  strength  of  their  ally  and  of  the  consequences  of 
his  intervention  in  Greek  affairs.  In  Thrace  a change 
likewise  ensued.  Sadocus  must  have  died  young.  For 
when  Sitalces  fell  in  424,  fighting  against  the  Triballi,  his 
successor  was  his  nephew  Seuthes,  who  had  already  for- 
merly played  a part  hostile  to  Athens.  Seuthes  allowed 
himself  to  be  gained  over  by  Perdiccas,  who  doubtless 
contrived  to  convince  the  young  king,  how  the  princes  of 


Chap.  I.J 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


15 


the  North  could  not  pursue  a more  absurd  policy  than 
that  of  supporting,  from  motives  of  a foolish  Philhellenism, 
Athens,  the  most  dangerous  opponent  of  the  extension  of 
their  own  power. 

Under  Seuthes  Thrace  stood  at  the  height  . The  kins- 

° dom  of 

of  its  prosperity.  It  formed  a connected  em-  Seuthes. 
pire  from  Abdera  to  the  Danube,  from  Byzantium  to  the 
Strymon.  It  was  an  inland  country,  strong  in  its  natural 
seclusion,  and  yet  with  a coast-line  skirting  three  seas ; 
destined  by  its  situation  to  control  the  passages  leading 
across  into  Asia,  as  well  as  the  communications  between 
St.  Pontus  and  the  Archipelago.  The  central  body  of  the 
forces  of  the  empire  was  composed  of  the  Thracians  from 
the  Hebrus,  between  Haemus  and  Rhodope.  To  these 
were  joined  the  Getae,  who  dwelt  beyond  the  Haemus  as 
far  as  the  Danube,  mounted  archers  like  their  neighbors 
the  Scythians  ; and  also  the  Thracians  of  Rhodope  and  of 
the  mountains  in  the  vicinity,  armed  with  sabres.  Finally, 
the  fourth  division  of  the  army  was  formed  by  the  Paeonians. 
The  land  abounded  in  resources,  in  corn  and  flocks  and 
herds,  in  gold  and  silver.  A yearly  tribute  of  400  talents  of 
silver  flowed  into  the  treasury,  besides  an  equal  sum  in 
the  shape  of  gifts,  consisting  of  stuffs  for  clothing,  domestic 
implements,  &c.  Gifts  of  homage  of  this  description  were 
proffered  not  to  the  king  alone,  but  also  to  his  governors 
in  the  several  provinces,  and  to  the  great  officers  of  state. 

No  such  state  had  as  yet  existed  in  the  whole  circuit  of 
the  iEgean.  A commanding  importance  therefore  seemed 
to  be  awaiting  Thrace.  Already  even  Greek  towns  were 
reckoned  among  her  tributary  subjects.  Their  numbers 
could  not  but  increase ; and  to  internal  prosperity  and 
flourishing  manufactures  would  inevitably  be  added  mari- 
time trade  and  naval  dominion.  How  would  it,  under 
such  circumstances,  be  possible  for  the  Athenians  to  main- 
tain their  hold  over  their  colonies,  already  so  vacillating  ? 
Accordingly  the  Spartans  already  in  the  days  of  Sitalces 


1G 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


attempted  to  provoke  a hostile  feeling  on  the  part  of  the 
Thracian  power  against  Athens  (vol.  iii.  p.  75).  The  time 
seemed  to  have  arrived,  when  the  settlement  of  the  Greek 
conflicts  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  Thracian  kings. 

But  their  kingdom  failed  to  endure.  After  Seutlies  it 
broke  up  into  several  principalities  ; and  this  averted  from 
Athens  the  danger  menacing  her.  The  land  of  the 
Thracians  was  not  naturally  adapted  for  a settled  unity. 
The  mountain-ranges  traversing  it  acted  as  inducements  to 
the  tribes  which  had  been  united  by  so  great  exertions,  to 
pursue  once  more  their  own  separate  courses ; and  indeed 
the  cohesion  between  them  had  never  been  of  any  but  a 
loose  kind.* 

The  moun-  Different,  and  more  favorable,  conditions 
tiie  rivers  of  existed  in  Macedonia.  Here  too,  indeed,  the 
M 1 ' ''lonia‘  variety  in  the  configuration  of  the  ground  was 
so  great,  as  in  a high  degree  to  impede  the  union  of  the 
whole.  For  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Pindus  is  to  be 
found  neither  an  extensive  formation  of  table-land  nor  a 
simple  incline ; but  from  the  central  chain  stretches  forth 
a variety  of  branches,  which  subdivide  the  country  by 
forming  a series  of  basins  of  valleys.  These  valleys,  sur- 
rounded in  a circular  form  by  heights,  lie  above  and 
beside  one  another,  and  possess  a great  significance  for  the 
history  of  the  country. 

First  comes  the  upper  valley  of  the  Yistritza  (valley  of 
the  Haliacmon),  between  Pindus  and  a parallel  line  of 
mountains,  running  so  near  to  the  Cambrunian  range,  that 
it  is  only  through  a narrow  gorge  that  the  Haliacmon 
winds  out  of  the  circular  valley.  This  valley  was  the 
ancient  district  of  Elimea ; and  further  up,  into  the  corner 
of  the  mountain-range,  where  out  of  a lake  rises  the  rocky 
peninsula  of  Castorea,  stretches  the  ancient  Orestis.  But, 

* The  people  of  the  Thracians:  Herod,  vii.  110;  their  empire:  Thuc.  ii. 
20  and  05,  seq.  (against  the  connexion,  which  in  his  day  there  was  a 
fondness  for  asserting  at  Athens,  between  the  Parnassian  and  the  Odry.sian 
Thracians,  between  Teres  and  Tereus). 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


17 


secluded  and  remote  as  the  valley  of  the  Haliacmon  seems, 
it  is  yet  possessed  of  very  important  communications.  For 
to  the  north-west  of  Castorea  Mount  Pindus  is  broken 
through  by  a deep  rift  in  a horizontal  direction ; and 
through  this  a river  (Devol),  of  which  the  sources  lie  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  range,  flows  out  to  empty  itself  into 
the  Adriatic.  Here,  then,  is  a natural  mountain  gate, 
opening  a way  to  Albania,  the  solitary  gap  in  the  other- 
wise uninterrupted  course  of  the  central  chain;  while  on 
the  other  side  an  easy  transit  offers  itself  by  means  of  the 
Cambunian  hills  from  the  Haliacmon  to  the  Thessalian 
valley  of  the  Peneus. 

Towards  the  east,  another  long  valley  lies  between 
that  of  the  Haliacmon  and  Mount  Bermius,  which 
forms  the  border-line  towards  the  plain  of  the  coast. 
This  is  the  basin  of  Ostrovo,  the  district  of  the  Eor- 
drei,  where  from  lakes  and  rivulets  are  gathered  the 
waters  which  empty  into  the  sea  under  the  name  of  the 
river  Lydias. 

To  the  north  of  Eordsea  and  Orestis  lies  a third  hollow 
valley,  that  of  the  sources  of  the  river  Erigon,  which  is 
traversed  by  the  forty-first  degree  of  latitude.  This  valley, 
the  modern  basin  of  Bitolia,  leans  upon  the  principal  line 
of  the  northern  Pindus-chain,  across  which  an  easy  inter- 
course takes  place  with  the  Albanian  districts.  Here  were 
in  antiquity  the  seats  of  the  Lyncestse  and,  further  to  the 
north,  those  of  the  Pelagones.  Finally,  there  is  the  Var- 
dar- valley,  the  deep  valley  watered  by  the  Axius  (Paraxia), 
the  northernmost  of  the  entire  system  of  mountains,  bounded 
by  lofty  alpine  chains,  and  fed  by  numerous  streams  having 
their  sources  here,  of  which  the  most  distant  lie  near  to 
the  Morava,  which  empties  itself  into  the  Danube  below 
Belgrade. 

All  these  are  basins  of  a circular  shape,  the  rocky  belts 
around  which  are  broken  only  at  a single  point, — originally 
valleys  of  the  sea,  as  is  indicated  by  the  still  existing  in* 


18 


History  of  Greece. 


I_Book  VIL 


land  lakes ; in  other  words,  generally  mere  repetitions  of 
the  Thessalian  plain,  with  which,  for  the  traveller  coming 
from  the  south,  commences  the  series  of  the  hollow  valleys 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Pindus.  But  wThile  Thessaly  is  by 
the  river  common  to  the  whole  country  connected  so  as  to 
form  a natural  unity,  and  opens  at  two  places  towards  the 
sea,  in  Macedonia  we  have  a highland  region,  remote  from 
the  sea,  and  only  with  difficulty  accessible.  And  this 
highland  region  is  again  variously  subdivided  in  itself ; 
and  the  divisions  between  the  several  hollow  valleys  are  in 
part  more  considerable  than  the  external  frontier-line  of 
the  entire  land ; for  the  parallel  chains  of  the  Pindus  in 
part  overtop  the  height  of  the  principal  chain,  and  it  is 
easier  to  proceed  from  Macedonia  to  Thessaly,  to  Illyria, 
and  to  the  Danube,  than  from  one  Macedonian  valley  into 
the  other.  Under  these  circumstances  very  serious  obsta- 
cles lay  in  the  path  of  a political  union  of  the  country  ; 
and  the  danger  was  greater  in  Macedonia  than  in  Thrace, 
that  the  permanent  consolidation  of  a single  kingdom 
would  never  be  effected. 

Nature,  however,  provided  in  a very  remarkable  way 
for  indicating  most  plainly  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  nume- 
rous divisions  of  the  highland  country  the  advantages  of 
union  amongst  themselves  and  with  the  coast-land.  This 
she  effected  by  means  of  the  course  of  the  rivers.  For  out 
of  the  mountainous  recesses  of  Orestis  winds  forth  the 
Haliacmon,  and  out  of  Eordsea  the  Lydias;  the  Erigon 
forces  his  way  into  the  valley  of  the  Axius ; and  all  these 
rivers,  whatever  the  respective  remoteness  of  their  sources, 
after  they  have  escaped  from  their  mountain  hollow,  take 
their  course  towards  the  same  sea-coast,  where  in  one  and 
the  same  bay  they  have  what  is  equivalent  to  a common 
mouth.  While,  therefore,  the  Thracian  rivers  flow  in  a 
number  of  distant  parallel  valleys,  the  Macedonian  become 
a single  river,  and  serve  to  connect  highlands  and  coast- 
plain,  and  at  the  same  time  to  point  out  to  the  highland 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


19 


tribes  the  direction,  to  which  it  behooves  them  to  apply 
their  attention  and  resources. 

No  greater  natural  difference  can  be  ima- 
gined between  two  halves  of  a land,  than  that  donian  coast- 
between  the  open  plain  along  the  coast  and  Kmd' 
the  highlands,  shut  off  like  a citadel.  Accordingly,  the 
coast-land  possessed  a history  of  its  own.  The  highlanders 
only  were  called  Macedonians  ; while  very  different  tribes 
dwelt  below,  on  the  shores  of  the  beautiful  bay,  stretching 
between  the  wooded  base  of  Mount  Olympus  and  the  op- 
posite crags  of  the  Chalcidian  promontories  deep  into  the 
land  as  far  as  the  corner,  where  are  the  sources  of  the  hot 
springs  which  gave  its  name  to  the  town  of  Therma  (after- 
wards Thessalonica).  Therma  was  the  ancient  capital  of 
Emathia,  where  the  Bottiseans  were  settled  in  the  delta 
formed  by  the  Macedonian  rivers.  The  Bottiseans  were 
not  aboriginal  inhabitants.  They  derived  their  origin 
from  Crete,  whence  they  had  brought  their  worship  of 
Apollo ; and  they  were  conscious  of  ancient  relations  of 
kinship  with  remote  coast-districts,  in  particular  with 
Attica.  Further  to  the  south  dwelt  the  Pierians,  the  ser- 
vants of  the  Muses  and  of  Dionysus,  a tribe  which  by 
means  of  its  early  civilization  exercised  a very  important 
influence  in  art  and  religious  worship  upon  the  whole 
nation  of  the  Hellenes. 

Among  these  coast-tribes,  which  had  settled  in  pre- 
historic times  on  the  Macedonian  Gulf,  afterwards  came 
to  dwell  the  colonist-citizens  of  Greek  mercantile  towns, 
notably  the  merchants  from  Euboea  (vol.  i.  p.  455,  seq.). 
They  attached  themselves  in  a peaceable  way  to  the  earlier 
population  ; between  the  Pierians  and  the  Bottiseans  arose 
Methone,  the  colony  of  Eretria ; and  the  entire  coast  was 
drawn  into  the  commercial  traffic  opened  by  the  Euboeans 
on  the  northern  coast  of  the  Archipelago  (01.  xii.,  b.  c. 
730,  circ.) 

While  Emathia,  naturally  belonging  to  Hellas  by  the 


20 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VH 


proximity  of  the  sea  as  well  as  by  climate 

The  people  x , 

of  the  and  vegetation,  was  also  thoroughly  pervaded 

Maeedones.  _ „ ,,  . . T,  , . % 

by  Hellemc  culture,  Upper  Macedonia  lay  com- 
pletely in  the  obscurity  of  autochthonous  conditions  of  life ; 
indeed,  it  became  more  and  more  estranged  from  the  Hel- 
lenic nation.  For  originally  it  was  not  a foreign  country. 
Distant  reminiscences  in  the  Hellenic  nation  mounted  back 
to  an  age,  when  a close  connexion  had  existed  between  it 
and  the  Macedonians.  Of  the  Dorians  Herodotus  attests 
that  they  had  once  themselves  been  Macedonians, — and, 
indeed,  it  occasionally  happens  that  individual  tribes,  be- 
longing to  a larger  popular  whole,  issue  forth  from  it  and 
for  a time  again  fall  back  among  it.  For  this  reason  too 
the  ancestor  of  the  Macedonian  people  was  reckoned 
among  the  sons  of  Pelasgus;  he  was  called  a son  of 
Lycaon,  the  forefather  of  the  Pelasgian  Arcadians ; and 
if  the  language  of  the  Macedonians  was  unintelligible  to 
the  Greeks,  the  same  was  likewise  the  case  with  regard  to 
the  populations  on  the  Achelous,  which  assuredly  no  one 
will  desire  to  exclude  from  the  stock  of  the  Greek  nation 
(vol.  iii.  p.  146).  The  Hellenes  of  the  classical  period 
were  extremely  sensitive  against  anything  strange  in  lan- 
guage or  manners,  and  loved  to  draw  a narrow  circle 
marking  themselves  off  from  all  outside  it,  so  that  they 
regarded  even  populations  akin  to  themselves  in  race  as 
foreigner’s  and  barbarians,  if  their  feeling  towards  them 
was  one  of  unfamiliarity.  But  inasmuch  as  this  unfami- 
liarity is  based  on  differences  of  culture,  the  consciousness 
of  it  cannot  be  considered  decisive  as  to  the  original  rela- 
tionship of  the  peoples  in  question. 

With  reference  to  the  meagre  remnants  of  the  Mace- 
donian tongue,  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  they  reveal  Greek 
roots,  and  that  in  them  are  found  forms  of  the  iEolic 
dialect,  and  also  such  words  as  belong  to  the  ancient  com- 
mon property  of  Greeks  and  Italicans.  In  the  manners 
of  the  Macedonians  there  are  likewise  several  points  cor- 


cjiAr.  i.]  27ie  Kingdoms  of  the  North.  21 

responding  to  the  most  ancient  usages  of  the  Greeks  ; so 
e.g.  the  custom  of  sitting  at  table.  Finally,  in  their  public 
life  also  much  of  an  ancient  Greek  type  was  preserved, 
above  all  the  kingship,  which  in  the  civic  life  of  the 
Greeks  had  generally  been  extinguished  at  so  early  a date 
(vol.  i.  p.  264).  As  in  the  Heroic  age,  so  with  the  Mace- 
donians, the  king  was  supreme  judge,  military  commander- 
in-chief,  and  high-priest ; but  he  was  no  master  over  the 
people  according  to  the  Oriental  fashion,  no  despot,  before 
whom  all  other  rights  vanish.  Rather,  even  as  towards 
the  king  the  people  is  conscious  of  its  liberty  and  of  its 
just  claims ; the  royal  authority  is  limited  by  legal  usage  ; 
and  among  the  Macedonians,  as  among  the  Greeks,  a 
decided  aversion  prevails  from  unmeasured  and  absolute 
power  placed  in  the  hands  of  a single  individual.  By  the 
side  of  the  king  stand  noble  families,  the  members  of  which 
form  an  association  on  terms  of  more  intimate  daily  inter- 
course with  him,  accustomed  to  accompany  him  on  expe- 
ditions of  war,  and  to  share  with  him  the  dangers  of  the 
conflict  and  the  honors  of  the  victory.  Such  a war- 
nobility,  corresponding  to  that  which  the  Homeric  poems 
bring  before  our  eyes  in  the  kings’  comitatus,  maintained 
itself  in  the  highlands  of  Macedonia,  because  here  there 
existed  no  life  in  towns,  which  levels  class-distinctions  and 
creates  a new  class  in  the  burghers.  The  nationality  of 
the  Macedonians,  akin  by  descent  as  it  was  to  the  Greek 
race,  yet  remained  not  free  from  admixtures,  which  dis- 
turbed the  original  agreement  between  the  two,  and 
changed  the  character  of  the  Macedonian  people.  This 
foreign  element  was  above  all  formed  by  the 

& J , Macedo- 

Illyrians,  the  body  of  whose  population  nians  and 
branched  out  from  the  north-west  far  into 
the  interior,  and  extended  through  the  above-mentioned 
passes  of  Mount  Pindus  to  the  eastern  slope, — a savage 
people,  prone  to  a life  of  brigandage,  who  offered  up 
children  as  sacrifices  before  battle,  and  among  whom  the 


22 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


custom  of  tattooing  the  body  obtained.  In  proportion  as 
the  nobler  and  more  gifted  branches  of  the  nation,  such  as 
the  Dorians,  had  separated  themselves  from  the  Mace- 
donians, it  became  difficult  for  those  who  had  remained 
behind  in  the  mountains  to  withstand  the  inroads  of  the 
Western  barbarians.  Macedonian  and  Illyrian  became  at 
many  points  confounded  ; the  fashion  of  dress  and  the  way 
of  clipping  the  hair,  language  and  manners,  were  assimi- 
lated ; so  that  gradually  the  population  came  in  a certain 
sense  to  be  of  the  same  kind  throughout  the  whole  of  the 
broad  mainland  from  the  Sound  of  Corcyra  to  Thrace,  the 
original  points  of  contrast  between  Macedonians  and 
Illyrians  losing  themselves.  In  this  way  Macedonians 
and  Greeks  became  estranged  from  one  another ; and  the 
more  fully  that  Greek  civilization  developed  itself  in  the 
South,  the  more  its  inhabitants  became  accustomed  to  re- 
gard those  who  were  originally  members  of  the  same  race 
as  themselves  in  the  light  of  a fundamentally  different  race 
of  men,  and  to  despise  them  as  such.  They  were  looked 
upon  as  beings  incapable  of  leading  a political  life,  and  as 
therefore  destined  by  nature,  like  the  other  barbarians,  to 
furnish  slaves  to  the  Hellenes.  Nay,  not  even  good  slaves, 
so  the  Athenians  thought,  were  obtainable  from  Mace- 
donia.* 

Thus  highlands  and  coast-districts,  Macedonia  and 
Emathia,  lay  beside  one  another  like  two  utterly  different 
countries.  From  the  narrow  rim  of  land  along  the  coast 

* The  system  of  the  Macedonian  hollow  valleys  is  fully  explained  by 
Grisebach,  Reise  in  Rumelien.  Ma/ceta,  highlands  ; MajceSoi'e?,  highlanders  (or 
men  of  high  growth?  cf.  G.  Curtius,  Griech.  Etymol.  i.  148).— BoTi-tann, 
connected  with  Crete  according  to  Aristotle,  Plutarch.  Thes.  15,  and  Strabo. 
Ancient  worship  of  Apollo  in  &c.  : Rliein.  Mus.  xvii.  742.  The  religious 

worships  of  Pieria:  Hes.  Theogon.  53;  Muller,  Orch.  381. — To  'EWrjvtKov  yeVo<? 

. . . OLKee  € v IIiVSu>  Ma/ceSt/bi/  /ca \e6fxevov,  Herod,  i.  56.  Atopi/cov  re  kou  MafceS- 
v'ov  €01/05,  viii.  43. — Macedonian  kingly  government,  ov  /3ux  aAAa  vopuo, 
Callisth.  ap.  Arrian,  iv.  11.  ’Eratpot : Lilian,  Ver.  Hist.  xiii.  4;  Theopomp.  ap. 
Athen.  167. — ’IAAvpiot  k<xt 6.(ttcktol,  Strabo,  315;  *a/co/3ioi,  Theopomp.  ap. 
Athen.  443.  First  in  Herod,  v.  61;  ix.  43. — ¥OAe0po5  MaKeSioi/,  60e v ovS’  av$pa.~ 
7ro5oi/  anovSaLou  o v8ev  tj v nporepou  npiaaQai,  Dem.  ix.  31. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


23 


it  was  impossible  that  a conquest  and  Hellenization  of  the 
highlands  should  proceed ; a history  common  to  the 
whole  land  was  therefore  not  to  be  realized,  unless  among 
the  Macedonian  tribes  were  called  forth  a higher  life, 
which  should  make  the  development  of  a a state-growth 
possible.  But  this  could  not  take  place  from  within ; 
there  were  needed  external  influences,  through  which  the 
elements  in  the  population  akin  to  the  Greeks  could  once 
more  assert  themselves.  It  was  necessary  that  Hellenes 
should  come  to  the  North,  in  order  there  to  give  the 
impulse  to  political  developments, 

Such  influences  may  have  been  exerted  from  Greek  im 
various  sides,  although  no  information  has  migration, 
been  preserved  on  the  subject.  The  earliest  tradition 
points  in  the  direction  of  the  Western  Sea. 

The  coasts  of  Illyria  were  already  in  the  most  ancient 
times  visited  by  foreign  mariners.  Illyrius  was  the  name 
given  to  a son  of  Cadmus ; and  just  as  the  sea  washing  the 
shores  of  Illyria  and  Epirus  from  the  earliest  ages  bore 
the  name  of  the  Ionian,  so  Old-Ionian  settlements  were 
also  known  to  have  existed  on  the  coasts.*  Next,  the 
Corinthians  took  in  hand  the  colonization  of  these  regions 
(vol.  i.  p.  460 ; vol.  iii.  p.  5),  and  with  unwearying  in- 
dustry also  extended  their  mercantile  connexions  into  the 
interior.  This  explains  the  circumstance,  that  we  meet 
with  the  same  Corinthian  noble  house,  which  represented 
Hellenic  culture  in  the  widest  variety  of  Greek  and  Italian 
regions,  also  in  the  Macedono-Illyrian  highlands  (vol.  i.  p. 
293).  The  Bacchiadse  had  established  the  most  intimate 
connexions  with  the  Macedonian  chieftains ; and  in  par- 
ticular the  chieftains  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  the  Lyn-  .. 
cestse  gloried  in  their  relationship  to  the  Corinthian  Hera- 
clidse.  The  Lyncestse  were  settled  on  the  banks  of  the 
Erigon,  far  away  in  the  interior,  at  an  equal  distance  from 


* ’lottos  7rdi/T09,  Pind.  Nem.  iv.  54. 


24 


History  of  Greece. 


[Booh  VII. 


either  sea ; but  it  is  precisely  in  this  locality  that  the 
mountain-portal  spoken  of  above  is  open  to  the  west  (p.  17) ; 
and  the  valley  of  the  Apsus,  which  flows  into  the  sea  be- 
tween the  two  Corinthian  colonies  of  Epidamnus  and 
Apollonia,  here  leads  up  into  the  country  containing  the 
sources  of  the  Erigon  and  the  habitations  of  the  Lyncestse.* 
The  It  would  seem  as  if  the  same  paths,  which 

Temenidaj.  were  opened  by  the  Corinthians,  had  been 

likewise  followed  by  the  Heraclidse  of  Argos ; for  Hero- 
dotus had  heard  that  the  ancestors  of  the  Macedonian 
kings  had  been  first  settled  in  Illyria,  whence  they  had 
crossed  over  into  Macedonia.f  The  arrival  of  this  family 
first  gave  to  the  country  an  impulse  towards  political  union, 
which  native  elements  would  never  have  sufficed  to  accom- 
plish. Macedonia  is,  therefore,  essentially  a dynastic  state, 
and  the  history  of  the  Macedonian  kingdom  is  the  history 
of  its  royal  race. 

The  members  of  this  royal  house  called  themselves 
Temenidse ; i.  e.  they  venerated  as  their  original  ancestor 
the  same  Temenus,  who  was  accounted  the  founder  of  the 
Heraclide  dynasty  in  Peloponnesian  Argos  (vol.  i.  p.  177). 
Now,  we  remember  the  disturbances  at  Argos  during  the 
regal  period,  the  quarrel  between  the  Heraclidse  and  the 
Dorian  soldiery,  and  the  flight  of  a King  Phidon  to  Tegea 
(vol.  i.  p.  272).  It  is  therefore  highly  credible,  that  during 
these  troubles  individual  members  of  the  royal  house  emi- 
grated, in  order  to  seek  a more  favorable  theatre  for  their 
activity,  than  was  offered  by  the  cribbed  and  confused 
affairs  of  their  home;  and  tradition  points  precisely  to  the 
brother  of  this  Phidon  as  the  man  who  came  to  Mace- 
donia from  the  shores  of  Peloponnesus.  The  name  of 
Caranus,  given  to  the  immigrant,  indicates  the  royal  posi- 
tion which  the  Temenidse  contrived  to  obtain  in  their  new 
home.  Here  the  events  of  the  Heroic  age  repeated  them- 


* Lyncestse  under  Bacchiadre : Strabo,  326. 
j-  Temenidce  in  Illyria : Herod,  viii.  137. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


25 


selves.  For  as  of  old  the  city-founding  families  had  come 
to  Bceotia  and  Argos,  so  it  was  now  Argive  princes  who 
came  into  the  North,  and  whose  intellectual  superiority  of 
mind  enabled  them  to  constitute  themselves  the  centre  of 
the  highland  populations. 

That  the  Peloponnesians  took  the  paths  opened  by 
Corinth,  the  chief  commercial  city  of  the  peninsula,  is  in 
itself  very  probable,  and  is  further  confirmed  by  the  cir- 
cumstance, that  the  first  Macedonian  settlement  of  Temen- 
idae  was  Orestis,  the  district,  already  mentioned,  situate 
around  the  sources  of  the  Haliacmon,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Illyria,  and  immediately  to  the  south  of  the  district  of 
Lyncestse.  The  chief  place  of  Orestis  was  Argos,  from 
which  the  Macedonian  Temenidae  were  named  the  Argeadse. 

Wherever  Hellenes  prevail,  their  tendency 

Advance 

is  to  push  on  towards  the  sea.  The  Argeadse,  of  the 

...  . . . Argeadse. 

too,  were  unable  long  to  remain  content  with 

the  mountainous  recess  of  Orestis  ; no  sooner  had  they  ac- 
quired power  among  the  chieftains  of  the  surrounding  dis- 
tricts, than  they  advanced  in  the  direction  of  the  coast ; 
and  by  these  movements  the  two  previously  separated 
halves  of  the  country  were  brought  into  connexion.  The 
rivers  Lydias  and  Haliacmon,  the  natural  connecting 
veins,  became  the  guides  of  the  Temenidse ; and  the  first 
momentous  act  of  their  policy  was  the  choice  of  a capital, 
belonging  equally  to  the  interior  and  the  sea-coast.  This 
was  Edessa  or  JEgse,  a place  of  primitive  an- 

• • t ™ . 1 . . , Founda- 

tiquity,  according  to  a Phrygian  legend  the  tion  of 

site  of  the  gardens  of  Midas,  at  the  northern 

extremity  of  Mount  Bermius,  where  the  Lydias  comes 

forth  from  the  mountains. 

In  all  Macedonia  there  is  no  more  excellent  situation. 
As  the  traveller  coming  from  Salonika  ascends  the  gra- 
dually narrowing  plain,  his  attention  is  already  from  afar 
enchained  by  the  glittering  silver  streak,  which  reaches 
vertically  down  into  the  valley  from  the  rim  of  the 
2 


26 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


mountain-side  nearest  to  the  front.  It  announces  the 
waterfalls  of  Vodena,  which  lies  on  the  site  of  ancient 
iEgse,  on  a well-wooded  declivity  turned  straight  to  the 
east,  while  in  the  background  rises  in  solemn  grandeur 
the  lofty  mountain  range.  The  waterfalls,  which  at  this 
day  mark  out  the  place  and  give  to  it  a striking  resem- 
blance to  Tibur,  were  not  in  existence  in  ancient  times. 
Only  gradually,  by  means  of  a progressive  formation  of 
tofa,  the  waters  have  contrived  to  stop  up  the  passages  in 
the  rocks,  through  which  they  formerly  found  a subter- 
raneous outlet.  But  at  all  times  iEgss  must  have  been  a 
spot  of  exceeding  beauty  and  salubrity,  the  portal  of  the 
highlands  and  the  dominant  castle  of  the  plain  in  the  rear 
of  which  it  lies,  like  Mycense  or  Ilium.  The  view  from  the 
castle  extends  over  the  gulf  to  the  hills  of  the  Chaleidice, 
and  at  its  feet  unite  all  the  main  rivers  of  the  country. 

iEgse  was  the  natural  capital  of  the  land.  With  its 
foundation  the  history  of  Macedonia  had  its  beginning  ; 
.ZEgse  is  the  germ  out  of  which  the  Macedonian  empire 
grew  ; and  for  this  reason  mythology  already  ascribed  its 
foundation  to  the  Caranus,  and  spoke  of  him  as  having 
been  conducted  to  the  spot  by  a divine  sign,  as  Cadmus 
was  to  Thebes.* 

We  have  here  a remarkable  recurrence  of  processes  be- 
longing to  the  earliest  history  of  Greece.  Once  more  we 
see  mountainous  tribes  of  the  North  under  the  command 


* Two  forms  of  the  regal  myth,  viz.  the  Caranus-myth  in  Theopompus, 
the  Perdiceas-myth  in  Herodotus:  Weissenborn,  Hellen.  lii.  4;  Gutschmid, 
Maced.  Anagraphe  in  Symb.  Philol.  (Bonn),  118.  The  ancestor  of  this  royal 
house  is  a brother  of  Phidon,  the  seventh  Temenide  (quaere,  the  one  who 
fled  to  Argos  ? vol.  i.  p.  254).  An  attempt  is  made  to  establish  a connexion 
between  the  Argeadse  and  the  history  of  Argos  by  C.  P.  Hermann  in  the 
Verlicmdl.  d.  Altenburg.  Philologenversamml.  p.  43.  The  existence  of  a connexion 
between  the  ’ApyeaSm  (Strabo,  329 ; Steph.  Byz.  ’A pyeov)  is  denied  by  O.  Mul- 
ler and  O.  Abel,  Gesch.  Makedon.  vor  Philipp,  99,  with  whom  also  agree  von 
Gutschmid  and  Born,  Zar  Makedon.  Gesch.  p.  8.  Instead  of  Peloponnesian 
Argos,  the  Argos  in  Orestis  is  by  them  said  to  be  the  original  home  of  the 
Macedonian  dynasty,— a view,  of  the  justice  of  which  I have  never  been 
able  to  convince  myself. 


Chap.  I.J 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


27 


of  Heraclidse  advancing  towards  the  sea,  in  this  instance 
moving  in  an  eastward,  as  of  old  they  moved  in  a south- 
ward, direction  : once  more  they  invade  countries  possess- 
ing a civilization  of  superior  antiquity,  like  the  Pelopon- 
nesian Heraclidse  occupy  more  ancient  cities,  and,  starting 
from  well-situated  points,  conquer  the  surrounding  lands. 
Henceforth  Emathia  became  Macedonia  proper,  the  land 
of  the  three  rivers,  the  most  productive  of  territories,  pos- 
sessing a fertile  soil,  lakes  and  grassy  lowlands,  with  a 
shore  well  adapted  for  maritime  traffic.  The  Temenidse 
were  now  changed  from  chieftains  into  kings,  into  princes 
engaged  upon  the  formation  of  a state,  who  contrived 
gradually  by  conquest  and  treaty,  to  call  into  life  a kingdom 
out  of  a number  of  mountain-cantons  and  city-territories. 

The  first  of  these  kings  was  Perdiccas,  who 

^ ^?0rdicc£LS  X 

about  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century 

B.  c.,  starting  from  JEgse,  conquered  the  low-  7circ.c‘ 

lying  country  between  the  Lydias  and  the 

Haliacmon.  The  Macedonians  advanced  with  irresistible 

force,  a hardened  people  of  herdsmen  and  hunters,  superior 

in  vigor  to  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  plain,  under 

the  leadership  of  scions  of  noble  families,  who  never  laid 

aside  their  arms. 

And  yet  the  progress  of  the  development  of  the  Macedo- 
nian power  was  very  slow  and  frequently  interrupted. 
After  Perdiccas  a whole  century  passed,  before  the 
Temenidse  succeeded  in  giving  a firm  permanency  to  their 
kingdom,  and  in  executing  their  seaward  plans.  For  they 
had  to  meet  a constant  succession  of  attacks  from  the  up- 
lands, which  prevented  them  from  devoting  themselves 
with  full  energy  to  their  favorite  task.  Four  kings,  who 
ruled  after  Perdiccas,  were  incessantly  occupied  with  their 
hereditary  enemies,  the  Illyrians,  whose  pre-  Amvnta9. 
datory  incursions  endangered  the  realm.  The  b 54(Mg9 
fifth,  Amyntas  (vol.  ii.  p.  188),  was  the  first 
who  again  found  leisure  to  direct  his  attention  to  the 


28 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


coast.  Pieria  and  Bottisea  were  completely  subjugated  ; part 
of  tbeir  inhabitants  were  driven  out  into  tbe  Ckalcidice, 
while  in  their  place  foreign  settlers,  from  whom  profit 
was  expected,  were  brought  into  the  land.  Moreover,  the 
sagacious  prince  sought  to  take  advantage  of  the  Greek 
party-feuds,  and  in  particular  offered  Anthemus  on  the 
Thermsean  Gulf  as  a habitation  to  the  fugitive  Pisistra- 
tidas.  But  this  desire  to  establish  a connexion  with  Greece 
displays  itself  far  more  clearly  in  the  case  of  Amyntas’ 
son  Alexander,  as  is  attested  by  the  cognomen  of  the 
latter,  Philhellen. 

Alexander  Alexander  viewed  the  conflict,  commenced 
Philhellen.  by  the  Achsemenidse  with  the  design  of  sub- 
b.  c.  49s  la.  jecpjng  p]ur0pe,  from  the  standpoint  of  Greek 
love  of  freedom ; and  in  his  reign  proof  was  first  given 
of  the  aversion  from  the  empires  of  the  East,  which  was 
one  of  the  popular  tendencies  wherein  Macedonians  and 
Greeks  agreed.  He  caused  the  Persians  to  be  massacred, 
who  demanded  submission  from  his  father  (vol.  ii.  p.  189) ; 
and  when  homage  had  after  all  to  be  done,  he  was  even  as 
a Persian  vassal  incessantly  active  in  promoting  the  cause 
of  the  Hellenes.  In  him  the  ancient  family  character  of 
the  Te  men  idle  thoroughly  revived;  it  was  his  highest 
ambition  to  be  acknowledged  as  an  equal  in  birth  by  the 
Greek  nation,  and  he  never  rested,  till  he  was  allowed  as 
a member  of  that  nation  to  take  part  in  the  Olympian 
games.  He  perceived  how  in  the  Attic  state  Greek  life 
found  a full  realization,  and  regarded  it  as  the  greatest 
distinction,  when  a relation  of  neutral  hospitality  was 
acknowledged  by  the  Athenians  between  him  and  them- 
selves.* 

At  the  same  time,  however,  he  was  also  used  by  the 
Persians  as  an  instrument  of  their  policy  (vol.  ii.  p.  304). 
For  king  Xerxes  conceived  of  Macedonia  as  the  nucleus 


* Legitimization  of  Alexander  at  Olympia : Herod,  y.  22.  At  this  time  the 
pedigree  was  definitely  settled:  Gutschmid.  u.  s. 


CHAP.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


29 


of  a vassal  empire,  which  it  was  his  design  to  found  in 
Europe ; and  for  this  reason  he  extended  the  boundaries 
of  the  country  from  Mount  Olympus  as  far  as  the  Hsemus 
range.  Alexander  availed  himself  of  the  advantages  of  the 
situation,  without  on  that  account  undertaking  the  part 
which  the  Persians  intended  him  and  his  dynasty  to  play ; 
he  allowed  Persia  to  make  his  kingdom  great,  in  order 
thereafter  to  maintain  it  in  this  greatness  by  his  own 
strength  ; and  the  increase  of  the  power  of  his  house  ena- 
bled him  to  assume  a doubly  decisive  and  firm  attitude  as 
supreme  lord  towards  the  chieftains  of  the  land.  He  sub- 
jected the  Thracian  tribes  inhabiting  the  metalliferous 
mountains  to  the  west  of  the  Strymon,  and  adapted  his 
royal  coinage  to  the  Asiatic  standard  of  silver,  which  had 
been  introduced  from  Abdera  into  the  mining  district  in 
question,  impressing  upon  the  coins  the  armorial  bearings 
of  the  Bisaltse,  who  dwelt  on  the  Strymonic  Gulf.  The 
mines  produced  him  a talent  of  silver  daily.  Within  his 
kingdom  he  advanced  civilization,  by  introducing  Hel- 
lenic settlers ; thus  he  gave  a welcome  to  the  Mycenaean 
fugitives  from  Argos,  the  ancient  home  of  the  Temenkke 
(vol.  ii.  p.  420).  He  attached  great  weight  to  his  name 
being  mentioned  with  honor  among  the  Hellenes  ; for  this 
purpose  he  availed  himself  of  the  victories  at  the  national 
festivals,  and  of  his  connexion  with  eminent  men  in  the 
nation,  who  celebrated  his  achievements,  as  was  above  all 
done  by  Pindar. 

But  although  he  so  eagerly  wooed  the  favor  of  the 
Hellenes,  he  could  not  resist  the  force  of  the  actual  state 
of  affairs,  which  necessarily  brought  him  into  a different 
kind  of  contact  with  the  same  people.  For  it  was  indis- 
pensable to  round  off  the  territory  of  the  Macedonian 
state ; and  this  rounding-off  could  not  be  accomplished 
without  conflicts  with  the  Hellenes.  Alexander  had 
already  removed  his  capital  to  Pydna,  situate  south  of  the 
Haliacmon,  in  the  domain  of  Pieria.  Between  Pydna  and 


30 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


the  mouth  of  the  Lydias  lay  Methone,  an  independent 
Greek  city.  Such  a territorial  relation  was  not  perma- 
nently tenable  ; and  the  same  was  the  case  with  regard  to 
the  Thracian  coast.  Between  the  Thermsean  Gulf  and  the 
Strymon  lay  a dense  group  of  Hellenic  towns,  all  of  which 
after  the  Persian  Wars  attached  themselves  to  Athens,  and 
thus  formed  on  the  borders  of  the  Macedonian  country  a 
coherent  power,  which,  being  directed  from  a single  centre, 
controlled  both  sea  and  coast.  So  long  as  Athens  main- 
tained her  position  on  these  shores,  the  sovereign  of  the 
land  was,  so  to  speak,  a prisoner  on  his  own  coasts.  Re- 
gions closely  connected  with  one  another  by  nature  were 
severed  into  two  totally  distinct  territories  serving  two  dif- 
ferent masters ; — as  is  very  perceptible  from  the  coinage 
of  the  land  ; for  the  royal  coins  follow  the  Thracian  money, 
while  the  coast-towns  in  the  immediate  vicinity  in  their 
coinage  adopt  the  Euboeo- Attic  standard.* 

Alexander  had  introduced  Macedonia  into  the  group 
of  the  Mediterranean  states,  and  had  thus  prescribed  to 
his  successors  their  task.  It  was  of  a twofold  kind : 
first,  to  give  unity,  system,  and  stability  to  the  state 
at  home,  and  by  the  introduction  of  higher  culture  to  en- 
able it  to  claim  a natural  equality  with  the  Greek  states ; 
secondly,  to  enlarge  its  power  abroad  against  its  inconve- 
nient neighbors.  In  either  direction  the  successors  of 
Alexander  had  to  contend  against  the  greatest  difficulties  ; 
and  it  was  extremely  natural,  that,  iu  their  foreign  policy 
above  all,  they,  instead  of  pursuing  their  ends  by  straight 
paths,  sought  to  wind  cautiously  through  the  difficulties 
besetting  them,  and  hoped  to  reach  the  goal  rather  by 
craftily  taking  advantage  of  the  situation  abroad,  than  by 

* The  most  ancient  silver  coinage  of  iEgse,  with  the  he-goat  as  armorial 
hearing,  follows  the  ^Iginetic  standard  ; the  first  coins  impressed  with  the 
royal  name  are  (from  480)  according  to  the  Bisaltic  standard.  The  Chalci- 
dian  towns  used  the  Eubceo-Attic  standard.  Brandis,  Miinzwesen  von  V.  Asien, 
207,  209,  211. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North . 


SI 


Perdieeas  II. 
B.  c.  454-413. 


using  their  own  strength,  and  engaging  in  open  warfare. 
This  system  of  policy,  which  was  characteristic  of  the 
Temenidse,  shows  itself  at  a stage  of  full  development  in 
the  successor  of  Alexander,  Perdieeas.  In  the 
course  of  his  long  reign  Athens  and  Mace- 
donia came  to  know  one  another  as  irrecon- 
cilable adversaries ; both  parties  learnt  clearly  to  under- 
stand the  points  at  issue,  the  methods  of  attack,  the  dan- 
gers and  the  prizes  of  the  struggle ; and  it  was  in  this 
period  that  were  laid  the  foundations  of  all  subsequent 
complications  and  crises. 

Perdieeas  was  not  the  legitimate  successor.  He  had 
first  to  oust  the  heir  to  the  throne,  Alcetas ; hereupon,  he 
divided  the  dominion  with  his  second  brother  Philip,  who 
held  the  land  to  the  east  of  the  Axius  ; nor  was  it  till  after 
contests  lasting  many  years  that  he  became  sole  sove- 
reign. 


In  the  settlement  of  these  matters  the 
Athenians  bore  a part.  We  remember,  how  ern  policy 

• , . . _ . ....  of  Athens. 

since  the  victories  ol  Cimon  (voi.  11.  p.  db4) 
they  incessantly  kept  in  view  the  coasts  of  the  Thracian 
sea,  and  how  Pericles  was  most  especially  active  in  firmly 
establishing  the  Attic  power  in  these  regions.  After  the 
Thracian  peninsula  had  been  made  secure  (452  B.  c.),  the 
city  of  Brea  had  been  founded  to  the  north  of  the  Chalci- 
dice,  and  after  it  Amphipolis,  the  lordly  city  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Strymon,  the  foundation  of  which  was  a genuine 
triumph  of  the  maritime  policy  of  Athens.  Amphipolis 
was  to  be  the  centre  of  the  Northern  colonial  domain,  the 
advance  post  against  the  peoples  of  the  North,  a bul- 
wark against  both  Thrace  and  Macedonia.  Pericles 
dirined  what  dangers  must  arise  for  Athens,  were  a spirit 
of  consolidation  into  states  to  arise  in  those  peoples.  It 
was  therefore  necessary  to  maintain  a strict  watch  over  all 
their  movements,  and  to  intervene  in  their  internal  quar- 
rels in  such  a fashion,  that  the  barbarian  princes  should 


32 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


feel  themselves  dependent  upon  Athens,  as  upon  the  city 
controlling  the  entire  region  of  the  iEgean. 

About  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  Amphipolis  Per  die- 
cas  was  still  struggling  with  Philip  ; and  as  the  territory 
of  the  latter  lay  next  to  the  districts  on  the  Strymon,  the 
interests  of  the  Athenians  and  those  of  Perdiccas  at  that 
time  went  hand  in  hand.  It  is  therefore  very  probable, 
that  the  Athenians  helped  him  to  gain  his  victories,  and 
that  his  assistance  was  only  given  on  conditions,  which  made 
the  king  to  a certain  degree  dependent  upon  Athens.  For 
the  first  piece  of  absolutely  certain  information  which  reaches 
us  out  of  the  reign  of  Perdiccas  states  him  to  have  belonged 
to  the  Attic  confederacy ; indeed,  Macedonia  is  repeatedly 
stated  to  have  been  at  that  time  a tributary  state.* 

These  relations  changed  as  soon  as  Perdiccas  had 
reached  the  immediate  goal  of  his  ambition.  He  now  at 
once  lay  in  wait  for  a favorable  opportunity  to  free  him- 
self from  all  burdensome  obligations.  The  ways  and 
means  he  easily  found ; for  nowhere  were  the  weak  and 
assailable  points  of  the  Attic  coast-empire  more  palpable, 
than  in  the  vicinity  of  his  kingdom  ; and  doubtless  no 
foreign  prince  arrived  earlier  than  he  at  the  conviction, 
that  Athens  would  find  it  impossible  long  to  bear  such 
enormous  exertions  of  strength,  and  to  sustain  the  artificial 
edifice  of  her  maritime  dominion.  The  Thracian  coast 
was  the  earliest  field  of  contest  between  Attic  and  Pelo- 
ponnesian policy  ; and  in  no  colonial  district  were  there 
so  much  ill-will  against  Athens,  so  much  popular  vigor 
and  spirit  of  independence,  as  in  the  Chalcidian  towns. 

These  facts  prescribed  to  the  king  his  next  course  of 
action.  He  established  secret  relations  with  the  discon- 
tented cities ; and,  without  openly  quarrelling  with  the 
Athenians,  he  contrived  to  be  the  cause  of  the  greatest 
perils  for  them,  by  animating  the  spirit  of  resistance 


* Macedonia  tributary  : Arr.  vii.  9,  I ; Demosth.  vii  12. 


Chap.  I.] 


The,  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


;3 


among  the  Confederates,  encouraging  them  by  promises 
and  giving  them  good  advice,  how  by  holding  together 
they  ought  to  raise  their  capabilities  of  withstanding 
Athens.  Perdiccas  would  gladly  have  himself  continued 
to  remain  in  the  background ; but  he  was  forced  to  come 
forth  from  his  hiding-place.  The  Athenians  found  out 
their  enemy  ; and  the  secret  feud  became  an  open  war. 
The  Potidseans,  the  Bottiseans  and  the  Chalcidians  re- 
nounced their  relations  with  Athens  ; Perdiccas  admitted 
part  of  the  population  into  his  territory ; the  rest  he  in- 
stigated to  make  Olynthus  their  capital  and  the  centre  of 
their  resistance.  He  openly  espoused  the  The  crisjs 
cause  of  the  communities  in  revolt,  and  was  of  Perdiccas’ 
together  with  them  made  war  upon  by  Athens.  01.  lxxxvi.  4 
The  Athenians  now  supported  those  who  op-  (B'c'43-)' 
posed  the  king  in  his  own  country.  Attacked  at  home 
and  from  the  coast,  and  menaced  in  the  east  by  the  Thra- 
cian empire,  the  power  of  which  was  continuously  on  the 
increase,  Perdiccas  found  himself  in  a situation  of  the  ut- 
most difficulty.  Therma  was  captured,  and  Pydna  be- 
sieged. Perdiccas  saw  himself  incapable  of  meeting  these 
dangers  by  force  of  arms. 

But,  never  at  a loss  for  a course  to  pursue,  he  applied 
to  his  neighbor  Sitalces ; by  means  of  high  promises  he 
obtained  the  mediation  of  the  influential  prince;  and,  to 
outward  appearance  entirely  changing  his  policy,  and  un- 
hesitatingly abandoning  the  Chalcidians,  he  together  with 
Sitacles  entered  the  Athenian  Confederation,  and  received 
back  his  port  of  Therma.  The  Athenians  were  hereupon 
able  to  restore  their  shaken  power ; they  overcame  the 
recalcitrant  city  of  Potidaea,  and  sought  by  a sagacious 
system  of  policy  to  secure  the  fidelity  of  the  towns  on  the 
Macedonian  coast  which  had  remained  true  to  them. 
Thus,  e.  g.,  the  Methonseans  were  granted  quite  extraordi- 
nary privileges  (01.  lxxxvii.  4;  b.  c.  429).  They  were 
freed  from  all  payment  of  tribute,  with  the  exception  of 

2* 


34 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


the  temple-tithes,  and  accorded  a distinctly  privileged 
position  among  the  Confederates.* 

In  this  combination  of  severity  and  generosity  we  are 
doubtless  j ustified  in  recognizing  the  sagacious  spirit  of  the 
Periclean  policy.  Soon  a change  ensued.  Perdiccas,  who 
liked  nothing  better  than  carrying  on  war  while  seeming 
to  keep  peace,  supported  the  Corinthians  in  Acarnania  (vol. 
iii.  p.  103),  and  at  the  same  time  freed  himself  from  the 
obligations  which  he  had  undertaken  towards  Sitalces. 
Hereby  he  embittered  his  two  most  powerful  neighbors  ; 
and  they  agreed  to  inflict  upon  the  faithless  king  a joint 
chastisement,  a judgment  which  should  once  for  all  put 
an  end  to  his  intolerable  intrigues.  The  non-appearance 
of  the  Athenians  (vol.  iii.  p.  104)  was  the  first  momentous 
error  of  negligence  in  their  Northern  policy.  By  it  they 
estranged  from  themselves  the  mightiest  of  their  allies, 
and  preserved  the  most  dangerous  of  their  foes  from  inevi- 
table extinction.  Indeed,  he  came  forth  incomparably 
stronger  from  this  crisis.  For  it  ridded  him  of  Amyntas, 
the  son  of  Philip,  whom  it  had  been  intended  to  put  in 
his  place  as  king  ; and  he  now  entered  into  the  kindliest 
relations  with  the  Odrysae  as  their  very  good  friend  and 
neighbor. 

With  Athens  he  for  the  time  kept  peace ; but  the  fire 
which  he  had  kindled  in  the  Chalcidice,  continued  to 
burn  without  interruption  ; he  understood  how  once  more 
to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  cities,  at  the  same  time  estab- 
lished relations  in  Thessaly  securing  him  an  influence  in 
this  country,  so  important  because  of  its  intermediate  posi- 
tion between  Macedonia  and  Hellas;  and  unceasingly  lay 
in  wait  for  opportunities  of  damaging  Athens.  The  war, 
as  it  was  conducted  in  Hellas,  by  no  means  corresponded 


* KirchhofF,  Chron.  des  Volksbeschl.  fur  Methane,  in  Abhandl.  d.  Berlin.  Akad.  d. 
Wissensch.,  1861,  p.  555.  In  general,  cf.  W.  Vischer,  Perdikkas  II.  Kcinig  v.  Maked. 
in  the  Schweizer  Mas.  fur  histor.  Wissensch. ; and,  with  regard  to  the  forty-one 
years  of  the  king’s  reign,  von  Gutschmid,  p.  106,  seq. 


Chap  i.]  TAe  Kingdoms  of  the  North.  35 

to  his  hopes.  The  Spartans  were  unskilful  and  unfortu- 
nate ; if  matters  continued  thus,  it  was  to  be  foreseen  that 
Athens  would  soon  have  her  hands  free  from  asserting  her 
power  most  decisively  on  the  Thraco-Macedonian  coast. 
This  it  was  necessary  to  prevent.  Perdiccas  therefore  in 
conjunction  with  the  Chalcidians  sent  the  secret  embassy 
to  Sparta  ; occasioned  the  mission  of  Brasidas  ; opened  the 
way  through  Thrace  for  him  ; and  thus  for  the  second 
time  kindled  a Thracian  war,  the  most  dangerous  of  all 
the  contests  which  the  Athenians  had  to  wage  during  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  and  of  which  they  never  after- 
wards completely  recovered  the  consequences.  At  the 
same  time,  however,  he  wished  to  make  use  of  the  Spartan 
general  as  of  a hired  condottiere  for  the  purposes  of  his  dy- 
nastic policy,  in  order  to  break  the  obstinate  resistance  of 
the  chieftains  of  Upper  Macedonia,  in  particular  of  the 
Lyncestse.  Although  these  intentions  were  frustrated  by 
the  proud  spirit  of  Brasidas  ; although  bitter  feelings  of 
hostility  between  himself  and  the  king  were  the  result, 
such  as  they  could  hardly  fail  to  be  in  consequence  of  the 
straight-forward  character  of  the  one,  and  the  selfish 
faithlessness  of  the  other ; although  this  hostility  against 
Brasidas  even  drove  the  king  once  more  to  an  alliance 
with  the  Athenians ; — yet  Brasidas  was  of  material  ser- 
vice to  Perdiccas,  by  destroying  the  Attic  power  in 
Thrace  ; and  the  king  took  good  care  even  as  their  ally  to 
do  nothing  for  the  Athenians,  which  might  have  served 
once  more  to  transform  the  affairs  of  the  North  in  their 
favor.  The  utter  incompleteness  of  the  results  attending 
upon  the  peace  of  421,  and  its  failure  to  restore  the  power 
of  Athens  on  the  Thracian  coasts,  were  in  complete  accord- 
ance with  his  interests.  He  diligently  observed  the  sub- 
sequent developments  of  Greek  affairs ; together  with  the 
Chalcidians  in  418  joined  the  Argivo-Laconic  alliance, 
again  without  openly  renouncing  that  with  the  Athenians 
(vol.  iii.  p.  31 6)  ; and  was  therefore  by  them  punished  by 


36 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


a blockade  of  the  harbors  and  landing-places.  These  under- 
takings, however,  led  to  no  further  consequences  ; and  Per- 
diccas,  who  had  entered  into  an  alliance  with  every  power 
of  political  importance,  with  Sparta,  Corinth  and  Athens, 
with  the  Odrysae  and  the  Chalcidians,  and  who  bad  suc- 
cessively deceived  them  one  and  all,  in  the  end  alone  de- 
rived a lasting  advantage  from  all  the  struggles,  although 
to  him  alone  they  had  virtually  cost  no  sacrifices.  He 
secured  all  the  gains  of  a thoroughly  unscrupulous  system 
of  policy ; he  knew  of  no  distinction  between  friend  and  foe, 
between  war  and  peace ; he  was  victorious  by  means  of 
the  conflicts  excited  by  him  between  his  neighbors  ; and 
even  though  at  the  close  of  bis  reign  he  had  not  made  any 
considerable  acquisition  of  territory,  yet  to  have  crippled 
the  Attic  power  on  his  shores  amounted  to  a more  import- 
ant success  than  a series  of  conquests.  In  spite  of 
all  its  home  troubles  Macedonia  had  proved  itself  to  be  a 
power  difficult  to  attack  and  independent,  and  at  the  same 
time  exercising  a deeply-felt  influence  upon  the  affairs  of 
the  Greek  states  ; and  this  power  and  influence  of  Mace- 
donia could  not  but  grow  in  the  same  measure  as  that  in 
which  the  Greek  states  mutually  consumed  their  strength. 
No  state,  therefore,  was  more  benefited  by  the  Sicilian 
war  than  Macedonia,  which  was  thereby  freed  from  all 
anxiety  on  account  of  Athens  ; nor  is  the  mistaken  course 
of  Attic  policy  more  manifest  in  any  one  point  than  in 
this  : that,  while  the  Athenians  still  had  unlimited  re- 
sources at  their  disposal,  they  failed  to  use  every  possible 
exertion  in  order  to  restore  their  dominion  on  the  Thra- 
cian coasts.  This  omission  they  were  never  afterwards  able 
to  make  good. 

In  the  interior  of  his  kingdom  Perdiccas  was  likewise  a 
sagacious  and  active  prince.  He  favored  all  combinations 
which  brought  his  land  into  closer  contact  with  the  Greeks  ; 
established  relations  of  mutual  hospitality  with  the  noble 
families  of  Thessaly ; received  into  Macedonia  the  His- 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


37 


Arehelaus. 
b.  c.  415-399. 


tiaeans  who  had  been  expelled  from  Eubcea,  as  well  as 
some  of  the  Chalcidian  Greeks  ; and  attached  great  value 
to  having  at  his  court  famous  Greeks,  such  as  the  dithy- 
rambic  poet  Melauippides,  and  the  great  Hippocrates 
(vol.  ii.  p.  560). 

In  these  peaceful  endeavors  he  was  far  sur- 
passed by  his  successor  Arehelaus,  who  was 
able  all  the  more  fully  to  devote  himself  to 
this  task  of  Macedonian  policy,  inasmuch  as  he  had  no 
attacks  to  ward  off  from  abroad,  while  for  conquests  no 
opportunity  as  yet  offered  itself.  He  made  himself  a path 
to  the  throne  by  criminal  bloodshed ; for  as  the  son  of  a 
slave  who  had  borne  him  to  Perdiccas,  he  had  to  remove 
his  legitimate  kinsmen ; but  after  this  he  showed  himself 
a born  ruler,  who,  with  determined  calm,  pursued  great 
aims.  For  he  perceived  how  all  external  successes  must 
remain  useless  to  his  kingdom,  if  it  lacked  a real  coherence, 
and  security  and  order,  at  home.  It  was  still  open  to 
hostile  incursions  from  the  mountains  as  well  as  from  the 
sea ; and  any  resolute  enemy  might  imperil  not  only  the 
prosperity  of  the  inhabitants,  but  the  very  existence  of  the 
state.  It  was  therefore  indispensable  to  build  cities,  the 
walls  of  which  should  offer  a protection  to  the  inhabitants. 
The  cities  were  connected  by  roads,  along  which  a regular 
traffic  could  unfold  itself ; standing  forces  guarded  these 
roads,  and  put  a check  upon  brigandage.  The  inhabitants 
became  acquainted  with  the  blessings  of  a generally  ob- 
served peace ; all  property  rose  in  value  ; and  the  higher 
civilization,  which  had  hitherto  only  found  a home  at  in- 
dividual points,  began  to  penetrate  into  the  interior  of  the 
land,  the  several  parts  of  which  gradually  blended  into  a 
single  whole.  As  a founder  of  cities,  constructor  of  roads, 
and  organizer  of  the  military  system,  Arehelaus,  according 
to  the  judgment  of  Thucydides,  accomplished  more  than 
all  the  eight  kings  before  him.  His  reign  constituted  a 
new  era  for  the  kingdom ; and  in  order  to  establish  this 


38 


History  of  Greece . 


[Book  VII. 


by  outward  evidence  also,  he  founded,  below 

Founda-  ■L  . . ’ 

tion  of  iEgae,  m the  low-lying  district  of  Emathia,  the 
new  capital  of  Pella.  Surrounded  by  the 
natural  defences  of  lake  and  morasses,  and  connected  with 
the  sea  by  the  river  Lydias,  Pella  was  better  situated  for  a 
centre  of  the  kingdom,  and  for  the  preservation  of  the 
royal  treasures,  than  Pydna  in  Pieria,  the  city  of  Alex- 
ander. But  Pieria  was  not,  on  this  account,  neglected  by 
Arehelaus.  On  the  contrary,  this  district  was  pre- 
eminently used  for  the  purpose  of  connecting  with  one 
another  Hellas  and  Macedonia.  At  the  northern  base  of 
Mount  Olympus  Dium  was  built,  in  the  centre  of  the 
plain ; for  it  was  to  be  no  fortified  town,  but,  like  Olympia 
in  Elis,  an  openly  and  rurally  situated  place  for  festivals. 
It  was  dedicated  to  Zeus,  the  most  ancient  deity  of  the 
Hellenic  race,  and  to  the  Muses,  the  first  celebrations  in 
whose  honor  had  taken  place  on  this  spot.  And  this  wor- 
ship of  the  Muses  was  further  attested  by 

Pieria  the  , , , . J 

home  of  Arehelaus,  in  that  he  regarded  it  as  a prm- 

the  Muses.  . _ ... 

cipal  task  ot  his  government  to  make  his  court 
the  meeting-place  of  the  most  eminent  among  his  contem- 
poraries. Invitations  were  therefore  issued  by  him  to  the 
foremost  men  of  Greece.  Not  all  of  these  was  he  able  to 
secure ; neither  Sophocles,  who,  as  a genuine  Hellene,  held 
aloof  from  a royal  court,  nor  Socrates,  to  whom  every  posi- 
tion in  life  was  painful,  where  he  could  not  give  an  equiv- 
alent for  that  which  he  received.  But,  with  these  excep- 
tions, those  who  had  been  invited  gladly  responded  to  the 
summons,  and  gathered  round  the  king,  at  whose  hospitable 
court  they  enjoyed  high  appreciation  and  serene  leisure, 
while  their  native  cities  were  consuming  their  strength  in 
sanguinary  wars  and  party-struggles.  Zeuxis  of  Heraclea 
adorned  the  royal  palace  with  his  pictures ; Timotheus  made 
its  festivals  glorious  with  the  sounds  of  his  art.  Choerilus 
and  Agathon  lived  and  composed  poetry  here  ; and,  above 
all,  Euripides,  who  in  his  Arehelaus  celebrated  the  glories  of 


ClIAr-  The  Kingdoms  of  the  North.  39 

the  king,  how  like  unto  the  ancient  Heroes  he  redeemed 
the  land  from  its  savage  condition,  and  who  in  his  Bacehot, 
sang  Pieria,  the  seat  of  the  Muses,  where  fair  festive  joy 
freely  unfolded  itself,  and  lauded  the  fertile  fields  of  the 
Lydias,  the  giver  of  blessings.  But  the  death  of  Euripides 
also  shows  how  a hostile  party  was  opposed  to  the  foreign 
guests ; and  we  recognize  in  this  event,  as  in  so  many 
other  traits,  the  strange  mixture  of  unfettered  brutality 
and  of  ideal  efforts,  which  met  at  the  court  of  Pella.  All 
the  more  are  the  actual  achievements  of  Archelaus  deserv- 
ing of  recognition.  For  it  was  no  whim  of  taste  or  princely 
vanity  which  made  him  a munificent  patron  of  arts  and 
sciences ; he  clearly  perceived,  that  he  could  in  no  way 
more  effectively  promote  the  most  important  objects  of  his 
state,  than  by  constituting  his  capital  a centre  of  Hellenic 
civilization.  The  state,  which  desired  to  rule  on  the  shores 
of  the  Greek  seas,  was  above  all  bound  to  acquire  Greek 
culture.* 

Archelaus  had  conducted  the  policy  of  Macedonia  into 
the  right  course ; and  the  young  seed  grew  up  hopefully 
under  a royal  dynasty,  which  so  brilliantly  proved  its  mis- 
sion to  rule,  and  which  led  the  kingdom  in  the  direction 
of  a clearly-recognized  goal.  But  immediately  T n rg 
after  the  death  of  Archelaus  a counter-current  of  confusion, 
set  in,  a revolt  on  the  part  of  the  native  nobi-  B' c' 399'389' 
lity  against  the  royal  Philhellenism,  a period  of  wild  dis- 
order, which,  at  the  very  time  when  the  state  was  regularly 
organizing  itself,  cast  it  back  into  the  vortex  of  internal 
party-struggles,  and  again  absolutely  called  into  question 
the  rule  of  the  Temenidse. 

Among  their  adversaries  the  Lyncestfe  arose,  an  ambi- 
tious and  unruly  family,  who  had  zealously  encouraged 


* Dium,  so  called  from  the  temple  of  Zeus  Olympius:  DW1.  xvri.  10: 
Steph.  Byz.  Concerning  the  court  of  Archelaus  as  a home  of  the  Muses; 
Abel,  u.  s.  p.  193.  Euripides  derided  by  Decamnichus  : Ar.  Polit.  220,  6.  Hid 
death:  Diogenian,  vii.  52;  Suidas. 


40 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


the  agitation  in  the  people,  and,  although  themselves 
of  Greek  descent,  yet  took  advantage  of  every  movement 
on  the  part  of  the  faction  of  the  autochthones,  to  escape 
from  the  enforced  supremacy  of  the  Temenidse.  They  con- 
nected themselves  with  the  other  malcontent  families  of 
the  country,  in  particular  with  the  Elimiotse ; conciliated 
the  support  of  the  rural  nobility,  who  were  adverse  to 
Hellenic  culture;  and  brought  the  Illyrians  into  the 
country,  in  order  to  defy  the  royal  army. 

For  ten  years  the  throne  was  cast  to  and  fro  between 
the  two  parties.  Neither  was  able  to  overthrow  the  other; 
they  therefore  sought  to  effect  a compromise,  by  endeavor- 
ing to  put  an  end  to  the  prevalence  of  mutual  hostility  by 
means  of  a family  alliance, — after  the  fashion  in  which  in 
Attica,  in  the  times  of  Pisistratus,  the  parties  were  tempo- 
Amyntas  rai'ily  re-united  through  marriage.  Amyntas, 
a great-grandson  of  King  Alexander,  married 

B.  c.  389-383 ; o & » ’ 

a wife  out  of  the  family  of  the  Lyncestse,  who 
was  at  the  same  time  the  daughter  of  an  Elimiote,  by 
name  Eurydice.  Amyntas  proved  his  capacity  for  govern- 
ment, by  remaining  true  to  the  policy  of  his  house  ; among 
the  Greeks  of  distinction  who  lived  near  him,  we  find, 
with  others,  the  physician  Nicomachus,  the  father  of  Aris- 
totle. But  Amyntas  also  had  close  to  him  insidious  ene- 
mies ; for  which  reason  he  sought  to  fortify  himself  against 
fresh  dangers  by  establishing  a connexion  with  the  Chalci- 
dian  towns.  The  feelings  of  mutual  opposition  became 
again  intensified ; and  in  the  seventh  year  the  Lyncestse 
set  up  a new  counter-king ; the  Illyrians  were  again  power- 
ful in  the  land,  and  even  the  Thessalians,  who  possibly 
considered  themselves  as  deceived  with  regard  to  the  claims 
which  they  thought  to  possess,  sided  against  Amyntas.* 

* Into  these  ten  years  fall  the  following  reigns:  Orestes,  399-6  b.  c.,  son  of 
Arehelaus ; removed  by  his  guardian,  the  Lyneeste  .ZEropus  ( = Arehelaus 
II.),  396-2;  Amyntas  II.,  392-90,  according  to  yon  Gutsehmid,  p.  105,  an  ille- 
gitimate son  of  Arehelaus;  Pausanias,  390-89,  son  of  iEropus.  Next 
follows  Amyntas  III.;  of.  yon  Gutsehmid,  p.  107.  Nicomachus:  Suidas,  s.  a 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


41 


He  now  more  and  more  threw  himself  into  the  arms  of 
the  Greeks ; the  coast-towns  were  his  last  anchor  of  hope. 
In  his  distress  he  promised  them  all  possible  commercial 
advantages,  and  gave  up  to  them  nearly  the  whole  of 
Lower  Macedonia,  while  the  upper  part  of  the  country 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Illyrian  party.  For  two  years  he 
was  a lackland  king,  till  at  last  he  after  all  succeeded, 
with  the  help  of  the  Greeks,  in  recovering  his  throne  (b.  c. 
382). 

Hereupon  fortune  once  more  smiled  upon  and  B 3gl_ 
the  sorely-tried  prince.  He  not  only  con-  3G9- 
trived  to  maintain  himself  against  the  parties  in  the 
country  itself,  but  he  also  beheld  the  superior  power  of 
those  Greek  states  which  were  dangerous  to  him  collapsing 
without  any  effort  on  his  part.  Against  the  01ynthians? 
who  even  had  possession  of  Pella  (vol.  iv.  p.  326),  the 
Lacedaemonians  intervened,  rendering  to  the  king  the  in- 
estimable service  of  humbling  the  arrogant  neighbor-city. 
But  Sparta  herself  was  unable  to  reap  the  advantages  of 
her  successes ; inasmuch  as,  having  been  vanquished  by 
Thebes,  she  was  forced  to  renounce  all  territories  under 
her  dominion  abroad.  Hereupon  a totally  new  power 
formed  itself  to  the  south  of  the  Macedonian  kingdom,  viz. 
the  Thessalian ; and  the  Macedonians  now  inclined 
towards  the  Athenians,  because  they  were  always  friends 
with  that  state,  whose  centre  was  farthest  distant  from 
their  own  domain.  But  in  Thessaly,  too,  affairs  took  an 
unexpectedly  favorable  turn.  For  the  danger  which  was 
undoubtedly  imminent  from  that  quarter,  collapsed  with 
the  death  of  Iason  (vol.  iv.  p.  47  2)  ; and  the  troubles  im- 
mediately ensuing  upon  this  decisive  event  now  even  in- 
duced the  Macedonians,  whose  policy  had  hitherto  merely 
consisted  in  cunningly  taking  advantage  of  the  condition 
of  affairs  presenting  itself  from  abroad,  to  interfere 
for  their  part  in  the  history  of  the  neighboring  countries. 
Alexander,  the  successor  of  Amyntas,  crossed  the  mourn- 


42 


[Book  VII 


History  of  Greece. 

Alexander  tains,  and  occupied  Larisa  and  Crannon. 

This  was  the  first  independent  deed  of  Macedo- 

B.  c.  369-368.  • , . . _ 

man  policy,  the  first  step  towards  a hegemony 

over  the  North  ; — but  the  proceeding  was  too  strongly 
characterized  by  violence ; garrisons  were  kept  in  the 
cities  against  rules  of  right  and  express  promises  ; and  the 
Aleuadse  wore  suppressed,  in  whose  aid  the  expedition  had 
been  undertaken.  And  thus  the  consequence  was,  that  the 
Thebans  made  their  appearance  in  Thessaly,  and  obliged 
the  Macedonians  to  evacuate  it.  Indeed,  instead  of 
having  reduced  a country  on  their  borders  to  dependence 
upon  themselves,  as  had  been  their  intention,  they,  by 
reason  of  their  unsuccessful  intervention,  now  themselves 
became  dependent  upon  a foreign  state,  which  was  with 
mighty  energy  extending  its  influence  to  the  north  as  well 
as  to  the  south.  Theban  troops  entered  Macedonia,  where 
new  quarrels  had  broken  out,  and  the  Theban  general  be- 
came umpire  between  king  and  anti-king  (vol.  iv.  p.  475). 

, The  anti-king’s  name  was  Ptolemseus.  His 

wife  was  a daughter  of  Amyntas ; but  at  the 

B.C.  368-365.  . . J . 

same  time  he  lived  in  amorous  intercourse  with 
Eurydice,  the  widow  of  Amyntas,  who  favored  him  as 
against  her  own  sons.  Pelopidas  thought  best  to  serve  the 
Theban  interest,  by  endeavoring  to  satisfy  both  candidates 
for  the  throne.  Alexander  remained  king,  after  having 
promised  his  alliance  to  the  Thebans  and  given  hostages ; 
while  his  adversary  received  a principality  in  Bottisea.  But 
this  compensatory  arrangement  only  served  to  irritate  the 
ambition  of  the  pretender.  Soon  Alexander  was  made  away 
with  ; and  Ptolemseus,  united  to  Eurydice,  now  reigned 
professedly  in  the  name  of  the  younger  brothers,  over  all 
Macedonia. 

His  rule  was,  however,  regarded  in  the  land  as  a crimi- 
nal usurpation,  and  provoked  vehement  resistance.  The 
friends  of  the  murdered  king  repaired  to  Thessaly,  where 
Pelopidas  was  still  present  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  mer- 


Chap,  i.]  TAc  Kingdoms  of  the  North.  43 

cenaries ; and  at  the  same  time  Pausanias,  a banished 
adherent  and  relative  of  the  royal  house,  invaded  Mace- 
donia, took  a number  of  towns,  and  became  the  head  of  a 
large  party.  The  haughty  Eurydice  and  her  paramour 
were  placed  in  a most  critical  position.  Without  any 
secure  support  in  her  own  realm,  she  turned  her  eyes  to 
the  Attic  vessels,  which  were  at  that  time,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Iphicrates,  cruising  in  the  waters  of  Amphipolis, 
in  order  to  observe  the  progress  of  affairs.  In  the  charac- 
ter of  representative  of  the  legitimate  order  of  succession, 
and  mother  of  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne,  this  woman, 
whose  recent  course  had  been  one  of  arbitrary  violence, 
addressed  herself  to  the  Athenian  general,  and  humbly 
craved  his  succor  against  Pausanias.  Attic  and  Theban 
influence  now  met  face  to  face  in  Macedonia.  Iphicrates 
stayed  the  progress  of  Pausanias,  but  was  without  the 
necessary  resources  for  thoroughly  effective  measures.  The 
influence  of  Thebes  was  the  stronger  of  the  two.  On  the 
other  hand,  however,  Pelopidas  was  prevented  by  the  un- 
trustworthiness of  his  troops  from  asserting  himself  with 
decisive  results.  He  was  unable  to  settle  the 

Ineffectual 

quarrel  in  the  sense  of  those  at  whose  sum-  settlement. 

by  Pelopidas. 

mons  he  had  come ; he  had  to  content  himself 
with  forcing  the  Macedonians  once  more  to  acknowledge 
the  influence  of  Thebes  as  paramount,  and  to  put  an  end  to 
that  of  Athens.  With  the  aid  of  Thebes  Ptolemseus  again 
firmly  established  his  rule,  but  on  condition  that  he  should 
only  reign  as  the  guardian  of  the  children  of  Amyntas ; 
while  he  was  forced,  by  way  of  security,  to  give  hostages, 
who  were  taken  to  Thebes.  Among  these  was  his  son 
Philoxenus,  and  probably  also  the  younger  son  of  Amyn- 
tas, Philip.  If  this  was  the  occasion  on  which  the  latter 
came  to  Thebes,  the  object  was  to  withdraw  one  of  the 
legitimate  heirs  to  the  throne  from  the  dangers  threatening 
them  in  Macedonia  itself,  and  thereby  at  the  same  time  to 
have  at  command  a source  of  authority  as  against  the  regent. 


44 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


But  this  settlement,  the  result  of  a weak  compromise 
sincere  on  neither  side,  likewise  failed  to  endure.  Per- 
diccas,  the  elder  of  the  two  surviving  sons  of  Amyntas, 
was  only  awaiting  the  hour  of  vengeance.  No  sooner  had 
Perdiccas  ^1C>  on  reaching  maturity,  become  conscious  of 
m-  his  powers  and  duties,  than,  careless  of  the 

B.  C.  305-359.  , j i rpi  11  o 

arrangement  made  by  lhebes,  be  came  tor- 
Avard  as  the  avenger  of  his  brother  against  Ptolemseus, 
overthrew  him,  who  had  for  three  years  occupied  the 
throne  gained  by  murder  and  adultery,  and  contrived 
rapidly  to  acquire  authority  as  an  independent  sovereign. 
This  he  effected  by  energetically  confronting  all  his  ene- 
mies, making  victorious  war  upon  the  Illyrians,  and  then 
establishing  the  independence  of  the  kingdom  against 
Thebes  as  well  as  against  the  Chalcidians.  Fortune 
favored  him ; for  very  soon  after  the  death  of  Pelopidas 
Thebes  ceased  to  be  a source  of  danger.  Against  the 
Chalcidians  he  availed  himself  of  the  Athenians,  and  sup- 
ported the  undertakings  of  Timotheus.  This  commander 
achieved  precisely  as  much  success,  as  corresponded  to  the 
intentions  of  Perdiccas.  The  power  of  Olynthus  was 
broken,  but  the  purposes  of  the  Athenians  Avere  not  ac- 
complished; in  particular  they  Avere  unable  to  master 
Amphipolis,  whose  great  importance  the  king  fully  appre- 
ciated. In  order  to  strengthen  his  dynasty,  he  recalled 
his  brother  Philip,  and  gave  to  him  a separate  princi- 
pality. Everything  was  proceeding  according  to  the 
Avishes  of  Perdiccas,  when  in  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign 
a fresh  revolt  broke  out  against  the  dynasty  of  the  Temen- 
idse ; Illyrians  once  more  swarmed  into  the  land ; the 
young  king  fell  in  a bloody  battle,  together  Avith  a large 
number  of  loyal  Macedonians ; and  once  more  the 
realm  was  in  a condition  of  terrible  and  hopeless  confu- 
sion.* 


* Perdiccas  and  Timotheus:  Dem.  ii.  14;  Philol.  xix.  248,  578. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


45 


The  heir  to  the  throne  was  a child.  Pre-  Competi. 
tenders,  old  and  young,  made  their  appear-  throneVn16 
ance  on  all  sides,  and  hoped  now  to  be  able  penUocas  °f 
successfully  to  assert  then-  claims.  First,  a 
step-brother  of  Perdiccas,  Archelaus  by  name ; then,  Pau- 
sanias,  the  leader  of  the  Lyncestse,  accompanied  by  Thra- 
cian auxiliaries  placed  at  his  disposal  by  Cotys ; again, 
Argseus,  the  former  anti-king,  supported  by  the  Athenians, 
who  desired  to  see  on  the  throne  of  Macedonia  a king- 
owing  his  elevation  to  them.  Finally,  the  Paeonians  too 
rose,  in  order  to  turn  to  account  for  their  own  interests 
the  difficulties  of  the  house  of  the  Temenidse,  and  to  shake 
off  the  yoke  of  strangers.  Pasonian  chieftains  designed  to 
take  the  place  of  the  Temenidse. 

The  most  insignificant  of  all  those  who  sought 


Philip  II. 
b.c.  359-336. 


the  Macedonian  throne,  the  one  competitor 
who  had  no  foreign  forces  at  his  command 
was  yet  the  best  prepared.  This  was  the  third  son  of 
Amyntas,  Philip,  whose  time  had  now  arrived.  ITe  was 
animated  by  the  same  princely  spirit  and  courage  which 
had  possessed  his  brothers,  Alexander  and  Perdiccas ; nor 
was  he  by  their  misfortunes  frightened  off  from  resolutely 
pursuing  the  same  end.  He  had,  quite  unobserved,  been 
admirably  preparing  himself  for  the  events  which  had  now 
actually  taken  place.  Three  years  of  adolescence  spent  at 
Thebes  (b.  c.  368-365)  constituted  a schooling,  such  as  no 
prince  of  the  North  had  before  him  undergone.  Thebes 
was  at  that  time  a centre  of  contemporaneous  history,  a 
seat  of  all  the  arts  of  war  and  of  peace,  a city  filled  with 
generous  self-consciousness,  whose  deeds  had  been  great, 
though  her  resources  had  been  small.  In  Thebes  Philip 
had  become  a Greek.  In  accordance  with  his  inborn 
sagacity  he  had  abstained  from  all  exclusiveness,  such  as 
might  have  been  natural  to  one  of  his  rank,  in  order  that 
he  might  master  whatever  was  to  be  learnt  from  the 
Greeks.  He  had  been  an  inmate  of  the  house  of  Pam- 


46 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU 


menes,  one  of  the  foremost  of  the  soldiers  of  Thebes  (vol. 
iv.  p.  442)  ; and  his  intimate  intercourse  with  his  host  had 
at  the  same  time  made  him  an  admirer  of  Epaminondas, 
and  initiated  him  into  all  the  secrets  of  that  great  man’s 
system  as  a general  and  a statesman.  Nor  had  he  remained 
a stranger  to  the  higher  intellectual  culture  which  had 
found  admission  at  Thebes ; he  is  even,  according  to  a 
statement  which  is,  however,  doubtful,  said  to  have  been 
acquainted  with  Plato,  and  by  Plato’s  pupil,  Euphrseus, 
to  have  been  recommended  to  Perdiccas.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  was  of  great  advantage  to  the  future  ruler,  that 
he  first  learnt  in  a smaller  dominion  to  govern  inde- 
pendently, and  to  recover  his  familiarity  with  Macedonian 
ways.  Ilere  he  turned  to  account  the  lessons  he  had 
learnt  at  Thebes : how  great  things  were  to  be  achieved  in 
a small  sphere  of  action,  and  how  quite  unobservedly  might 
be  trained  the  nucleus  of  an  excellent  army,  capable  of 
deciding  the  course  of  events  when  the  right  moment 
should  have  arrived.  At  the  head  of  a well-disciplined 
and  devoted  military  force  he  suddenly  came  forth  from 
his  obscurity.  The  multitude  of  his  enemies  was  rather 
an  advantage  to  him  than  the  reverse ; for  it  caused  the 
resistance  to  him  to  be  split  up.  In  proportion  as  the 
confusion  increased,  and  as  foreign  influences  asserted 
themselves  from  a greater  number  of  quarters,  the  patriots 
hastened  to  gather  round  the  one  surviving  son  of  Amyn- 
tas.  Macedonia  was  in  the  camp  of  Philip.* 

His  acees-  Hereupon  he  displayed  endowments,  such  as 
sion.  no  mau  ]ia(]  expected  in  the  youth.  Pie  was 

at  this  time  twenty-three  years  of  age,  of  a 
noble  figure  and  princely  bearing,  master  of  all  that  skil- 
fulness of  conduct,  versatility,  and  knowledge  of  the  world, 

* Philip’s  triennium  at  Thebes : Justin,  vii.  5 ; Diod.  xvi.  2.  Through 
Pammenes  he  became  a frjAwrrjs  ’En-a/xeuWiiou,  Plutarch,  Pelop.  26 ; Oarystius 
Pergamenus  from  a letter  of  Speusippus,  op.  Athen.  506;  Fr.  Hist.  Gr.  iv.  357, 
where  Philip,  as  owing  his  sovereignty  to  Plato,  is  accused  of  ingratitude. 
As  to  Euphrseus  of  Oreus,  cf.  Bernays,  Dial,  des  Aristot.  21, 143. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


47 


which  were  only  to  be  acquired  in  Greek  cities ; he  spoke 
and  wrote  Greek  fluently  and  with  taste.  But  he  took 
care  not  to  give  offence  by  his  foreign  culture,  for  he 
wished  not  to  appear  a stranger  among  the  Macedonians. 
He  hunted  and  feasted  with  them  like  a true  child  of  the 
land ; he  was  the  best  swimmer  and  horseman,  the  most 
excellent  of  comrades  in  all  national  exercises  and  social 
pleasures  to  the  young  nobility,  whom  he  contrived  to 
sway,  without  allowing  them  to  become  aware  of  the  real 
cause  of  his  superiority.  He  assembled  around  him  the 
chiefs  of  the  several  districts  of  the  kingdom,  knowing  how 
to  take  hold  of  every  one  of  them  in  his  own  way,  and  to 
turn  to  account  his  strength  and  his  weakness  alike  ; while 
in  the  people  he  managed  to  arouse  confidence  in  his 
person  by  skilfully  making  known  the  sayings  of  oracles. 
The  citizens  of  the  royal  town  of  iEgse,  whom  Argseus 
sought  to  attract  to  his  side,  decisively  declared  for  Philip ; 
and  soon  it  was  no  longer  by  uncertain  expectations  or  by 
favorable  divine  signs,  but  by  the  most  brilliant  successes, 
that  he  was  before  all  eyes  proved  to  be  the  one  man  des- 
tined by  fate  to  re-establish  the  kingdom  out  of  its  collapse. 

He  had  in  him  many  of  the  ways  of  a barbaric  prince, 
in  consonance  with  the  usage  of  the  Northern  peoples ; 
he  could  be  savage  and  intemperate,  and  give  himself  up 
to  sensual  pleasures  even  to  the  extent  of  bestial  indul- 
gence. But  he  never  lost  sight  of  his  higher  aims.  He 
was  wrathful  and  merciful,  valorous  and  cunning,  obstinate 
and  ready  with  concessions,  just  as  circumstances  de- 
manded ; there  was  in  him  a combination  of  royal  dignity, 
natural  vigor  and  Hellenic  culture,  such  as  was  necessary, 
if  Macedonia  was  at  last  to  be  made  strong  at  home  and 
powerful  abroad. 

With  unfaltering  sagacity  he  ridded  himself  of  his  ad- 
versaries. Archelaus  had  to  pay  for  his  claims  to  the 
throne  with  his  life ; Argseus  was  surprised  during  his 
retreat  from  iEgse  and  destroyed,  while  the  Athenians  in 


48 


History  of  Gh'eece. 


[Book  VII. 


liis  army  were  allowed  to  go  free  without  a ransom.  The 
Pfeouians  were  induced  by  gifts  to  retire ; and  the  Thracian 
king  was  likewise  by  means  of  a peaceable  settlement 
brought  to  abandon  the  cause  of  Pausanias. 

Thus  Philip  became  king  of  the  land  ; and  nowhere  was 
thought  taken  in  these  times,  when  a thorough  man  was 
needed  on  the  throne,  of  asserting  the  claims  of  his  nephew, 
who  was  under  age ; especially  inasmuch  as  there  was  any- 
thing but  a definitely  fixed  order  of  succession  in  Mace- 
donia. 


ing  as  the  coast  or  the  neighbors  towards  the  interior 
had  to  be  dealt  with.  The  latter  had  been  the  chief 
impediments  to  a continuous  prosperity  on  the  part  of 
the  Macedonian  kingdom  ; for  three  generations  the  in- 
fluences opposed  to  one  another  had  alternated  like  ebb 
and  tide.  At  one  time  the  Illyrians  had  flooded  the  land, 
at  another  the  Temenidse  had  again  made  their  appear- 
ance ; Macedonia  incessantly  oscillated  between  Plellen- 
ism  and  barbarism,  till  in  truth  it  was  unknown  who  was 
really  master  in  the  land.  If,  therefore,  there  was  to  be 
any  question  of  an  assured  progress,  this  conflict  must  be 
definitively  suppressed,  Macedonia  must  be  emancipated 
from  the  barbarous  countries  around  it,  and  secured 
against  the  intervention  of  foreign  force  ; it  must  at  last 
belong  to  its  own  people,  and  become  free,  and  sure  of  it- 
self and  of  its  royal  house. 

Philip  was  at  an  early  age  master  of  the  art  of  isolating 
his  enemies,  and  of  overcoming  the  dangers,  to  which  he 
must  have  succumbed,  had  they  all  come  upon  him  at  one 
time,  by  the  process  of  meeting  them  one  after  the  other 
at  the  season  suitable  to  himself.  Thus  after  acquiring 
freedom  of  action  in  the  interior,  he  first  marched  against 


OI.  cv.  2 (b.  c. 
358). 


His  first 
achieve- 
ments. 


What  was  first  required  to  be  done,  was 
to  establish  the  kingdom  in  a position  of  se- 
curity and  freedom  as  against  the  neighbors  of 
the  realm.  This  was  a twofold  task,  accord- 


Chap  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


49 


the  Pseonians,  with  whom  he  had  arrived  at  a temporary 
settlement.  They  were  now  once  for  all  to  acknowledge 
the  superior  strength  of  Macedonia,  and  to  renounce  all 
influence  upon  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom.  He  availed 
himself  of  the  moment,  when  confusion  had  been  created 
among  the  people  by  the  death  of  the  warlike  king  Agis, 
and  when  no  preparations  existed  for  a lasting  resistance. 
After  completely  humbling  the  Pseonians,  he  attacked  the 
Illyrians,  who  constituted  a mighty  military  force  under 
Bardylis,  a man  who  had  risen  from  the  occupation  of  a 
charcoal-burner  to  the  throne.  They  held  a number  of 
Macedonian  towns,  and  were  by  no  means  minded  to  re- 
linquish the  authority  acquired  by  them  in  the  Macedoni- 
an kingdom  in  consequence  of  the  endless  disputes  about 
the  succession  and  party-conflicts  there.  A bloody,  but 
decisive  battle  was  fought,  which  forced  the  Illyrians  to 
withdraw  all  their  garrisons,  and  acknowledge  the  moun- 
tain ridges,  which  form  the  natural  boundary  between  the 
eastern  and  western  inclines,  to  be  henceforth  the  frontier 
of  their  territory. 

These  successes  Philip  owed  to  the  art  of  His  rp_ 
war,  which  he  had  learnt  in  Greece,  where  forms  in  the 

7 kingdom  and 

he  had  had  opportunities  of  convincing  him-  jn  the  mi>i- 

. . . ° tary  system. 

self  of  the  political  importance  of  useful  re- 
forms in  military  organization.  He  developed  fully  what 
his  predecessors,  Archelaus  in  particular,  had  commenced. 
The  right  of  every  free  man  to  bear  arms  became  the  duty 
of  bearing  arms,  the  regular  obligation  to  military  service, 
for  which  the  king  furnished  the  arms  and  pay.  The 
equipment  of  his  soldiers  was  upon  the  whole  that  of  the 
Greek  hoplites,  but  it  included  certain  details  derived 
from  ancient  Macedonian  usage.  Among  these  were  the 
large  round  shield  studded  with  bronze,  and  above  all  the 
sarissa,  a spear,  the  length  of  which  is  stated  to  have  ex- 
ceeded twenty  feet.  Shield  joining  shield,  the  men  of 
Macedonia  formed  the  closely-united  phalanx,  the  firm 
3 


50 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


central  body  of  the  national  forces,  which  stood  like  an 
unassailable  solid  mass,  with  its  motionless  front  and  pro- 
jecting forests  of  spears.  Besides  the  phalanx,  there  ex- 
isted as  a separate  division  of  the.  infantry  the  species  of 
troops  called  Hypaspistce,  who  were  probably  more  lightly 
armed  and  more  loosely  organized.  They  were  in  a 
special  sense  a royal  corps,  of  which  part  was  always  un- 
der arms  and  at  the  disposal  of  the  king  for  every  sudden 
emergency.  The  mountaineers  were  after  their  fashion 
employed  to  strengthen  the  military  force,  serving  as 
light-armed  troops’and  bowmen,  as  e.  g.  the  Agrianes  from 
the  upper  Strymon.  Foreigners  were  used  by  Philip, 
where  they  seemed  to  promise  to  be  of  advantage,  in  par- 
ticular Greeks  of  the  widest  variety  of  origin ; he  had 
captains  from  Tarentum,  archers  from  Crete,  vvliile  skilled 
workmen  from  Thessaly  built  engines  of  war  for  him. 
Special  attention  was  devoted  by  him  to  the  cavalry.  At 
its  head  was  the  proper  place  of  the  king,  whose  person 
was  surrounded  by  a picked  body  of  horsemen.  These 
formed  the  royal  guard  of  honor,  to  which  the  sons  of  the 
nobility  belonged,  who  entered  the  king’s  service  as  pages, 
were  subject  to  his  immediate  training,  and  afterwards, 
if  they  had  proved  their  efficiency,  rose  to  the  highest 
posts  in  the  army.  A corresponding  band  of  companions 
or  iralpot  of  the  king,  who  formed  the  solid  nucleus  of  the 
army,  was  likewise  to  be  found  in  the  infantry.  In  these 
guards,  horse  and  foot,  the  comitatus,  which  in  the  most 
ancient  times  had  surrounded  the  chieftains  on  their  expe- 
ditions for  the  conquest  of  territory,  continued  to  exist  in 
a form  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  the  times.  While, 
therefore,  the  townsmen,  peasants  and  herdsmen  of  the 
land  were  in  the  army  blended  into  a Macedonian 
nation,  felt  their  coherence  as  members  of  one  great  whole, 
and  learnt  to  obey  a single  will,  and  in  this  union  to  re- 
cognize the  guarantee  of  peace  at  home  and  of  victory 
against  foreign  foes, — the  grandees  of  the  land  were  per- 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


51 


serially  associated  'with  the  interests  of  the  throne ; an  in- 
dependent, or  indeed  recalcitrant,  nobility  of  landed  pro- 
prietors was  changed  into  a nobility  of  courtiers  and  sol- 
diers ; the  acquisition  of  authority  and  wealth  depended 
upon  the  favor  of  the  king  ; ambition  attracted  the  young 
nobles  near  his  person,  and  rendered  them  props  of  the 
monarchical  power.  This  committee,  always  under  arms, 
of  the  army  of  the  realm,  with  the  members  of  which  the 
king  lived  on  terms  of  a certain  comradeship — this  so- 
called  agema  was  at  the  same  time  regarded  as  bearing  in 
some  respects  a character  resembling  that  of  a popular 
representative  body  as  towards  the  king.  Thus  Philip 
knew  how  to  combine  old  things  and  new,  foreign  ele- 
ments and  native,  Macedonian  usages  and  Greek  inven- 
tions, and  by  means  of  the  organization  of  the  army  to 
give  firmness  and  solidity  to  the  whole  country.  And 
this  was  of  all  the  more  importance,  inasmuch  as  hitherto 
Macedonia  had  been  a loose  group  of  mountain-cantons, 
devoid  of  any  town-centre. 

But  the  main  point  was  this  : that  Philip  not  only  gave 
laws  and  established  institutions,  but  was  himself  the  soul 
of  all,  controlling  all  relations  by  the  superiority  of  his 
intellectual  power,  making  high  and  low  dependent  upon 
himself,  steeling  and  developing  his  soldiers,  and  thus 
creating  an  empire  which  possessed  a living  unity  in  the 
person  of  him,  its  sovereign  military  chief. 

In  this  way  Philip  had  raised  his  paternal  His  foreign 
kingdom  from  its  low  estate,  and  thus  he  had  pollcy' 
succeeded  in  drawing  firm  frontiers  round  the  land 
wrested  from  his  adversaries,  and  in  so  to  speak  damming 
it  up  against  the  inundations  of  the  savage  neighboring 
peoples.  Now,  and  not  before,  thought  could  be  taken  of 
a Macedonian  system  of  policy,  and  attention  given  to 
the  world  outside  Macedonia.  Here  it  was  a directly 
opposite  task  which  awaited  him.  Here  the  inland  state 
stood  opposed  to  the  maritime  powers,  the  barbarian  to 


52 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


the  Hellenes.  Towards  the  interior,  it  behooved  him  to 
shut  off  the  kingdom ; but  towards  the  sea,  to  open  it ; 
here  the  resources  of  the  neighbors  of  Macedonia  had, 
not  to  be  warded  off,  but  to  be  secured  for  the  state 
itself. 

From  this  point  of  view  there  were  three  powers,  upon 
the  relations  of  whom  to  Macedonia  all  ulterior  successes 
depended.  These  were  Athens  at  the  head  of  her  Mari- 
time League,  commanding  the  coast  of  the  Thermiean 
Gulf ; Amphipolis  on  the  Strymon ; and  Olynthus  on  the 
Thracian  peninsula,  the  mighty  city  enjoying  the  primacy 
among  the  Greek  towns  of  the  surrounding  district.  If 
these  three  acted  in  unison,  nothing  was  to  be  accom- 
plished ; for  then  Macedonia  must  remain  an  inland  and 
a petty  state,  in  an  oppressive  condition  of  dependence 
upon  foreign  powers.  The  one  thing  absolutely  indispen- 
sable, therefore,  was  that  the  Greeks  should  not  penetrate 
the  designs  of  Philip ; they  must  be  kept  deceived  and 
divided  as  long  as  possible ; and  by  their  mutual  distrust 
one  Greek  city  must  be  made  to  promote  Philip’s  schemes 
against  the  other. 

Amphipolis  The  first  which  was  in  question  was  Amphi- 
and  Athens.  p0qSj  the  fatal  city,  the  source  of  so  much 
grief  to  its  parent,  the  maritime  policy  of  Athens.  How 
many  brave  bands  of  Attic  youth  had  perished  on  these 
shores  in  conflict  with  the  Thracians,  before  a lasting 
settlement  had  been  brought  to  pass  ! At  last  success  had 
crowned  these  endeavors,  and  in  all  the  pride  of  hopeful- 
ness the  city  at  the  mouth  of  the  Strymon  had  been  built 
(vol.  ii.  p.  537).  For  twelve  years  the  Athenians  had 
rejoiced  in  the  possession  of  the  rapidly-progressing  city  ; 
then  it  had  fallen  away  from  them  ; since  vdiich  time  the 
faithless  daughter-city  had  been  an  incessant  subject  of 
vexation  and  most  painful  annoyance  to  the  Athenians. 
All  their  labors,  contests,  and  sacrifices  were  lost  to  them ; 
and  the  costliest  of  constructions  by  land  and  by  water 


chap,  i.j  TVie  Kingdoms  of  the  North.  53 

had  been  made  for  others,  and  those  others  the  foes  of 
Athens ; for  this  very  city,  designed  to  become  the  coping- 
stone  of  Attic  maritime  supremacy  and  the  dominant 
fortress  of  the  Thracian  sea,  now  became  the  most  danger- 
ous point  of  attack  upon  Athens,  a basis  of  operations  for 
the  Lacedtemonian  power,  and  in  spite  of  the  provisions 
of  the  Peace  of  Xicias  had  not  been  restored  into  the  pos 
session  of  the  Athenians  (vol.  iii.  p.  291).  The  citizens 
themselves  would  have  nothing  to  say  to  the  mother-city ; 
Amphipolis  was  never  an  Attic  town,  as  is  attested  by  the 
dialect  of  its  inscriptions  ; the  non- Attic  population,  from 
the  first  far  more  numerous  than  the  Attic,  brought  about 
a close  connexion  with  the  towns  in  the  vicinity.  In 
them  and  in  the  Thracian  tribes  Amphipolis,  after  having 
remained  loyal  to  Sparta  longer  than  any  of  the  other 
coast-towns,  found  a security  against  Athens,  while  at  the 
same  time  it  contrived  to  maintain  itself  independent  in 
all  directions.  Magnificent  silver  coins  give  evidence  of 
the  splendid  prosperity  of  the  city.  Hereupon  ensued  the 
revival  of  the  Attic  naval  power ; and  simultaneously 
there  commenced  the  fresh  attempts  of  the  Athenians 
upon  Amphipolis,  by  means  of  negotiations  with  the 
neighboring  powers,  as  well  as  of  campaigns  by  land  and 
by  sea.  But  nothing  was  done  with  the  necessary  energy ; 
and  when  a success  was  obtained,  it  ended  by  changing 
into  a failure.  In  B.  c.  371  Amyntas  solemnly  acknow- 
ledged the  claims  of  Athens ; and  Iphicrates,  probably 
with  the  aid  of  a party  among  the  Amphipolitans  favora- 
ble to  Athens,  succeeded  in  bringing  into  his  power  a 
number  of  hostages  from  their  city.  Its  capitulation 
seemed  at  hand,  when  of  a sudden  the  general  was  re- 
called, and  the  hostages  were  returned  to  the  citizens 
through  the  treachery  of  Charidemus.  Hereupon  com- 
menced the  efforts  of  Timotheus  ; but  however  greatly  he 
prospered  in  other  respects  (b.  o.  365),  before  Amphipolis 
he  too  was  deserted  by  fortune ; and  his  futile  attack  was 


54  History  of  Greece.  [Book  vii. 

reckoned  as  the  ninth  in  the  series  of  the  expeditions 
undertaken  against  Amphipolis.  It  was  also  the  last  of 
them.  For  now  Philip  intervened,  to  whom  the  city  on 
account  of  its  commanding  situation  on  the  main  roads 
along  the  coast,  on  account  of  its  harbor,  and  of  its  wealth 
of  timber  and  metals,  was  the  nearest  and  most  important 
of  all  positions  outside  of  Macedonia  proper,  and  an  indis- 
pensable basis  for  operations  in  the  direction  of  Thrace. 
But  Philip  was  far  from  interfering  by  open  force.  He 
seemingly  resumed  the  policy  of  his  father,  by  recognizing 
afresh  the  claims  of  the  Athenians  upon  their  colony,  and, 
in  order  at  a time  inopportune  to  himself  to  avoid  all  pos- 
sibility of  conflict,  withdrawing  the  garrison  from  Amphi- 
polis, which  had  already  on  several  occasions  been  in  the 
hands  of  Macedonian  troops.  Amphipolis  honored  the 
generous  prince  as  its  liberator ; while  the  Athenians 
rejoiced  in  the  good-will  displayed  by  him  towards  them- 
selves, and  entered  into  negotiations  with  him,  in  order 
even  at  the  price  of  abandoning  Pydna,  which  was  still  in 
their  possession,  to  secure  Amphipolis  through  the  media- 
tion of  Macedonia.* 

N<?eotiv  Meanwhile,  Philip  had  secured  freedom  of 

tions  concern-  action  by  his  victories  over  the  Illyrians  and 
mg  Amphipo-  J # # J 

lis.  the  Pseonians  ; and  his  designs  upon  the  Thra- 

cian coast  now  became  palpable.  Amphipolis  saw  the 
troops  approach,  and  rapidly  took  the  resolution  which 
was  alone  capable  of  saving  it.  Two  Amphipolitans  of 
consideration,  Hierax  and  Stratocles,  repaired  to  Athens  ; 
and  the  proud  civic  community  now  voluntarily  did  hom- 
age, opened  its  gates  and  harbors,  its  city  and  territory, 
and  besought  the  protection  of  Athens  against  Philip. 

* Amphipolis  and  Athens:  Weissenborn,  Hellen.  136 ff.  Treason  of 
Charidemus:  Hem.  xxiii.  149.  Fresh  defeats:  Sehoi.  *schin.  p.  754,  ed. 
Reiske;  p.  29,  edd.  Baiter  et  Sauppe.  J.  de  Witte,  M6dai.Ua  d'  Amphipolis  (in 
Revue  Numism.  1864).— Macedonian  troops  in  Amphipolis,  at  the  request 
of  Perdieeas,  according  to  the  probable  conjecture  of  Grote,  vol.  x.  p.  510,  and 
Tol.  xi.  p.  300. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


55 


But  contemporaneously  envoys  from  Philip  himself  made 
their  appearance.  They  renewed  the  alliance  which  had 
been  concluded  already  after  the  victory  over  Argseus, 
and  at  the  same  time  made  a confidential  communication 
concerning  Amphipolis,  designed  to  remove  all  fears  and 
misconceptions.  The  Athenians  were  reminded  how  they 
had  already  acknowledged  the  king  to  be  their  friend ; 
how  he  had  condoned  their  support  of  his  adversary,  and 
had  sent  their  soldiers  home  with  donations  (p.  47).  As 
to  Amphipolis,  that  arrogant  city  was  as  much  an  enemy 
to  him  as  to  the  Athenians.  He  would  humble  it;  where- 
upon they  should  receive  the  city  out  of  his  hands  as  a 
pledge  of  his  friendship. 

Thus  the  city,  for  the  possession  of  which  the  Athenians 
had  carried  on  so  many  futile  contests,  was  of  a sudden 
voluntarily  offered  to  them  from  two  sides  ; and  it  seemed 
as  if  they  had  simply  to  choose,  out  of  whose  hands  they 
would  accept  it.  On  calm  reflection  the  citizens  ought 
not  to  have  remained  in  doubt  as  to  choice.  With  regard 
to  the  Amphipolitans  there  was  no  reason  for  mistrust. 
They  were  in  trouble,  and  since  no  alternative  was  left 
them,  preferred  losing  their  independence  to  Athens  to 
losing  it  to  Philip.  But  as  to  Philip  on  the  other  hand, 
what  could  induce  him,  whose  comprehensive  spirit  of  en- 
terprise must  have  already  been  so  secret,  first  to  take  the 
trouble  of  conquering  the  most  important  city  in  his  im- 
mediate vicinity,  and  then  to  surrender  it  again,  and  sur- 
render it  to  a state,  which  was  more  than  any  other 
capable  of  hindering  the  extension  of  his  empire?  In 
any  case,  it  must  assuredly  have  suggested  itself  to  the 
Athenians,  that  the  motive  of  this  surrender  would  not  be 
pure  kindness  of  heart,  but  that  it  would  be  accompanied 
by  conditions  fully  counterbalancing  such  a sacrifice. 

The  Athenians  had  quite  recently  accomplished  a suc- 
cessful expedition  to  Euboea ; their  navy  was  in  full 
activity  ; — how  then  could  the  Amphipolitans  anticipate, 


56 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


that  their  offer  would  be  refused  ? And  yet  this  was  the 
case.  Instead  of  gladly  seizing  the  opportunity,  the 
Athenians  were  deluded  enough  to  abandon  themselves  to 
the  influence  of  a petty  sensitiveness.  They  took  pleasure 
in  letting  the  obstinate  city  undergo  a well-deserved 
chastisement,  and  thought  themselves  secure  of  obtaining 
possession  of  it  without  exertions,  without  sacrifices,  and 
without  giving  offence  to  the  magnanimous  and  benevo- 
lent king.  They  were  vain  enough  to  deem  the  friendship 
of  Athens  so  great  a blessing,  that  they  thought  it  quite 
natural  for  even  a powerful  king  to  incur  some  expense  in 
order  to  secure  it.* 

. , This  mistake  on  the  part  of  the  Athenians 

Conquest  of  * 

A oiphc?°3is'  was  wor^  more  t°  Philip  than  a victory  in 

(b.  c.  357).  battle,  and  was  at  the  same  time  the  most  fa- 
vorable of  signs  for  all  ulterior  enterprises.  Amphipolis 
was  rapidly  attacked  and  taken  (b.  c.  357)  ; and  hereup- 
on there  remained  nothing  for  the  king  to  fear  but  a com- 
bination between  Olynthus  and  Athens.  Olynthus  which 
had  calmly  looked  ou  at  the  fall  of  Amphipolis,  could  no 
longer  remain  neutral.  Immediately  after  that  event  the 
Olynthians  had  accordingly  represented  to  the  Athenians 
the  situation  of  affairs  on  the  Thracian  coast,  and  pro- 
posed to  them  an  alliance  against  Philip.  But  at  Athens 
belief  was  still  rife  in  the  magnanimous  king ; and  the 
more  that  his  good-will  was  now  of  importance,  the  less 
were  they  inclined  to  undertake  anything  against  him. 
For  although  they  had  no  longer  any  very  sanguine  ex- 
pectation of  an  unconditional  transfer  of  Amphipolis  into 
their  hands,  yet  they  hoped  to  be  able  to  recover  the  longed- 
for  possession  on  the  Strymon  by  means  of  an  exchange  of 
it  for  Pydna;  and  this  project  was  treated  with  much  self- 
importance  as  a secret  of  state  by  the  Attic  politicians. 


* Hierax  and  Stratocles:  Theopomp.  ap.  Harpoer.  s.  v.  'Iepaf.  Decree 
of  banishment  against  Philo  and  Stratocles  after  the  capture  of  the  city; 
Corp.  Inacr.  Gr.  No.  2008 ; Sauppe,  Inscr.  Maced.  20 ; Pliilistor,  ii.  492. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


57 


But  Philip  needed  no  exchanges  or  volun-  Alliance  be- 
tary offers ; he  took  what  he  required.  He  tween^Phii'p 
unhesitatingly  advanced  into  the  territory  of  thus- 
the  Attic  Confederacy ; seized  Pydna ; and  no  B' c' 
sooner  had  he  by  this  step  openly  brought  about  a rupture 
with  Athens,  than  he  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  Olyn- 
thians,  whom  Athens  had  rejected : an  alliance,  which  was 
of  so  much  immediate  importance  to  him,  that  he  even 
consented  to  considerable  concessions  in  order  to  bring  it 
to  pass.  Since,  then,  a dispute  had  long  prevailed  between 
Macedonia  and  Olynthus  as  to  Anthemus,  the  port-town 
on  the  Thermsean  Gulf  (p.  28),.  he  now  abandoned  it  to 
the  Olynthians ; indeed,  he  also  promised  them  Potidseaj 
which  closed  against  them  the  access  to  the  island  of  Pal- 
lene,  and  which  was  at  the  present  time  the  most  im- 
portant support  of  the  Attic  power  in  Thrace.  Potidgea 
fell,  before  the  Attic  ships  arrived ; and  the  Athenians, 
taken  by  surprise,  suddenly  found  themselves,  without  a 
war  or  a declaration  of  war,  driven  out  of  their  most  im- 
portant positions,  deprived  of  all  their  allies,  and  complete- 
ly beaten  out  of  the  field.  They  hurled  wrathful  manifes- 
toes against  the  faithless  king,  but  were  unable  to  change 
anything  of  what  had  been  done  ; for  they  were  shackled 
by  the  defection  of  their  confederates,  and  amidst  the  con- 
fusion created  by  the  events  of  the  war  were  utterly  in- 
capable of  accomplishing  anything  of  consequence  on  be- 
half of  their  possessions  in  the  North. 

Philip  had  now  full  freedom  of  action,  and  The  mj 
contrived  to  take  advantage  of  his  gains  for  of  Thrace- 
further  acquisitions.  For  to  him  the  city  on  the  Strymon 
was  only  the  key  to  that  district  beyond  the  river,  which 
projects  like  a peninsula  into  the  sea  and  forms  on  the  one 
side  the  Strymonian  Gulf,  on  the  other  the  deep  bay, 
separated  by  the  island  of  Thasos  from  the  open  sea.  In 
the  centre  of  this  projecting  coast  there  rises  at  a height 
of  6,000  feet  Mount  Pilaf-Tepe,  the  ancient  Pangseum,  a 

3* 


58 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Jofty  range  abounding  in  snow  and  difficult  to  cross,  but 
on  account  of  its  subterranean  treasures  the  most  valuable 
piece  of  territory  in  the  entire  coast-region  of  the  Archi- 
pelago. For  although  the  Hebrus  washed  precious 
metals  down  from  the  Hsemus,  although  the  Pseonians 
turned  up  gold  with  their  ploughshares  from  their  fields, 
and  Thasos  possessed  mines  of  its  own,  yet  Pangaeum  was 
by  far  the  most  productive  source  of  gold  and  silver. 
Ever,  therefore,  since  the  Phoenicians  had  first  brought 
these  treasures  to  light,  they  became  again  and  again  the 
subject  of  bloody  conflicts.  For  here  the  most  warlike 
Thracian  tribes  dwelt  in  close  proximity,  in  particular  the 
Satrse  and  the  Bessi,  who  adored  on  the  summit  of  the 
mountains  their  national  god,  called  Dionysus  by  the 
Greeks ; next  to  them  the  Pierians,  who  had  been  pushed 
from  the  south  to  the  base  of  Pangseum,  the  Edones  and 
others.  Certain  of  the  tribes  settled  here,  e.  g.  the  Edones, 
the  Letaeans,  the  Orrhescians,  as  early  as  the  sixth  century 
B.  c.  coined  their  native  silver ; and,  although  they 
frequently  quarrelled  among  themselves,  yet  they  were 
united  in  defiantly  defending  the  treasures  of  their  land 
against  any  stranger.  This  was  experienced  by  all  who 
stretched  forth  their  hands  for  the  possession  of  these  dis- 
tricts, among  them  by  Aristagoras,  who  perished  with  his 
whole  army,  when  endeavoring  firmly  to  establish  the 
dominion,  which  Histiseus  had  founded  in  the  land  of  the 
Strymon  (vol.  ii.  p.  189).  The  Thasians  contrived  to 
maintain  themselves  longest  on  the  gold-coast ; they 
founded  settlements  on  the  shore,  whence  although  only  to 
a limited  extent,  they  explored  the  mines ; and  their 
colony  of  Datum  became  proverbial  for  a locality  over- 
richly  endowed  with  all  the  good  things  of  the  earth.  But 
even  to  them  the  gold  brought  no  lasting  good  fortune. 
First  they  were  humbled  by  the  Persians,  who  themselves 
made  the  attempt  of  controlling  the  Aegean  from  Abdera 
(vol.  ii.  p.  226) ; and  afterwards  they  had  to  contend 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


59 


against  Athens.  Hereupon  the  Thracian  gold  acquired 
its  significance  in  the  history  of  the  Greek  states.  It 
stimulated  Sparta  to  ally  herself  with  the  Thasians ; it 
tempted  the  Athenians  to  these  shores ; and  one  of  the 
most  terrible  routs  ever  suffered  by  them  made  the  names 
of  Datum  and  Drabescus  words  of  terror  to  every  Attic 
ear  (vol.  ii.  p.  403).  But  they  refused  to  be  awed  away. 
They  founded,  opposite  to  Thasos,  the  town  of  Neapolis  in 
the  bay  of  Antisara,  the  ancient  port  belonging  to  Datum ; 
and  the  new  city  became  a flourishing  colony.  And  yet 
they  never  thoroughly  succeeded  in  securely  possessing 
themselves  of  the  district  and  turning  to  account  its  trea- 
sures. The  Thracian  tribes  remained  independent ; nor 
was  it  until  a very  late  date,  in  the  year  before  the  acces- 
sion of  Philip,  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  penetrate 
from  Thasos  further  into  the  interior.  This  took  place  at 
the  instigation  of  Callistratus  (vol.  iv.  p.  403),  who  even 
as  an  exile  continued  to  pursue  schemes  of  statesmanship. 
A body  of  settlers  went  up  into  the  valley  of  the  Angites, 
which  flows  into  the  Strymon  to  the  north  of  Pangseum. 
There,  in  a well-watered  region,  was  founded  Crenides,  a 
place  most  favorably  situated  for  gold-washings.  This 
was  the  first  mining  colony  proper,  which  was  called  into 
life  under  Attic  influence  (b.  c.  360).  But  this  settle- 
ment only  served  the  purposes  of  the  enemy  of  Athens. 
For  the  little  colony  was  so  hard-pressed  by  the  Thra- 
cians, that  in  its  distress  it  applied  for  succor  to  Philip. 

Nothing  could  have  better  suited  the  wishes  of  the  king. 
He  had  long  kept  in  view  the  gold-mines ; they  were  in- 
dispensable to  him  for  the  execution  of  his  schemes.  Now, 
he  could  accomplish  his  purpose,  not  by  forcing  an  en- 
trance as  a conqueror,  but  by  appearing  as  the  friend  and 
ally  of  Hellenes  in  their  struggle  against  barbarous 
tribes.  Three  or  four  years  after  the  foundation  of  the 
above-mentioned  colony  he  advanced  across  the  Strymon  ; 
easily  drove  back  the  Thracians ; annexed  to  Macedonia 


60 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


all  the  land  as  far  as  the  river  Nest  us ; hereupon,  in  the 
place  of  Crenides  in  the  fair  valley  of  the  Angites,  which 
has  a convenient  outlet  towards  the  gulf,  built  a fastness, 
which  became  the  centre  of  the  entire  district  of  the 
mines.  He  succeeded  in  accomplishing  by  a single  blow 
that  in  which  the  troops  landing  here  after  voyages  from 
remote  cities  had  invariably  failed,  since  he  entered  from 
the  land-side  with  a regularly  organized  army  of  horse 
and  foot,  and  had  all  his  resources  close  at  hand.  The 
ancient  curse  which  lay  upon  the  gold  country,  seemed 
expiated  ; laud  and  people  lost  their  savage  nature  ; roads 
were  levelled ; marshes  were  dried  up ; the  very  climate 
Foundation  was  thereby  altered ; and  at  Philippi  there 
of  Philippi.  began  to  flourish  the  first  of  those  city-founda- 
01.  evi.  2 jn  wycp  Glree]£  citizens  served  the  pur- 

poses  of  the  Macedonian  kingdom.  Now  at 
last  the  working  of  the  mines  prospered,  so  as  to  produce 
an  annual  revenue  of  one  thousand  talents  in  cash 
(£244,000  arc). 

The  produce  of  the  mines,  as  in  Thasos  and  at  Athens, 
constituted  the  fundamental  capital  of  a naval  power, 
which  was  needed  in  order  to  ward  off  every  attack  by 
sea,  to  extend  the  dominion  along  the  coasts,  and  to  pro- 
tect Macedonian  commerce.  And  for  the  foundation  of 
a navy,  as  already  Histiseus  had  perceived,  there  existed 
no  more  favorable  region.  For  in  addition  to  the  fine 
bays  and  passages  through  the  sea,  and  to  the  inexhausti- 
ble wealth  of  timber,  this  coast  possessed  this  great  advan- 
tage over  all  others ; that,  by  taking  advantage  of  the 
north-wind  prevalent  throughout  the  summer,  any  point 
situate  to  the  south  could  be  rapidly  and  easily  reached, 
while  approach  from  that  quarter  was  rendered  correspond- 
ingly difficult.  And  the  favorable  opportunity  for  sudden 
and  unexpected  landing  was  of  additional  importance,  be- 
cause the  Macedonians,  before  they  possessed  a real  naval 
power,  were  forced  to  content  themselves  with  such  sudden 


Chap.  I.] 


61 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 

surprises-  and  with  freebooting,  as  Alexander  of  Phene 
had  done  before  them.  Hereby  sensible  damage  might  be 
inflicted  even  upon  naval  states  of  far  superior  power.* 

The  most  important  institutions  in  the  newly-acquired 
territory  were  called  into  life,  while  Philip  himself  was 
occupied  with  fresh  feuds  with  Thracians,  Pseonians,  and 
Illyrians,  in  the  years  355  and  354.  On  his  return  to  the 
coast,  he  attacked  Methone,  which  hitherto,  in  order  to 
calm  the  fears  of  the  Athenians,  he  had  allowed  to  con- 
tinue as  a free  city  and  as  a member  of  the  Attic  Naval 
Confederation.  The  Athenians  attached  a high  value  to 
this  city  (p.  34) ; notwithstanding  which,  at  the  critical 
moment  they  came  too  late.  Methone  fell,  and  was  de- 
stroyed. Thus,  with  the  exception  of  the  Chalcidian 
towns,  the  whole  coast-line  from  the  Thessalian  Olympus  to 
the  river  Nestus  was  now  subject  to  a single  prince.  The 
barbarian  state  of  a remote  inland  country,  which  a few 
years  ago  had  not  felt  well  assured  of  its  own  existence, 
had  become  a power  in  the  Archipelago,  a state  which 
was  even  by  the  Persians  recognized  as  a Great  Power, 
which  had  no  need  to  fear  any  of  its  neighbors,  but  was,  a 
cause  of  fear  to  all. 

With  the  acquisition  of  the  mines  and  the  p] 
successful  rounding-off  of  the  territory  of  the  tem  of  com- 
kingdom  is  connected  the  reform  of  the  sys- 
tem of  coinage,  to  which  Philip  attached  great  impor- 
tance. Hitherto  it  was  precisely  in  the  countries  now 
united  that  a difference  of  standards  had  prevailed,  which 
exercised  a very  disturbing  influence  upon  traffic.  There 
was  an  entire  absence  of  any  centre,  from  which  the  insti- 
tution of  a regular  system  might  have  proceeded.  Accor- 

* Concerning  Pangeeum,  Philippi,  Neapolis:  Heuzey,  Miss.  Arch,  cle 
Macedoine;  cf.  Gottingen  Gel.  Anzeigen , 1864,  p.  1228. — Coins  (but  remarkably 
few  gold)  of  the  Letseans,  &c.,  Brandis,  20S.— Aaro?  (Adrov)  dyaOiov,  Zenob.  iv. 
34.  Kp-quCSes : Diod.  xvi.  3.  4>iAi7r7ro,  ib.  8.  Harpocr.  and  Steph.  s.  v.  Datos. 
Cf.  Boeckh,  P.  Ec.  of  Afh .,  vol.  i.  p.  15  [ E . 2V.];  Schafer,  Demosthenes , i.  120;  ii. 
25.— Improvement  in  the  climate:  Theophr.  de  caus.  plant,  v.  14. 


62 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


dingly,  t-lie  Macedonian  coinage  had  sought  to  attach 
itself  to  others  in  various  directions.  In  the  first  instance, 
to  the  very  ancient  system  of  coinage  in  the  Thracian 
towns  and  tribes  (p.  58).  Then,  when  in  Thrace  the  Per- 
sian standard,  as  fixed  by  Darius,  was  adopted, — the  stan- 
dard which,  at  the  very  time  when  the  political  power  of 
the  Persians  was  in  a condition  of  utter  decadence,  had 
widely  spread  even  on  the  European  side  of  the  seas, — 
king  Archelaus  likewise  accepted  it.  In  the  times  of 
Philip’s  reign,  on  the  other  hand,  the  money  of  Asia 
Minor,  as  regulated  by  the  Rhodians,  had  spread  through 
the  whole  of  the  Archipelago.  According  to  this  stan- 
dard, therefore,  Philip,  like  Euagoras  (vol.  iv.  p.  293), 
coined  his  royal  silver.  His  coins  show  the  growth  of 
the  prosperity  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  anxious  care 
bestowed  upon  the  interests  of  trade  ; for  their  workman- 
ship is  more  careful  than  that  of  the  coins  of  his  predeces- 
sors. He  treated  the  coinage  of  money  as  a royalty ; and 
caused  all  coins  belonging  to  separate  cities  in  his  domin- 
ions to  be  suppressed,  with  the  exception  of  those  belong- 
ing to  his  colony  of  Philippi,  which  he  thereby  wished  to 
distinguish,  as  it  were,  as  a free  imperial  city.  At  the 
same  time  he  introduced  a regular  gold  coinage,  which  had 
hitherto,  even  in  the  parts  of  his  territory  most  abound- 
ing in  gold,  been  singularly  inconsiderable.  His  gold 
piece,  the  Philippic  stater,  was  in  value  nothing  else  than 
the  Persian  daricus,  which  was  current  throughout  all 
Greece,  and  which  was  likewise  the  prototype  of  the  Attic 
gold.  Hereby  he  established  his  position  as  a prince  of 
equal  rank  as  towards  the  Great  King,  and  by  the  well- 
regulated  double  standard  of  the  public  coinage  of  his 
kingdom  introduced  Macedonia  into  the  general  traffic  of 
the  world.* 

After  Philip  had  firmly  established  his  rule,  and  had 


* As  to  Philip’s  system  of  coinage,  see  J.  Brandis,  p.  250. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


63 


hereupon  given  to  his  kingdom  such  a terri- 

1 &.  iii  ■ n • Philip  and 

tory,  that  it  could  by  virtue  ot  its  own  re-  Arybbas  the 

. Molossian. 

sources  assert  itselt  as  an  independent  Great 
Power,  the  third  chapter  of  his  activity  commenced,  which 
was  concerned  with  the  relation  of  Macedonia  to  the  sur- 
rounding states  of  the  mainland. 

Towards  the  West  he  had  already  at  an  early  period 
directed  his  attention,  having  entered  into  a combination 
with  the  most  vigorous  tribe  of  the  Epirotes,  the  Molossi ; 
as  had  been  done  before  him,  and  with  the  same  inten- 
tions, by  Iason  of  Pherse  (vol.  iv.  p.  468).  The  Molos- 
sian princes  had  always  undergone  manifold  pressure  at 
the  hands  of  the  Illyrians  ; after,  therefore,  the  latter  had 
been  with  so  much  vigor  overthrown  by  Philip,  it  very 
naturally  suggested  itself  to  seek  in  him  a support  against 
the  common  enemy.  For  this  reason  Arybbas,  the  succes- 
sor of  Alcetas,  gladly  consented  to  bestow  the  hand  of  his 
daughter  Olympias  upon  Philip  (before  357  B.  c.),  in 
whom  he  already  recognized  an  ally  mightier  than  him- 
self ; and  by  means  of  this  connexion  Philip  found  him- 
self able  to  exercise  upon  the  land  of  his  western  .neigh- 
bors an  influence,  and  reserved  it  to  himself  for  an  oppor- 
tune moment,  to  turn  this  influence  fully  to  account. 
For  he  was  at  present  occupied  with  the  incomparably 
more  important  and  difficult  task  of  bringing  his  relations 
with  the  states  on  his  southern  border  into  the  condition 
necessary  for  the  execution  of  his  plans. 

The  relations  of  Philip  towards  the  Greek  Philip  and 
states  resembled  those  which  had  of  old  ex-  the  Greeks- 
isted  between  Croesus  and  the  cities  of  Ionia.  Neither  of 
these  princes  was  an  enemy  of  Hellenism,  or  by  any 
means  desired  its  humiliation  ; on  the  contrary,  it  was  the 
fullest  recognition  of  Greek  culture  and  of  the  power  con- 
tained in  it,  which  induced  them  to  make  every  effort  to 
render  these  forces  serviceable  to  their  empires,  which  in 
no  other  way  could  attain  to  their  full  development.  But 


64 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Philip  approached  incomparably  nearer  to  Greek  culture 
than  the  Lydian  king  ; and  it  was  therefore  much  easier 
for  Philip  to  attach  himself  to  the  traditions  of  Greek 
political  life.  While,  therefore,  the  Asiatic  prince  saw  no 
other  way  before  him  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  ob- 
jects, than  that  of  conquest,  Philip  designed  to  have  him 
self  acknowledged  by  the  Greek  states  as  the  leader  and 
director  of  their  common  efforts.  Already  his  ancestors 
had  been  recognized  as  Hellenes ; he  was  himself  a pupil 
of  Greek  training ; he  had  also  as  victor  at  Olympia  (01. 
cvi.  i. ; b.  c.  356)  in  his  own  person  acquired  the  Hellenic 
citizenship ; now,  his  state,  which  had  become  strong 
through  Greek  culture,  was  to  be  introduced  into  the 
Greek  system  of  states,  and  as  the  most  powerful  in  this 
group  of  states  to  assume  the  leadership  over  them. 

The  position  of  affairs  could  not  have  been  more  pro- 
mising. Thebes  had  sunk  back  into  her  former  impo- 
tence ; and  after  the  death  of  Epaminondas  Athens  was 
the  solitary  state  in  which  the  idea  of  a national  policy 
survived  ; but  it  was  merely  a dreamy  reminiscence  of  the 
past,  which  her  citizens  would  not  bear  to  renounce,  while 
at  the  same  time  they  felt  themselves  possessed  of  no  vital 
powers  for  making  the  idea  a reality.  During  the  bloody 
feuds,  which  led  to  no  decisive  result,  a weariness  of  the 
present  condition  of  things,  and  a desire  for  peace  and 
union,  had  come  to  be  more  and  more  widely  felt ; and 
how  were  those  ends  to  be  reached  otherwise  than  under 
the  leadership  of  a state,  which  stood  outside  of  the 
exhausted  group  of  states,  without  being  a stranger  to 
them  ? When  Philip  took  into  consideration  this  condi- 
tion of  things ; when  with  his  keen  glance  he  perceived, 
how  the  petty  states  had  degenerated,  how  the  still  exist- 
ing forces  of  population  were  uselessly  consuming  them- 
selves in  party  discord,  in  war  and  in  a lawless  life  of 
mercenary  service,  how  among  the  best  citizens  many 
were  longing  for  a vigorous  leadership,  without  finding 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


65 


the  right  men  for  the  purpose  in  their  own  people ; when 
Philip  could  convince  himself,  how  in  the  same  measure 
in  which  the  faith  in  the  vitality  of  the  small  republics 
had  sunk,  the  reputation  of  regal  power  had  risen  in  the 
eyes  of  many  of  the  most  intelligent  Hellenes : — he  natu- 
rally and  necessarily  arrived  at  the  conviction,  that  the 
objects  of  his  personal  ambition  were  also  that  which  was 
historically  necessary  and  alone  rational,  and  must  thus  in 
the  end  be  also  acknowledged  by  the  Greeks,  in  spite  of 
their  obstinate  local  patriotism  and  of  their  contempt  for 
the  Macedonian  people.  The  national  history  of  the 
Greeks  had  lived  its  life  to  an  end  in  the  orbit  of  their 
native  country,  in  a more  limited  sense  of  the  term,  and 
under  the  form  of  republican  constitutions ; if  it  was  to 
have  a future,  the  fresh  vigor  of  the  cognate  peoples  of 
the  North  must  be  added,  and  the  direction  of  the 
national  policy  must  pass  into  the  hands  of  a prince,  pos- 
sessing a dynastic  power  which  was  independent,  and 
superior  to  all  the  petty  states  together. 

Philip,  therefore,  trod  exactly  in  the  steps 

„ _ L ’ TV,  , , . . ,1  Philip  the 

of  iason  oi  Pherse,  but  stood  in  a signally  successor  of 
. . Iason. 

more  advantageous  position,  than  that  of 
Iason  had  been.  For  while  Iason  was  confronted  by  the 
Thebans,  who  disputed  the  hegemony  with  him,  there  ex- 
isted at  the  present  moment  no  Greek  state  capable  of 
directing  the  affairs  of  Greece.  Athens  issued  forth  in 
pitiable  and  mortal  exhaustion  from  the  Social  War ; of 
Sparta  nothing  was  left  but  her  ancient  obstinacy ; Thebes 
was  after  the  day  of  Mantinea  incapable  of  holding  her 
position,  and  of  sustaining  the  system  of  policy  which  she 
had  begun  in  Thessaly  and  in  Peloponnesus.  With  the 
death  of  Epaminondas  all  the  elements  which  that  great 
statesman  had  united  fell  asunder  again ; and  there  re- 
mained nothing  but  an  unhappy  and  pernicious  excite- 
ment. The  history  of  the  Greek  people  demanded  the 
leadership  of  a state  holding  the  primacy ; but  the  pri- 


66 


[Book  VIL 


History  of  Greece. 

inary  position  stood  empty ; nor  could  it  be  presumed, 
that  among  the  Greek  states  another  would  come  forward, 
and  display  such  a pre-eminence  in  power  and  moral 
force,  as  to  be  able  to  assert  a claim  to  the  hegemony. 

Philip’s  Moreover,  Iason  was  a prince  who  had 

Greek  policy.  follll Jed  pjs  dominion  by  arbitrary  force ; he 
had  no  nation  to  fall  back  upon,  and  was  not  secure  in  his 
own  house.  Philip  was  a legitimate  king,  and  master  of 
incomparably  greater  resources ; he  was  in  league  with 
Greek  states,  an  ally  of  the  Great  King,  and  in  possession 
of  the  most  important  coast-territory ; he  therefore  en- 
joyed an  authority  in  the  eyes  of  the  Greeks  quite  differ- 
ent from  that  of  Iason,  who  compared  with  Philip  was  an 
audacious  adventurer.  Finally,  Philip  was  in  a quite 
different  degree  equipped  with  the  intellectual  powers, 
indispensable  to  a prince  desirous  of  transferring  the 
motive  power  of  the  Greek  world  to  the  North ; he  had 
gone  through  quite  another  schooling  both  abroad  and  at 
home.  He  was  acquainted  with  all  the  resources  of 
Greek  statecraft,  and  knew  how  to  employ  them  for  his 
purposes.  Like  Themistocles,  he  contrived  to  apply  the 
annual  payments  from  the  mines  to  the  rapid  construction 
of  a navy ; from  Brasidas  he  had  learnt  to  know  the 
weakest  point  of  the  Attic  power ; with  Lysander  he 
shared  an  utter  unscrupulousness  in  the  choice  of  means, 
and  the  art  of  crippling  the  power  of  resistance  in  the 
several  cities  by  taking  advantage  of  the  internal  party- 
divisions  existing  in  them  ; he  was  the  scholar  of  Epa- 
minondas  in  the  science  of  war,  in  the  policy  of  interven- 
tion, in  the  settlement  of  cities  as  bases  of  influence 
abroad ; while  lastly  he  was  the  successor  of  Iason  in  the 
method  of  bringing  into  his  hands  the  hegemony  over 
Hellas.  That  which  had  made  the  Athenians  irresistible 
in  the  days  of  Cimon  and  Pericles,  viz.  rapidity  and 
energy  of  action,  was  now  the  victorious  force  possessed 
by  Philip ; he  now  stood  in  the  same  relation  towards  the 


Chai>.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


67 


Greeks,  in  which  Athens  had  once  stood  towards  the 
slowly-moving  and  irresolute  Peloponnesians  ; for  he  was, 
as  the  Athenians  had  been,  at  all  times  ready  to  strike ; 
he  always  advanced  with  rapidity  upon  his  object,  every- 
where drove  his  adversaries  into  a position  of  mere  de- 
fence, and  confounded  them  by  the  unexpectedness  of  his 
attack.  Free  from  nervous  impatience,  he  knew  how  to 
wait  for  the  right  moment,  calmly  to  pause  when  at  the 
very  height  of  success,  and  to  localize  war  within  definite 
limits.  He  therefore  from  the  first  took  care  not  to  wear 
the  aspect  of  a conqueror  after  the  fashion  of  the  Persian 
kings,  lest  perchance  he  might  stimulate  the  Greek  states 
to  unite  for  common  resistance  and  for  a struggle  of  de- 
spair against  him;  he  rather  sought  to  espy  suitable 
opportunities  for  interference  in  the  affairs  of  Greece ; nor 
was  he  ever  better  satisfied,  than  when  he  found  single 
parties  or  entire  communities  applying  to  him  as  the 
mighty  neighboring  prince,  to  undertake  the  office  of  a 
protector  of  those  in  trouble  and  of  an  umpire,  so  that  he 
was  thus  able  gradually  to  accustom  the  Greeks  to  recog- 
nize a supreme  authority  resting  in  his  hands.  But  in 
order  to  give  to  such  a position  a semblance  of  justifica- 
tion, he,  like  Iason,  could  value  nothing  more  highly, 
than  admission  into  the  Greek  Amphictyony.  The  occa- 
sions needed  for  the  purpose  very  soon  presented  them- 
selves. 

Thessaly  was  the  country,  through  which  _ , 
lay  the  road  to  Hellas.  In  Thessaly  it  be-  ^ Thes- 
hooved  Philip  in  the  first  instance  to  establish 
a footing,  so  that  he  might  become  the  next-door  neighbor 
of  Interior  Greece.  With  the  state  of  affairs  in  Thessaly 
he  had  become  sufficiently  acquainted  at  Thebes.  The 
Thebans  had  waged  war  against  the  Tyrannical  dynasty 
of  Plierse,  and  had  prevented  the  union  by  force  of  the 
country.  It  was  Philip’s  task  to  take  up  the  policy  of 
Thebes,  and  for  Ids  part  to  accomplish  the  tasks  which 


68 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIJL 


she  had  left  unfulfilled.  Alexander  of  Pherse  (vol.  iv.  p. 
472)  had  been  assassinated  in  the  year  359,  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  his  wife,  by  her  brothers  Tisiphonus,  Ly cop! iron, 
and  Pitholaus.  The  last  two  resumed  the  struggle 
against  the  Thessalian  nobility,  who  were  at  that  time 
serving  under  the  Thebans  in  the  war  against  Phocis. 
The  Aleuadse,  abandoned  by  Thebes,  applied  for  aid  to 
Philip.  He  arrived  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  and 
was  thereby  simultaneously  involved  in  the  Sacred  War, 
which  had  at  that  time  broken  out.  He  thus  took  up 
the  policy  of  the  Thebans,  not  only  as  an  adversary 
of  the  Thessalian  tyrants,  but  also  as  an  adversary  of 
Phocis. 

Phoris  For  agitation  had  long  prevailed  in  the 
highlands  of  Parnassus.  This  country,  which 
had  been  only  slightly  affected  by  the  earlier  wars,  was 
densely  peopled  ; it  possessed  a large  class  of  peasants  and 
herdsmen,  whose  natural  strength  was  still  unused,  and 
whose  manners  were  of  great  simplicity.  The  free  inhabi- 
tants themselves  attended  to  their  rural  business  ; an  an- 
cient law  in  Phocis  even  prohibited,  or  narrowly  re- 
stricted, the  possession  of  slaves.  This  state  of  things 
changed  in  the  fourth  century.  In  the  towns  individual 
families  arose,  which  acquired  a large  amount  of  landed 
property  and  abandoned  the  ancient  usages  of  the  coun- 
try ; the  house  of  Mnaseas  owned  one  thousand  slaves. 
Henceforth,  one  family  sought  to  outstrip  the  other  ; jea- 
lousy and  hostility  grew  apace,  e.  g.  between  the  houses  of 
Mnaseas  and  Theotimus  ; and  these  relations  of  mutual 
ill-will  led  to  important  consequences,  when  the  Phocians 
were  drawn  forth  out  of  their  former  retirement,  and  in- 
troduced into  the  complications  of  the  Greek  world. 
They  had  little  concern  with  the  general  national  inter- 
ests. The  spirit  animating  them  was  one  of  defiant  inde- 
pendence and  hatred  of  their  neighbors,  of  the  Thessalians 
in  particular,  which  already  in  the  Wars  of  Liberation 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


69 


had  decided  their  political  attitude  (vol.  ii.  p.  274).  Xu 
recent  years  they  had  against  their  will  submitted  to  the 
Theban  hegemony,  and  had,  even  while  Epaminondas  was 
still  alive,  refused  to  furnish  a contingent  for  service  be- 
yond their  own  boundaries  against  their  friends  the  Spar- 
tans (vol.  iv.  p.  503).  For  this  conduct  they  were  now, 
after  the  battle  of  Mantinea,  to  be  punished.  For,  in 
spite  of  the  warning  uttered  by  their  great  general,  the 
Thebans  were  by  no  means  minded  immediately  to  re- 
nounce their  position  as  a Great  Power,  and  even  at- 
tempted to  draw  the  reins  of  their  hegemony  over  Central 
Greece  tighter  than  before.  This  stimulated  the  Pliocians 
to  venture  upon  the  most  resolute  resistance  ; their  spirit 
of  freedom,  once  aroused,  grew  after  the  first  successes, 
and  encouraged  them  to  direct  their  efforts  to  ends 
yet  greater  than  mere  independence  as  towards  Thebes. 
It  was  the  exhaustion  of  the  great  states,  which,  as  the  ex- 
ample of  Arcadia  shows,  at  this  time  encouraged  even  the 
lesser  popular  communities  to  come  forth  from  their  obscuri- 
ty, and  to  pursue  a policy  of  their  own.  Thus  in  Phocis 
also  there  was  awakened  a new  spirit  of  state-autonomy 
and  of  a high-flown  craving  for  glory. 

The  Boeotians  were  not  sufficiently  superior  Amphic. 
in  strength  to  their  neighbors,  to  be  able  alone  *))a?nstdpho-e 
to  subdue  them.  They  therefore  sought  to  eis- 
take  advantage  of  the  ancient  enmity  of  the 
Thessalians  against  Phocis,  and  again  of  the 
authority  of  Delphi.  Here  they  found  no  difficulty 
in  drawing  the  officers  of  the  temple  into  their  interest, 
and  causing  the  Pythian  god  to  intervene,  in  order 
through  his  support  to  secure  their  object,  the  chas- 
tisement of  their  rebellious  vassals.  A suitable  oc- 
casion soon  presented  itself  in  the  complicated  fron- 
tier-relations of  the  sacred  district.  Phocian  landed 
proprietors  were  accused  of  having  encroached  upon 
the  domain  of  the  temple.  For  this  the  Council  of  the 


70 


History  of  Greece. 


LBook  VIL 


Amphictyons  now  inflicted  a heavy  pecuniary  penalty ; 
while  in  the  event  of  this  remaining  unpaid,  Phocis  was 
placed  under  the  ban,  and  declared  to  be  land  escheating 
to  the  god. 

There  existed  from  the  first  in  Phocis  a party,  which 
recommended  a compromise,  when  this  storm  gathered 
over  the  country.  But  vehement  demagogues  succeeded 
in  making  every  voice  of  moderation  die  away.  The  mu- 
tual jealousy  prevailing  among  the  families  contributed  its 
effects.  For  at  the  head  of  the  movement  stood  the 
houses  of  Theotimus  and  of  Euthycrates, — the  latter  the 
same  man,  between  whom  and  Mnaseas  a violent  quarrel 
concerning  an  heiress  had  broken  out.  The  family-feud 
became  a political  struggle.  Moreover,  priestly  guile 
had  doubtless  been  concerned  in  the  arrangement,  accord- 
ing to  which  the  house  of  Euthycrates,  which  was  disliked 
at  Delphi,  had  been  hit  especially  hard  in  the  sentence  of 
the  Amphictyons.  Indignation  at  this  sentence  caused 
the  son  of  Euthycrates,  Onomarchus,  to  place  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  war-party,  where  a prospect  opened  to  him 
of  simultaneously  satisfying  his  ambition  and  his  family- 
hatred.  Onomarchus  was  reputed  the  real  author  of  the 
decisive  decree.  At  bis  side  stood  Philomel  us,  the  son  of 
Theotimus.  These  were  bold  and  highly-gifted  men,  po- 
tent in  word  and  deed.  Led  by  them,  the  popular  assem- 
bly resolved  upon  energetic  resistance  against  the  demands 
of  the  Amphictyons.  But  this  was  not  deemed  enough. 
The  entire  political  relations  of  the  country  were  to  be 
transformed  ; for  every  element  of  vexation  and  hatred, 
which  had  gathered  from  of  old  among  the  Phocians 
against  Delphi,  against  Bceotia,  or  against  Thessaly,  now 
came  to  light ; bitterest  of  all  was  the  rage  against  Delphi, 
which  was  once  more  allowing  itself  to  be  used  as  the  tool 
of  the  enemies  of  Phocis.  This  temple-state,  it  was  declared, 
could  no  longer  be  tolerated  ; the  natural  guardian  of  the 
sanctuary  was  the  Phocian  state,  which  ought  not  to  permit 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


71 


such  a focus  of  hostile  intrigue  to  continue  to  exist  in  the 
heart  of  its  own  district.* 

The  Phocian  people  summoned  up  its  energies  for  a 
new  political  career,  and  deemed  itself  called  to  great 
deeds.  A general  armament  was  decreed,  and  Philomelus 
was  chosen  commander,  with  Onomarchus  as  his  colleague. 
Environed  by  bitter  foes,  the  Phocians  looked  around  for 
allies  abroad,  and  placed  their  hopes  above  all  in  Sparta. 
For  the  Spartans,  it  was  remembered,  were  lying  under 
the  same  kind  of  sentence  as  the  Phocians  ; they  had  been 
for  the  second  time  condemned  by  the  Delphic  authorities 
on  account  of  their  criminal  seizure  of  the  citadel  of  Cad- 
mus, and  like  the  Phocians  had  raised  a protest  against 
the  sentence  (vol.  iv.  p.  427).  From  Athens,  too,  support 
was  hoped  for.  Both  these  states,  it  was  thought,  could 
not  possibly  remain  tranquil  supporters  of  the  annihila- 
tion of  an  independent  Phocis,  and  of  the  unconditional 
victory  of  the  Thebano-Thessalian  policy.  Philomelus 
himself  repaired  to  Sparta,  where  his  plans  met  with  ap- 
proval, and  where  he  received  promises  and  pecuniary 
support,  but  no  real  aid  from  any  quarter. 

The  Phocians  were  left  to  rely  upon  them-  outbreak 
selves  ; and  from  without  they  derived  no  ad-  the  Sacrca 
vantage  except  through  the  tardiness  of  their  ( | ^ ; ^ 
adversaries,  who  shrank  from  decisive  steps.  3C5-) 
Philomelus  accordingly  perceived,  that  everything  de- 


* Our  knowledge  of  the  (ten  years’  : Duns,  ap.  Athen.  560)  Phocian  war  is 
entirely  based  upon  Diodorus,  whose  sources  were  Theopompus,  Demo- 
philus  (the  son  and  continuer  of  Ephorus),  and  Diyllus  (the  continuer  of 
Callisthenes).  Besides  him  we  have  Pausanias  and  Justin ; and  in 
occasional  points  Demosthenes  and  iEsehines.  Cf.  Flathe,  derphoJcische  Krieg, 
1854. — No  slaves  in  Phocis : Athen.  264  e. — Quarrel  about  the  heiress : 
Aristot.  Polit.  200,  28.  (Aristotle  had  an  immediate  acquaintance  with  the 
mother  as  the  friend  of  Mnason,  the  son  of  Mnaseas,  according  to  Timseus 
ap.  Athen.  u.  s.)  The  rape  of  Theano  the  occasion  of  the  war:  Duris  ap. 
Athen.  560  b.  Sentence  of  the  Amphictyons  in  August,  356  b.  c. — Onomarchus 
stoAAgus  /cat  /xeyaAats  SiKais  vtt'o  tcuv  ’A/xc/nKTuai'a/t'  rjv  /taraSeSt/cacr/xeros  o/xotajs 
Tots  aAAois  (read  oi>x  ofxot'tos),  Diod.  xvi.  32.  Diod.,  c.  56  and  Cl,  makes 
Onomarchus  and  Philomelus  brothers. 


72 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


pended  upon  rapid  action  ; by  means  of  a bold  advance 
be  hoped  to  have  the  best  chance  of  inducing  his  allies 
likewise  to  take  part  in  the  struggle.  Nc;  indeed  was  it 
admissible  for  him  to  wait,  until  the  members  of  the 
League  were  in  arms,  established  themselves  in  the  heart 
of  the  country  under  the  pretext  of  protecting  the  temple, 
and  controlled  the  connecting  routes ; for  the  Phocian 
communities  encircled  Mount  Parnassus,  and  could  from 
Delphi  be  very  easily  hindered  in  their  common  action. 
He  therefore  urged  on  the  armament,  adding  to  it  from 
his  own  resources,  and,  while  outwardly  peace  still 
reigned,  anticipated  his  adversaries  by  a bold  sudden 
stroke.  He  occupied  Delphi,  where  he  de- 
atIDeiphif1Ui'  meaned  himself  with  the  utmost  rigor  as  the 
01.  cvi.  1 (b.  c.  guardian  of  the  sanctuary.  Bloody  ven- 
3°Spring.  geance  was  wreaked  upon  the  families  at  Del- 
phi, which  were  particularly  hostile  in  their 
sentiments  and  offered  resistance  ; their  lands  were  confis- 
cated ; the  Locrians  who  were  coming  up  were  driven 
back  ; the  memorials  of  the  recent  decrees  were  destroyed; 
and  the  Pythia  herself  was  forced  to  espouse  the  side  of 
the  Phocians. 

After  this  decisive  advance,  the  necessity  of  a single 
leadership  was  felt  even  more  keenly  than  before ; and  on 
the  part  of  the  popular  community  all  the  powers  of  an 
absolute  dictatorship  were  conferred  upon  Philomelus,  who 
established  his  residence  at  Delphi,  constructed  a fort  com- 
manding the  ways  of  access  to  it,  and  issued  a manifesto 
to  the  Greek  nation,  wherein  he  justified  his  apparent 
breach  of  the  peace,  and  solemnly  declared  his  intention  to 
maintain  intact  the  common  sanctuary  of  Hellas,  and  to 
render  an  account  of  the  treasures  of  Delphi.* 

The  Thebans  were  manifestly  extremely  surprised  by 
the  resolute  bearing  and  energetic  action  of  the  Phocian 
people.  They  had  intended  to  use  Delphi  as  the  base  of 


* Fort  erected  by  Philomelus : Ulrichs,  Reisen,  i.  117. 


Chap.  I,] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


16 


Amphic- 
tyonio  decree 
from  Ther- 
mopylae 
against  Philo- 
melas, 

01.  evi.  2(b.  c. 

355). 

Autumn. 


their  further  operations  for  the  humiliation  of  the  despised 
highlanders  ; instead  of  which  it  had  become  a citadel  of 
the  foe,  which  they  did  not  venture  to  approach.  Philo- 
melus,  who  was  forced  to  undertake  expeditions  of  pillage 
in  order  to  support  his  mercenaries,  even  threatened  the 
Boeotian  frontiers  ; and  the  Thebans  began  to  fear  for 
their  country-towns,  whose  loyalty  was  never  to  be  de- 
pended upon. 

They  accordingly  summoned  an  Amphictyonic  assem- 
bly to  Thermopylae,  where  the  adversaries  of  the  Phocians, 
the  Thessalians  in  particular,  were  represented.  This  was 
a diet  in  every  respect  illegal ; it  however,  de- 
clared itself  to  be  the  representative  body  of 
the  Hellenic  nation,  and  claimed  the  rights  of 
such  an  assembly.  Philomelus  was  placed  un- 
der the  ban ; and  all  the  men  capable  of 
bearing  arms  were  in  the  name  of  the  Delphic 
god  summoned  to  take  part  in  a Sacred  War.  All  the 
tribes  armed,  which  stood  towards  Thebes  in  the  relation 
of  communities  bound  to  furnish  military  contingents  ; 
once  more  Thebes  found  herself  at  the  head  of  the  popu- 
lations from  Mount  Olympus  to  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  of 
the  Locrians,  Dorians,  Thessalians,  of  the  tribes  of 
Mount  ( Eta  and  of  the  Pindus-range.  They  came  in  with 
great  ardor  for  war,  not  in  order  to  succor  the  Delphic 
god  and  his  Pythia,  but  in  order  at  last  thoroughly  to 
gratify  their  hatred  against  the  Phocians  (autumn  of 
355).  Greece  was  divided  into  two  camps,  according  as 
it  adhered  to  the  one  or  the  other  side.  For  Phocis  there 
was  much  sympathy,  but  little  aid  ; the  two  Great  Powers 
were  crippled,  and  auxiliaries  came  only  from  Aehaia. 
Philomelus  therefore  had  the  greatest  difficul-  „ , , , 

. & Conduct  of 

ties  to  contend  against ; and,  although  he  was  the  war  by 
....  ....  ° Philomelus. 

originally  a party-politician,  swayed  by  ambi- 
tious designs  and  dynastic  schemes,  he  yet  showed  him- 
self a born  prince,  and  a man  of  mighty  intellectual  force. 

4 


74 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU 


In  his  eyes  everything  depended  upon  awakening  confi- 
dence in  his  cause,  and  upon  proving  that  the  Phocians 
were  not  a savage  horde,  but  ripe  for,  and  capable  of, 
independence  as  a state,  and  worthy  of  taking  their  place 
among  the  other  states.  He  maintained  discipline  and 
order,  and  by  means  of  energetic  counter-measures  forced 
the  enemy,  who  regarded  his  soldiers  as  sacrilegious  de- 
spoilers of  the  temple,  aud  was  about  to  treat  as  such 
those  who  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  to  concede  to  his 
army  equality  of  treatment  according  to  the  laws  of  war. 
But  the  worst  evils  he  was  unable  to  remove.  They  arose 
from  the  fact,  that  his  power  was  based  on  mercenaries, 
whom  he  had  rapidly  collected  by  means  of  excessive 
payments  of  money.  His  whole  power  was  therefore  in 
reality  a money  power.  Under  these  circumstances  it 
would  have  been  miraculous,  had  Philomelus  succeeded 
in  throughout  observing  the  moderation  which  he  had  made 
his  law,  and  which  he  had  openly  recognized  as  an  obliga- 
tion incumbent  upon  him.  The  temptation  was  too  great. 
He  and  his  friends  were  absolute  masters  of  the  best-filled 
treasury  in  Greece, — and  were  they  from  want  of  money 
to  abandon  the  country  to  its  most  furious  foes?  In  point 
of  fact,  no  choice  remained  for  the  Phocians,  after  they 
had  once  gone  so  far.  Accordingly,  a treasury-office  was 
instituted ; and  under  its  responsibility  resort  was  had  to 
the  temple-treasure,  in  the  first  instance  probably  only  in 
the  form  of  a loan  taken  from  the  temple,  afterwards, 
however,  with  increasing  boldness  and  recklessness.  The 
treasures,  which  had  for  centuries  lain  in  a sacred  place 
under  the  threshold  of  the  temple,  now  found  their  way 
abroad  ; and  the  more  gold  was  found,  the  more  was 
sought.  The  long-restrained  ill-will  against  the  priestly, 
city  gratified  itself  by  taking  full  advantage  of  its  trea- 
sures ; not  only  was  the  gold  cast  into  the  mint,  but  the 
sacred  relics  too  were  laid  hands  upon,  and  precious  orna- 
ments dating  from  the  Heroic  age  were  seen  glittering 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


75 


upon  the  necks  of  the  wives  of  the  captains  of  the  mer- 
cenaries. 10,000  talents  (nearly  £2,500,000)  are  said  at 
that  time  to  have  come  into  circulation ; nor  were  they 
merely  expended  as  pay  to  the  soldiery,  but  also  applied 
abroad,  in  order  to  gain  over  influential  personages,  such 
as  Dinicha,  the  consort  of  king  Archidamus  at  Sparta,  or 
on  the  other  hand  to  excite  favorable  sentiments  in  the 
camp  of  the  enemy.*  And  yet  the  Phocians  could  not 
secure  a control  over  the  fortune  of  war. 

After  a series  of  successful  contests,  Philo-  Ti 

7 ^ Defeat,  and 

melus  was  attacked  in  the  valley  of  Cephisus  of, 

J L Pnilomelus. 

by  a superior  force,  and  involved  in  a battle,  . 

J 1 . ’ ’Ol.  evii.  1 

which  ended  in  a defeat.  He  only  escaped  (B.  c.  354). 
personal  captivity  by  throwing  himself,  bleeding  from 
many  wounds,  into  the  abyss  from  the  rocky  crags  near 
Tithora. 

Apparently,  the  Thebans  regarded  the  cause  victories 
of  the  Phocians  as  lost,  inasmuch  as  about  the  °f  Onomar- 
same  time  they  dispatched  their  best  general,  01  evj  i (B 
Pammenes,  at  the  head  of  5,000  men  through  a 353)- 
Macedonia  to  Asia,  where  he  was  to  support  the  satrap 
Artabazus  against  the  Great  King.  But  they  were 
greatly  mistaken,  if  they  conceived  the  defiant  spirit  of 
the  Phocians  to  have  been  broken.  Even  now  the  mod- 
erate party  in  the  country  was  unable  to  prevail.  Ono- 
marchus,  who  had  probably  long  borne  with  difficulty  his 
subordination  to  Philomelus,  now  assumed  the  first  place, 
and  his  brother  Phayllus  the  second ; the  dynastic  char- 
acter of  the  movement  becoming  more  and  more  palpable. 
The  house  of  Euthyceates  stood  like  a royal  family  at  the 
head  of  the  people ; and,  in  order  to  gratify  the  ambition 
of  that  house,  the  bloody  war  was  continued  with  fresh 
ardor.  There  were  still  more  and  more  Delphic  trea- 
sures to  be  turned  into  money  ; fresh  bands  of  soldiery 

* Binicha  and  Archidamus  are  accused  of  corruption  by  Theopompus,  ap. 
Pausan.  iii.  10,  3. 


76 


[Book  VII. 


History  of  Greece. 

flowed  in  to  serve  the  free-handed  prince ; under  him 
Phocis  was  the  first  financial  and  military  power  in 
Hellas.  Fortune  likewise  favored  him.  At  Pherse  new 
tyrants  arose.  He  connected  himself  with  them,  sup- 
ported them  with  money,  and  thereby  secured  freedom 
from  molestation  in  his  rear.  The  Thebans  had  allowed 
their  ardor  to  grow  slack,  while  in  a foolish  dream  of 
playing  the  part  of  a Great  Power  they  had  weakened 
their  strength  by  undertakings  at  a distance.  Of  a 
sudden  they  found  themselves  no  longer  sure  of  their  own 
land.  For  Onomarchus  made  himself  master  of  all  the 
advantages  belonging  to  an  energetically  conducted  war, 
occupied  Thermopylae,  and  devastated  the  territories  of 
the  confederates  of  Thebes,  in  order  to  render  the  tribes 
of  Mount  tEta,  the  Dorians  and  Locrians,  heartily  sick  of 
their  obligation  of  furnishing  military  contingents  to 
Thebes.  Hereupon  a revolt  was  provoked  in  Boeotia 
itself;  while  simultaneously  an  expedition  was  under- 
taken into  Thessaly,  in  order  there  to  secure  the  victory 
to  the  anti-Theban  party. 

It  was  in  Thessaly,  then,  that  the  complications  ensued, 
which  caused  the  Macedonian  king  to  intervene  directly 
in  the  quarrels  of  the  Greeks,  precisely  at  the  time  when, 
after  accomplishing  his  more  immediate  tasks,  he  was 
seeking  for  an  opportunity  to  extend  his  influence  upon 
the  countries  of  Greece.  No  opportunity  could  have  been 
more  favorable  than  that  which  now  offered  itself  to  him. 
He  had  on  his  side  not  only  the  ancient  dynastic  families 
of  the  land,  which  claimed  his  aid  against  Lycophron  and 
Pitholaus  fp.  67)  but  also  the  Thessalian  people.  For 
the  Tyrants  of  Pherse  were  hated  throughout  the  country 
on  account  of  the  arbitrary  policy  which  they  had  at  all 
times  pursued  ; and  this  aversion  had  naturally  in  a high 
degree  increased,  since  they  had  allied  themselves  with 
the  hereditary  enemies  of  Thessaly,  the  Phocians.  Philip 
could  therefore  reckon  upon  vigorous  support  in  Thessaly 


Ciiap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


77 


itself ; he  appeared  in  the  character  of  a protector  against 
the  savage  mercenary  bands  which  fed  upon  the  spoils 
of  the  temple,  and  which  had  more  and  more  become  a 
plague  to  all  Greece.  And  yet  he  found  his  next  mea- 
sures far  from  easy  of  execution.  At  first,  indeed,  he 
without  much  difficulty  drove  back  Phayllus,  who  had 
been  dispatched  against  him  in  support  of  the  Tyrants. 
But  hereupon  Onomarchus  perceived,  that  Thessalian 
affairs  would  not  admit  of  being  treated  as  matters  of 
secondary  importance.  He  advanced  at  the  head  of  all 
his  forces  from  Boeotia,  and  threw  himself  with  wrathful 
energy  upon  the  new  foe,  who  was  minded  to  ruin  his 
schemes.  In  two  great  battles  he  defeated  the  Macedo- 
nian king,  so  that  the  latter  only  escaped  pursuit  with  the 
broken  remnants  of  his  army.  The  power  of  the  Aleua- 
dse  had  thus  been  broken ; and  inasmuch  as  simultane- 
ously Boeotia,  whose  union  had  been  an  effort  of  so  much 
difficulty,  was  likewise  in  a state  of  utter  dissolution, 
Coronea,  the  ancient  confederate  city,  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  Phocians,  and  Orchomenus  again  rising  in 
opposition  to  Thebes,  while  the  Tyrants  of  Pherse  were 
eagerly  endeavoring  to  obtain  for  their  energetic  protector 
the  supremacy  over  all  Thessaly, — it  was  indeed  possible 
for  Onomarchus,  who  nowhere  saw  an  enemy  worthy  of 
consideration  confronting  him  in  the  field,  to  indulge  in 
the  hope,  that  he  would  succeed  in  founding  a dominion 
for  himself  and  his  house,  which  should  unite  a great  part 
of  the  Greek  mainland  as  a single  empire. 

But  king  Philip  had  only  marched  home  His  defeat 
in  order  to  return  better  armed  to  the  scene  aud  death- 
of  the  conflict.  After  the  lapse  of  a few  c ® 4 (B' 
months  he  was  again  in  Thessaly,  at  the  head 
of  20,000  foot  and  3,000  horse.  Here  he  contrived  to 
turn  to  excellent  account  the  hatred  of  Phocis,  which  had 
been  provoked  afresh  by  the  late  war  ; he  fired  the  troops 
with  the  thought,  that  they  were  fighting  for  a sacred 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


cause,  and  gained  a bloody,  but  complete,  victory.  More 
than  6,000  of  the  enemy  fell  in  the  field,  while  3,000 
prisoners  were  cast  into  the  sea  as  sacrilegious  violators  of 
the  temple.  Onomarchus  himself  fell,  and  his  dead  body 
was  nailed  to  the  cross  (spring  of  352  B.  c.).* 

The  king  pacified  Thessaly,  and,  after  expelling  the 
Tyrants,  immediately  occupied  the  positions  of  the  greatest 
moment  to  himself,  which  he  had  long  resolved  never  to 
relinquish  again ; viz.  Pagasse,  the  most  important 
harbor  of  all  Thessaly,  and  the  peninsula  of  Magnesia, 
which  controlled  the  port,  and  the  possession  of  which  was 
of  decisive  significance  for  the  mastery  over  all  Thessaly. 
In  order  at  the  same  time  to  be  credited  with  some  popu- 
lar measure,  he  declared  Pherse,  the  city  of  the  Tyrants, 
to  be  a free  city,  and  was  hereupon  loudly  celebrated  as 
the  saviour  of  Thessaly,  as  the  benefactor  of  the  Hellenes, 
and  as  the  avenger  of  Apollo. 

Meanwhile,  the  party  opposed  to  him  was  anything  but 
annihilated.  Phayllus  became  leader  of  the 
Phocians  ; and  it  redounded  to  his  advantage, 
that  the  victory  of  Philip  had  excited  terror  among  the 
other  Hellenes,  and  had  roused  them  from  their  inaction. 
They  beheld  the  Macedonian  king — of  whom  they  had 
been  accustomed  to  think  only  as  of  a potentate  on  the 
distant  frontiers  of  the  Greek  world,  and  who  was  known 
to  them  as  a dangerous  neighbor  in  the  region  of  the  colo- 
nies alone, — suddenly  powerful  in  Thessaly,  and  standing 
with  a victorious  army  on  the  boundary  of  Interior 
Greece.  The  Athenians  without  delay  manned  a fleet, 
and  occupied  Thermopylae.  Had  Philip  continued  his 
advance,  in  order  to  fight  out  the  Sacred  War,  he  would 
have  united  Phocis,  Athens,  and  Sparta,  in  an  armed  alli- 
ance, and  have  driven  them  to  pursue  an  energetic 
national  policy.  Such  was  not  his  intention.  There  still 


* Death  of  Onomarchus  : Diod.  xvi.  61. 


Chap,  lj  y/ie  Kingdoms  of  the  North.  79 

remained  more  dedicatory  gifts  and  temple-vessels  to  melt 
into  money  ; succor  arrived  from  Sparta  and  Aehaia,  and 
the  Tyrants  of  Pherse  as  fugitive  partisans  supported  the 
war  of  pillage  in  the  territory  of  Locris.  andphal£e_ 
Phayllus  died  with  his  spirit  unbroken,  after  headof'af- 
he  had  appointed  his  nephew  Phalsecus,  the  %rs  m pho' 
son  of  Onomarchus,  his  successor;  the  cap- 
tainship in  war  had  become  a hereditary  princely  power.* 

But  gradually  the  pecuniary  resources  failed.  The 
war  slackened  ; it  degenerated  into  a border-feud,  which 
dragged  on  year  after  year  without  arriving  at  any  deci- 
sion, and  which,  like  an  open  sore,  exhausted  all  the 
healthy  forces  of  the  population.  More  and  more  fields 
were  left  untilled ; more  and  more  homesteads  were  burnt 
down,  and  fruit  trees  felled ; while  the  inhabitants  were 
barbarized  by  the  sufferings  resulting  from  the  war,  which 
was  carried  on  from  year  to  year,  without  its  being  very 
clear  with  what  object.  Boeotia  and  Locris  exhausted 
their  strength,  while  the  state  of  mercenaries  was  inevi- 
tably doomed  to  a thorough  collapse.  Neither  side  could 
obtain  a result  worthy  of  such  enormous  sacrifices. 
Everything  remained  undecided  except  that  which  king 
Philip  had  intended.  He  alone  had  secured  any  ad- 
vantage. 

His  dominion  now  extended  from  the  gold-  Philip  mas_ 
miues  of  Thrace  to  Thermopylae.  Thessaly, 
the  land  so  indispensable  to  him  with  its  C.°p2°vi-4(B; 
abundant  resources,  which  had  never  before 
been  united  under  the  control  of  a single  ruler,  and  had 
therefore  never  before  been  fairly  turned  to  account,  was 
at  his  feet,  and  the  strongest  natural  boundary,  Mount 
Olympus  with  its  passes,  no  longer  existed  for  him  ; the 
military  contingents  of  the  Thessalians,  above  all  their 
cavalry,  were  at  his  disposal ; in  the  Pagassean  Gulf  he 

* Phalsecus,  nephew  ( qucere  and  adopted  son  ? Wesseling  ad  Diod.  xvi.  38) 
of  Phayllus : Diod.  Schol.  iEschin.  ii.  130 ; Pausan.  x.  2, 6. 


80 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book.  VIL 


possessed  a new  naval  station  on  the  shores  of  the  Greek 
sea,  and  in  the  port-dues  levied  there  a new  and  rich 
source  of  income.*  And  all  this  he  had  achieved,  not  as 
a conqueror  taking  by  force,  but  as  a friend  and  bene- 
factor of  the  country,  lighting  for  a just  and  national 
cause,  on  behalf  of  order  and  sacred  usage  against 
Tyranny  and  military  despotism,  and  had  achieved  it  after 
such  a fashion,  that  those  whom  lie  had  aided  would  be 
also  unable  to  spare  him  in  the  future.  He  retained  the 
threads  in  his  hands ; he  had  thrown  the  bridge  across 
into  Interior  Hellas,  and  calmly  waited,  till  the  hour 
should  arrive  for  crossing  it.  In  the  meantime  the  Hel- 
lenes, in  particular  the  immediate  neighbors  of  Southern 
Thessaly,  themselves  did  more  than  any  foreign  foe  could 
have  done  thoroughly  to  consume  the  power  of  resistance 
remaining  in  Hellas ; and,  after  securing  Thessaly,  Philip 
was  all  the  more  able  calmly  to  turn  his  attention  to  the 
tasks  demanding  it  in  the  North.  An  empire  such  as  his 
claimed  the  presence  of  the  king  at  the  greatest  variety 
of  points ; nowhere  existed  a fixed  usage,  everything  was 
in  a state  of  generation,  and  he  was  the  soul  of  the  whole. 
Accordingly,  the  rapidity  of  his  marches,  which  excited 
the  astonishment  of  all  the  world,  was  one  of  the  most 
effectual  means,  whereby  he  made  his  empire  firm  and 
strong. 

_....  . In  the  autumn  of  352  he  stood  in  Thrace; 

Thrace.  forced  the  chiefs  there  to  acknowledge  his 

(B°c  33*)  1 suPremacy  j advanced  as  far  as  the  waters  of 
the  Pontus  ; and  concluded  treaties  of  amity 
with  Cardia  on  the  Hellespont,  with  Byzantium  and  Pe- 
rinthus.f  About  the  same  time  he  extended  his  power  in 
the  direction  of  the  Adriatic,  erected  forts  in  the  Illyrian 
country,  and  accustomed  the  princes  of  Epirus  to  submit 


* Port-  and  market-dues  as  a royalty  of  Philip:  Dem.  i. 22:  rows  AifieVas 

teal  T&s  ayopas  KapiroutrOcu. 
f Philip  in  Thrace:  Diod.  xvi.  34,  et  seq. 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


81 


to  his  ordinances.  Finally  he  had  also  from  Thessaly 
already  opened  communications  with  Eubcea,  in  order  to 
secure  friends  in  this  important  island,  and  was  inces- 
santly engaged  in  extending  his  combinations  in  all  direc- 
tions, and  in  acquiring  influence  on  every  coast. 

These  were  introductory  measures,  which  gently  pre- 
pared future  steps,  while  in  localities  nearer  to  his  domin- 
ions he  set  about  executing  his  previously  prepared  plans 
with  full  vigor.  One  of  the  principal  among  these  was 
the  complete  subjection  of  the  Chalcidian  peninsulas. 

It  is  true  that  since  the  fall  of  Amphipolis  phj|.p  and 
affairs  nowhere  wore  a more  peaceful  aspect,  Olynthus. 
than  in  the  regions  in  question.  While  in  Central 
Greece  the  war  raged  and  everything  was  unhinged,  pros- 
perity and  wealth  prevailed  among  the  Olynthians  and 
the  cities  confederated  with  them.  For  they  had  nothing 
to  fear  either  from  Athens  or  from  Sparta ; and  was  not 
the  single  neighbor,  who  would  have  inflicted  damage 
upon  them,  their  best  friend  (p.  56)  ? He  had  proved 
himself  such  by  his  acts  ; to  him  they  owed  the  extension 
and  rounding-off  of  their  territory,  for  he  had  abandoned 
to  them  Potidsea  and  Anthemus ; he  bestowed  gifts  upon 
their  citizens ; favored  their  city  by  manifold  concessions  ; 
permitted  their  capitalists  to  take  a lucrative  share  in  the 
working  of  the  mines,  now  flourishing  with  unprecedented 
vigor  ; extended  their  rights  of  pasture ; and  seemed  to 
take  pleasure  in  their  prosperity.  In  this  attitude  of 
Philip  the  Olynthians  recognized  the  old  Macedonian 
policy,  such  as  already  king  Perdiccas  had  pursued  to- 
wards them ; and  they  thought  to  have  all  the  less  reason 
for  mistrust,  inasmuch  as  they  might  consider  that  even 
the  present  monarchy,  engaged  as  it  was  in  efforts  for  a 
further  advance,  must  necessarily  attach  some  value  to 
their  friendship.  But  since  the  Macedonian  kingdom 
soread  with  so  bold  a self-assurance  in  every  direction, 
and  developed  a systematic  policy  of  asserting  itself  as  a 

4* 


82 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VlL 


Great  Power,  the  Olyntliians  after  all  began  to  be  dis- 
quieted by  their  position  next  to  a neighbor  so  vastly 
superior  in  strength,  whose  conquests  surrounded  their 
territory  like  an  island.  They  felt  as  if  they  were  sitting 
before  the  lair  of  a beast  of  prey,  on  whose  humor  alone  it 
depended,  when  it  would  stretch  forth  its  claws  upon  a victim 
which  could  not  escape  it.  They  lived  in  a constant  condi- 
tion of  terror,  which  increased  or  diminished  according  as 
Philip  and  his  army  were  more  or  less  remote  from  them. 
This  disquietude  was  further  heightened  by  the  fact,  that 
the  Olynthians  were  not  a single  city  community,  but  a 
group  of  from  twenty  to  thirty  towns,  each  of  which  con- 
tained parties  in  mutual  hostility  against  one  another. 
For  Philip  had  taken  care  to  have  in  the  communities  of 
all  the  towns  adherents,  who  advocated  an  unconditional 
alliance  with  Macedonia  as  the  one  true  policy  of  the 
Chalcidians,  and  who  kept  him  informed  of  every  sign  of 
movements  in  a contrary  direction.  And  yet  the  feeling 
in  favor  of  independence,  which  was  so  deeply  rooted  in 
all  Greek  communities,  and  the  love  of  liberty  once  more 
gained  the  upper  hand ; the  national  parties  in  the  con- 
federate towns  combined,  and  it  was  resolved  to  see,  how 
far  it  was  still  permitted  to  them  to  pursue  a policy  of 
their  own.  For,  although  apparently  enjoying  equal 
rights  of  independence,  they  yet  already  stood  in  a rela- 
tion of  vassalage  to  Macedonia,  since  in  the  treaty  of  alli- 
ance they  had  undertaken  to  carry  on  war  conjointly  with 
her  against  Athens,  or  conjointly  with  her  to  conclude 
peace.  This  was  the  price  exacted  for  Potidsea  and 
Anthemus ; for  how  could  the  king  have  given  up  such 
cities  as  these  to  a neighboring  state,  without  having 
assured  himself  of  its  alliance  ? It  was  therefore  from  the 
Olynthians  that  the  first  offence  against  the  treaties  pro- 
ceeded, when,  without  asking  Philip,  they  entered  into 
peace-negotiations  with  Athens,  which  was  already  in 
arms  against  the  king,  so  as  at  least  to  claim  for  them- 


Chap.  I.] 


The  Kingdoms  of  the  North. 


83 


selves  the  right  of  neutrality.  The  earliest  of  these  trans- 
actions  are  probably  contemporaneous  with  the  Macedo- 
nian campaigns  in  Thessaly.* 

Since  this  proceeding  the  relations  between 
Philip  and  the  confederation  of  cities  had  and'lthens. 
been  the  reverse  of  easy ; but  neither  side  was 
inclined  to  bring  about  an  open  rupture.  The  king  came 
into  contact  with  the  territory  of  the  cities  on  his  expedi- 
tions to  Thrace ; he  let  them  perceive  his  power,  he 
warned  and  threatened,  but  did  nothing  on  his  side  to 
break  the  peace.  The  Olynthians,  on  the  other  hand, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  national  party,  went  a step  fur- 
ther, by  requesting  military  aid  from  the  Athenians  for 
the  protection  of  their  frontiers.  This  already  amounted 
to  a decided  demonstration  against  Philip,  who  could  not 
possibly  be  exjiected  to  tolerate  the  appearance  of  hostile 
troops  in  the  territory  of  his  allies.  There  was  now 
nothing  needed  but  chance  occasions,  in  order  to  bring 
the  war  to  an  outbreak.  Such  an  occasion  presented 
itself,  when  the  king  demanded  that  one  of  his 
step-brothers,  who  had  taken  refuge  at  Olyn-  the  oiyn-y  °f 
thus,  should  be  given  up.  Hereupon  the  city  Atifens!°  oi. 
took  the  decisive  step,  by  sending  envoys  to  3J9"' 4'  ^B'  c’ 
Athens,  with  instructions  to  conclude  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  against  Macedonia. 

Everything  now  depended  upon  the  result  of  this 
embassy.  Olynthus  and  Athens  were  the  two  states  alone 
remaining  in  possession  of  resources  for  resistance.  A 
combination  between  them  was  therefore  also  what  Philip 
had  from  the  first  endeavored  to  prevent.  If  Olynthus 


* Conclusion  of  peace  between  Olynthus  and  Athens : summer  of  352  b.  c. 
according  to  Schafer,  Demoslh.,  ii.  114.  The  negotiations  with  Athens 
amounted  to  an  “ offence  against  the  treaties,”  in  so  far  as  according  to  the 
sense  of  those  treaties  Olynthus  had  evidently  renounced  an  independent 
foreign  policy.  This  is  quite  reeoneileable  with  the  statement  in  Chap,  iii 
infra,  that  a real  breach  of  the  treaties  could  not  be  proved  against 
the  Olynthians. 


84 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


was  lost  like  Ampliipolis,  Pydna,  and  Methone,  then 
Athens  alone  was  left.  What  then  was  the  condition  of 
things  at  Athens  ? What  had  been  her  course  of  conduct 
during  the  period  of  the  growth  of  the  Macedonian 
power?  Was  she  able  and  resolved,  to  enter  upon  a deci- 
sive struggle  on  her  own  behalf  and  on  that  of  the  Hel- 
lenes against  Philip  of  Macedonia,  whose  intentions  with 
regard  to  Greece  could  no  longer  be  matter  of  doubt  since 
his  proceedings  in  the  vicinity  of  Thermopylse  ? 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  POLICY  AND  INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  OF  ATHENS  UP 
TO  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  PUBLIC  CAREER 
OF  DEMOSTHENES. 

Since  Athens  had  freed  herself  from  the 
Thirty  Tyrants,  she  involuntarily  again  and  AttYc  policy^ 
again  returned  to  the  courses  of  her  ancient 
policy,  endeavoring  to  extend  her  dominion,  and  to 
acquire  influence  over  the  general  affairs  of  Greece.  She 
was  unable  to  forget  her  past,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
interests  of  her  trade  demanded  that  she  should  recover 
maritime  power  and  confederates.  But  the  great  differ- 
ence between  the  new  and  the  old  Athens  lay  in  this  : that 
it  was  now  no  longer  the  entire  civic  community,  which  of 
one  accord  desired  progress,  and  that  its  efforts  had  no 
endurance.  Athens  betrayed  her  exhaustion ; and  when 
she  had  made  a vigorous  advance,  she  soon  sank  back 
into  an  attitude  of  fatigue,  and  craved  for  nothing  but  a 
tranquil  enjoyment  of  life,  and  undisturbed  comfort 
within  the  limited  sphere  of  her  civic  life.  The  other 
difference  lies  in  the  circumstance,  that  the  policy  of  old 
Athens  had  always  developed  itself  out  of  itself  by  virtue 
of  a certain  necessity,  while  now  impulses  to  a more 
vigorous  course  of  action  invariably  came  from  without, 
so  that  the  policy  of  the  Athenians  was  determined  by 
special  opportunities,  and  depended  upon  outward  acci- 
dents. 

It  was  thus  that  Athens,  her  action  being  impelled  by 
foreign  states,  had  become  involved  in  the  Corinthian 
War;  and  after  she  had,  exhausted  and  discouraged  by 

85 


86 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


heavy  losses,  concluded  peace,  it  was  again  the  events  in 
Boeotia  which  had  determined  the  Athenian  policy.  In- 
deed, even  the  parties  at  home,  to  whose  influence  the 
resolutions  of  the  citizens  were  subject,  were  distinguished 
from  one  another  according  to  their  relations  towards  the 
foreign  states. 

Now,  the  formation  of  these  parties  was  not  based  upon 
any  new  principles  of  policy ; but  in  them  there  merely 
reappeared  in  an  altered  shape  the  old  tendencies.  For 
while  the  one  party  disapproved  of  a one-sidedly  demo- 
cratic policy,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  warnings  of  experi- 
ence still  continued  to  seek  to  bring  about  a good  under- 
standing "with  Sparta,  the  other  clung  to  the  principle, 
that  the  strength  of  the  state  lay  in  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people,  and  that  the  state  ought  to  be  fortified  against 
Sparta  by  means  of  an  alliance  with  other  states  of  the 
same  kind  of  constitution.  This  could  not  at  the  present 
time  be  any  longer  effected  by  force,  in  the  way  in  which 
Alcibiades  had  desired  to  bring  it  about,  when  he  made 
Athens  the  centre  of  all  the  democratic  parties  in  Greece ; 
but  it  was  necessary  by  means  of  the  peaceable  establish- 
ment of  a connexion  with  states  of  cognate  tendencies  to 
support  the  city,  and  to  endeavor  to  relieve  it  from  the 
dangerous  isolation  in  which  it  stood.  And  thus  it  wore 
the  aspect  of  a piece  of  providential-  good  fortune,  wThen 
immediately  after  the  deepest  humiliation  of  Athens  a 
mighty  change  took  place  in  Boeotia,  which  burst  asunder 
its  ancient  alliance  with  Sparta,  and  by  virtue  of  an 
inner  necessity  placed  the  country  on  the  side  of  the 
Athenians. 

This  turn  in  affairs  was  immediately  recognized  as  a 
great  advantage  at  Athens ; and  upon  it  was  based  the 
formation  of  the  party,  which  during  the 
tiJnhparty°"  ensuing  decades  united  in  its  ranks  the  best 
elements  of  the  community,  and  gave  the 
most  vigorous  impulses  to  the  life  of  the  state.  This 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


87 


party  established  as  its  principle  the  closest  alliance  with 
Thebes.  This  combination,  which  it  had  been  in  vain 
sought  to  bring  about  at  the  sword’s  point,  was  now  by 
peaceable  means  to  be  made  a reality  redounding  to  the 
welfare  of  either  state.  Boeotia  and  Attica  were  natu- 
rally called  upon  to  join  hands  as  a land  and  a sea- 
power  ; neither  state  had  cause  to  fear  the  other,  or  could 
derive  aught  but  benefit  from  its  neighbor.  The  friend- 
ship of  Thebes  made  Attica  secure  as  to  her  passes  in  the 
north,  and  equally  so  as  to  the  Eubcean  sea.  United, 
they  formed  a power,  which  no  other  in  Greece  could 
defy. 

Such  was  the  programme  of  the  Boeotian  party, — a sim- 
ple and  clear  plan  of  action,  the  healthy  and  fertile  germ 
of  a new- Attic  policy,  and  the  revival  of  the  old  popular 
party  upon  a basis  in  accordance  with  the  demands  of  the 
times.  This  policy  rested  not  merely  on  general  princi- 
ples and  views,  but  also  on  personal  relations  of  the  most 
intimate  character,  on  mutual  services  performed  in  days 
of  great  danger  for  the  attainment  of  the  highest  pur- 
poses of  state.  These  rapidly  led  to  a warm  feeling  of 
elective  affinity,  to  a political  sympathy,  which  had  a 
clear  title  to  the  removal  of  all  earlier  sentiments  of  ill- 
will.  The  “men  of  Phyle,”  as  the  heroes  were  called, 
who  had  from  the  first  taken  part  in  the  work  of  the 
Liberation,  were  also  the  leading  statesmen  of  the  Res- 
toration (vol.  iv.  p.  68).  Thrasybulus  and  Cephalus  con- 
cluded the  first  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with 
Thebes  ; the  same  tendency  wras  shared  by  the  eminent 
orator  Leodamas  of  Acharnse,  by  Aristophon  the  Hazeni- 
ean  (vol.  iv.  p.  71),  and  by  Thrasybulus  of  Collytus.* 

Although  this  party  was  so  rich  in  efficient 
members,  although  its  tendency  was  so  genu-  nents!*3  °PP0" 
inely  patriotic,  so  thoroughly  justified  by  the 


* Ot  e7ri  $vbrj,  Lys.  xii.  52;  oi  (ruyi<a.Te\66uT€s  ano  $v\r)s,  xiii.  71. 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


existing  state  of  things,  and  indeed  so  truly  based  upon 
historical  necessity,  yet  it  met  with  manifold  contraven- 
tion. It  was  the  party  of  movement  and  of  opposition  to 
Sparta.  Thrasybulus  was  the  companion-in-arms  of  Aid- 
biades  (vol.  iii*  p.  472)  ; and  Aristophon  was  the  son  of 
Demostratus,  who  had  been  the  most  zealous  supporter  of 
the  Sicilian  expedition  (vol.  iii.  p.  346).  For  this  reason 
all  who  were  afraid  of  a new  quarrel  with  Sparta  and  of 
new  dangerous  undertakings,  all  the  enemies  of  demo- 
cracy and  of  democratic  agitation,  were  among  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  Bceotian  party.  But  at  the  same  time  it  was 
opposed  by  the  demagogues  proper,  such  as  Agyrrhius 
(vol.  iv.  p.  296),  because  they  would  not  hear  of  any  dis- 
turbance of  a comfortable  prosperity,  and  of  the  imposi- 
tion of  sacrifices  upon  the  citizens.  Hereupon,  the  influ- 
ence of  Thrasybulus  and  his  associates  was  driven  into  the 
background  by  the  appearance  on  the  stage  of  Conon, 
who  had  been  out  of  connexion  with  the  period  in  which 
the  new  relations  towards  Thebes  had  formed  themselves. 
Nor  did  the  men,  who  attached  themselves  most  closely  to 
Conon,  viz.,  Iphicrates  and  Timotheus,  ever  thoroughly 
enter  into  the  points  of  view  adopted  by  the  Theban 
party ; they  were  probably  hampered  in  their  judgment 
of  the  political  situation  by  Attic  pride.  But  the  most 
decided  adversary  of  the  party  was  Callistratus  of  Aphid- 
na,  the  foremost  orator  of  his  day  at  Athens.  Although 
a nephew  of  Agyrrhius,  he  was  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  Theban  oligarchs;  and,  although  as  a good  patriot  he 
withstood  every  act  of  force  on  the  part  of  Sparta,  he  was 
yet  far  more  decisively  prejudiced  against  Thebes.  He 
was  opposed  to  the  establishment  of  a third  capital  in 
Greece,  and  of  a Boeotia,  united  under  the  supremacy  of 
Thebes,  in  the  rear  of  Athens.  In  other  words,  he  re- 
curred to  the  principles  of  the  policy  of  Cimon,  in  desiring 
to  see  the  direction  of  national  affairs  retained  by  the  two 
ancient  primary  states ; and  he  thought  he  might  hope  to 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


80 


find  the  right  form  in  which  to  bring  about  this  result,  if 
the  encroachments  of  Sparta  were  prevented  by  a firm 
course  of  action  and  a resolute  bearing.  But  if  Thebes 
put  herself  unduly  forward,  he  held  that  the  confusion 
which  had  existed  of  old  would  simply  be  increased.  In 
no  case  was  he  willing  to  see  Athens  bound  down  to  sup- 
port Thebes  ; she  was  to  reserve  to  herself  the  power  of 
acting  at  any  and  every  time  according  to  circumstances, 
The  policy  which  he  advocated  with  great  talent  and  in 
all  sincerity,  was  therefore  that  of  reserving  perfect  free- 
dom of  action.  But  this  policy  was  in  its  whole  tendency 
a faint-hearted  one,  which  never  glanced  beyond  the  tasks 
of  the  hour,  which  lacked  all  great  aims,  and  was  there- 
fore incapable  of  inspiring  enthusiasm  in  the  citizens  and 
deciding  them  to  vigorous  resolves.  This,  however,  was 
precisely  the  cause  why  it  found  a ready  response ; for  it 
seemed  to  be  the  most  cautious  and  prudent  of  policies.* 

The  Bceotian  party  was  accordingly,  in  spite  of  all  the 
sympathy  which  Thebes  excited  by  her  struggle  for  libera- 
tion, unable  to  carry  its  views,  until  again  an  outside 
event  occurred,  which  put  an  end  to  this  hesitation.  The 
lawless  attempt  of  Sphodrias  (vol.  iv.  p.  379)  made  it 
clear  even  to  the  dullest  eye,  that  Sparta  desired  to  have 
no  allies,  but  only  subjects,  in  Greece ; to . wage  war 
against  her  was  therefore  ordained  by  the  necessity  of  self- 
preservation.  Hereupon,  Cephalus  carried  the  conclusion 
of  the  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  Thebes ; the 
civic  community  braced  itself  to  fresh  exertions,  and  all 
the  parties  in  the  state  now  co-operated  with  the  Boeo- 
tian.f 

There  was  no  lack  of  the  elements  requisite  for  pur- 
suing the  new  aims  now  adopted.  The  Athenians  pos- 

* Demagogic  connexions  of  Callistratus  : Boeekh,  PuW.  Ec.  of  Ath.  vol.  i. 
p.  30G  \Eng.  Tr. J ; Schafer,  Demosth.  i.  12.  As  to  his  grandfather,  cf.  vol. 
ii.  p.  500. 

f Popular  decree  ol  Cephalus : Dinareh.  i.  39 ; Xen.  Eellen.  v.  i,  34 : oi 
j3otwTux^ot'Tcs  iSiSaoKOP  too  Srjfj or,  &c. 


90 


History  of  Greece. 


'[Book  VII 


sessed  generals  of  proved  merit,  who  hailed  with  joy  the 
opportunity  for  new  deeds ; they  possessed  experienced 
statesmen,  who  were  able  to  provide  that  the  agitation  of 
the  moment  should  result  in  a permanent  strengthening 
of  the  state.  Callistratus  by  no  means  evaded  this  task  ; 
for  although  he  differed  from  the  now  dominant  party 
with  regard  to  the  ultimate  objects  in  view,  he  yet  ap- 
proved of  whatever  redounded  to  the  advantage  of  the 
power  of  Athens,  in  particular  by  sea,  where  she  could 
most  independently  assert  herself  as  towards  Sparta  and 
as  towards  Thebes  alike ; and  he  was  glad  to  be  able  to 
show,  that  his  standpoint  too  was  far  from  excluding  a 
vigorous  onward  movement  on  the  part  of  his  native  city. 
With  him  worked  Aristoteles  of  Marathon  and  other 
men,  who  offered  a splendid  testimony  to  the  fact,  that 
the  higher  kind  of  statesmanship  had  not  yet  died  out  at 
Athens,  and  that  there  was  no  lack  of  organizing  talent 
there. 

Financial  in-  The  thorough  and  methodical  character  of 

novations,  their  proceedings  is  proved  by  the  institutions 
dating  from  the  year  of  Nausinicus  (vol.  iv.  p.  385).  The 
classes  and  the  principle  of  the  financial  census,  as  estab- 
lished by  Solon,  were  retained,  in  order  that  on  the  basis  of 
this  principle  the  actual  property  of  the  citizens  as  well  as 
of  the  resident  aliens  might  be  officially  ascertained  but 
the  earlier  usage  was  changed  in  important  points,  espe- 
cially in  this  : that  in  all  the  classes  there  was  entered  as 
the  capital  subject  to  taxation  not  the  entire  property,  but 
only  part  of  it.  This  part  in  the  lowest  class  corres- 
ponded roughly  to  the  yearly  income  from  its  property  ; 
in  the  case  of  the  wealthier  classes,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
amount  of  property  liable  to  taxation  proportionately  in- 
creased ; while,  however,  at  the  same  time  the  citizens 
were  reassured  by  the  fact,  that  in  none  of  the  property- 
classes  were  the  claims  of  the  state  allowed  to  extend  to 
their  capital  itself,  the  interest  of  it  being  always  alone  in 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


91 


question,  of  which,  eventually  a certain  percentage  was  to 
be  contributed.  The  measure  therefore  amounted  to 
nothing  more  than  an  income-tax  graduated  on  a fair 
scale  of  proportion. 

A second  innovation  consisted  in  the  establishment  of 
associations,  in  which  the  contributions  for  the  require- 
ments of  the  state  were  to  be  collected  without  the  imme- 
diate participation  of  the  government.  The  1,200  richest 
citizens,  elected  out  of  the  ten  tribes,  formed  twenty 
unions  or  Symmories ; and  again  the  richest  out  of  every 
symmory,  fifteen  from  each,  formed  together  a smaller 
college,  that  of  the  Three  Hundred,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
assess  the  payment  of  the  war-tax  imposed  upon  the  com- 
munity, and,  if  necessary,  to  cover  deficiencies  by 
advances. 

A beginning  was  made  with  a not  incon- 
siderable levy  of  taxation,  which  produced 
300  talents  (£73,000  circ.)  With  this  sum  a 
new  armament  was  commenced ; 100  ships  of 
war  were  built,  and  10,000  men  placed  under  arms ; 
the  maritime  supremacy  of  Athens  being  restored  on 
essentially  new  principles  (vol.  iv.  p.  387 ).  For  the  first 
time  a league  of  states  was  called  into  life,  which  was 
based  on  the  foundation  of  impartial  justice,  an  associa- 
tion which  could  not  be  taken  advantage  of  for  the 
purposes  of  any  one  state,  but  which  served  the  well- 


The  new 
Naval  Con- 
federation of 
Athens. 

01.  c.  3 (B.  C. 
378.) 


understood  interests  of  all  those  concerned  in  it.  Athens 
was  to  possess  no  rights,  except  such  as  were  necessary  in 
order  to  give  unity  and  strength  to  the  League.  No  state 
could  dispute  with  her  the  position  of  a directing  pri- 
macy, or  deny  to  her  generals  the  conduct  of  the  common 
undertakings.  Athens  necessarily  became  the  seat  of  the 
permanent  Federal  Council,  at  which  all  the  states  were 
represented  with  equal  rights  of  voting.  Any  possibility 
of  encroachment  was  prevented  by  the  prohibition  of 
interference  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  states,  of  the  de- 


92 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VH 


spatch  of  troops  to  garrison  confederate  towns,  and  of  the 
arbitrary  advance  of  any  demand  or  arbitrary  levy  of 
any  contribution.  Nor  was  any  Federal  treasure  formed, 
which  again  might  have  been  transferred  into  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Attic  state ; but  the  larger  states  furnished 
their  own  vessels,  while  the  smaller  paid  their  contribu- 
tions according  to  the  resolutions  arrived  at  in  common. 

The  ideas  which  lay  at  the  basis  of  the  new  Federal 
policy  had  their  origin  at  Athens.  But  before  they  were 
definitely  fixed,  an  understanding  was  brought  about  with 
those  states  whose  support  it  was  pre-eminently  necessary 
to  secure,  unless  operations  were  to  be  commenced  with 
nothing  beyond  an  empty  programme.  Among  those 
states  were  Chios,  which  had  adhered  to  Athens  even 
after  the  Peace  of  Antalcidas,  as  well  as  Mitylene  and 
Byzantium  ; also  Tenedos  and  Rhodes,  where,  after  pro- 
tracted party-feuds,  the  citizens  had  again  deprived  the 
families,  partisans  of  Sparta,  of  the  government ; the 
Mitylen  seans  had  drawn  after  them  the  Methymnseans, 
and  the  Byzantians  Perinthus.  An  agreement  had  been 
secretly  arrived  at  with  these  states,  and  afterwards  with 
Thebes,  where  it  was  soon  perceived  what  advantage 
could  be  drawn  from  the  new  Confederation.  And, 
although  Thebes  itself  was  without  immediate  value  for 
the  power  of  the  Naval  Confederation,  yet  its  accession 
was  of  importance,  because  it  gave  to  the  League  the 
character  of  a wider,  a Hellenic  combination,  and  helped 
to  remove  the  fears  of  a one-sided  Attic  policy. 

Attic  o]ic  After  the  execution  of  the  proposed  course 

before  of  action  had  been  thus  assured,  the  instru- 

battle  of  ^ _ 

Leuctra.  ment  of  the  Confederation  was,  in  accordance 
with  the  popular  decree  moved  by  Aristoteles,  published, 
and  after  the  names  of  the  participating  states  had  been 
added,  erected  as  a lapidary  inscription  in  the  market- 
place ; while  at  the  same  time  a public  summons  was 
issued  to  all  the  maritime  cities,  to  join  this  association,  in 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


93 


■which  they  would  find  protection  for  their  independence 
against  the  lawless  encroachments  of  the  superior  strength 
of  Sparta.  But  this  summons  could  only  exercise  an 
effect,  if,  instead  of  being  sent  to  its  various  addresses  as  a 
mere  lifeless  piece  of  writing,  it  reached  the  states  through 
the  personal  mediation  of  men  certain  to  awaken  confi- 
dence. This  was  the  task  of  the  generals  chosen  in  the 
first  year  of  the  new  confederation,  viz.  Chabrias,  Callis- 
tratus  and  Timotheus, — a combination  of  men,  each  of 
whom  was  after  his  fashion  specially  qualified  for  this 
difficult  mission. 


Callistratus  enjoyed  a widely-spread  au-  Callistratus 
tkority  as  a statesman ; and  the  moderate 
policy,  as  the  representative  of  which  he  was  known,  his 
comprehensive  _ insight  into  affairs,  his  large  experience 
and  his  diplomatic  skill,  were  even  more  effective  than 
his  brilliant  gifts  as  an  orator.  Chabrias  was  „ , . 
a commander  of  great  fame  both  by  land  and 
by  sea  (vol.  iv.  p.  383),  of  inventive  genius  both  in  the 
improvement  in  the  ships-of-war,  and  in  the  disposition 
and  employment  of  his  troops,  and  daring  and  prudent  in 
all  his  undei'takings.  His  good-fortune  inspired  confi- 
dence, and  to  be  under  his  protection  gave  a sense  of  se- 
curity. Thus  he  succeeded  in  bringing  about  the  adhe- 
rence of  the  Thracian  island  and  coast-towns  ; while  the 
important  accession  of  Euboea  was  due  to  Ti-  Timotheu, 
motheus.  The  last-named,  a man  still  in  the 
vigor  of  youth,  could  not  have  been  better  recommended 
to  his  fellow-citizens  or  to  the  allies  than  by  the  fact  of 
his  being  the  son  of  Conon  ; and  doubtless  this  recom- 
mendation was  not  left  out  of  sight  by  the  Athenians, 
when  they  set  about  resuming  the  work  of  his  father, 
which  the  unfavorable  aspect  of  the  times  had  interrupted. 
But  Timotheus  was  also  personally  eminently  well 
adapted  to  represent  the  city  abroad ; for  in  him  all  the 
good  elements  which  Athens  contained  were,  so  to  speak, 


94 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


incarnate.  Accustomed  from  early  youth  to  move  in 
choice  society,  he  possessed  a refinement  of  manners,  and 
a maturity  and  many-sidedness  of  culture,  such  as  could 
be  acquired  nowhere  else  but  at  Athens.  He  was  the  son 
of  a wealthy  house,  morally  over-indulged  and  irritable, 
an  aristocratic  nature  which,  conscious  of  its  own  purity 
of  intentions,  was  not  devoid  of  acerbity  against  all  efforts 
tinged  with  corruption,  in  particular  against  the  doings  of 
the  popular  orators,  who  sowed  discord  among  the  people ; 
while  at  the  same  time  he  was  always  ready  to  acknow- 
ledge the  deserts  of  others,  perfectly  free  from  arrogance 
and  harsh  party-feeling,  courteous,  open-handed  and  amia- 
ble. lie  belonged  already  to  the  younger  Athens,  whose 
best  sons  rose  above  mere  party-distinctions,  and  were 
possessed  of  a culture  free  from  all  one-sidedness,  and 
broadly  Hellenic.  Hereby  he  was  singularly  well  quali- 
fied for  intercoui’se  with  the  cultivated  men  of  all  locali- 
ties, and  for  acquiring  everywhere  friends  for  his  native 
city.  He  viewed  foreign  policy  from  its  ethical  side  ; and 
the  conquests  which  he  made,  whithersoever  he  came,  were 
moral  conquests, — in  direct  contrast  to  the  clumsy  method 
of  the  earlier  democratic  party,  which  asserted  its  influ- 
ence by  means  of  banishments,  confiscations  of  property, 
and  the  overthrow  of  constitutions. 

Isocrates  In  his  noble  course  of  action  Timotheus  was 
assisted  by  the  efforts  of  a chosen  circle  of 
friends,  in  particular  by  Isocrates,  with  whom  he  had 
entered  into  a close  intimacy  of  habits  of  life  since  about 
the  year  384.  The  writings  of  Isocrates  were  at  this 
period  extraordinarily  popular  in  the  whole  of  Greece,  be- 
cause they  were  the  finished  expression  of  an  Attic  culture, 
which  with  all  its  patriotism  rested  on  the  basis  of  the 
general  national  consciousness,  and  could  be  thoroughly 
appreciated  and  comprehended  outside  Athens.  On  this 
account  his  orations  not  only  had  an  effect  upon  the 
taste  of  his  contemporaries  as  models  of  style,  but  they 


Chap.  II.J 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


95 


at  the  same  time  as  political  pamphlets  exercised  a mo- 
mentous influence  upon  public  opinion.  For  he  contrived 
in  so  calm,  impartial  and  winning  a fashion  to  unfold 
the  deserts  of  Athens,  and  her  claims  to  the  direction  of 
national  affairs,  that  he  thereby  advanced  the  interests  of 
his  native  city.  His  writings  were  the  open  declaration 
of  the  new- Attic  policy ; he  acted  as  pioneer  to  his 
youthful  friend  ; and  during  his  campaigns  accompanied 
him  and  advised  him,  drew  up  his  despatches,  and  be- 
came the  eloquent  herald  of  his  deeds.* 

A policy  so  well  adapted  to  the  times,  and  Transitorv 
directed  and  supported  by  men  of  such  ca-  ““^Theban 
pacity,  could  not  remain  without  results.  Party- 
The  ancient  fears  had  vanished,  and  Athens  was  met  with 
affectionate  confidence.  The  cities,  freed  from  the  terror 
inspired  by  Sparta,  paid  the  homage  of  wreaths  of  honor 
and  monuments  to  their  ‘preserver  and  liberator,  the 
people  of  Athens,  ’ and  united  in  an  offensive  and  defen- 
sive alliance  under  its  leadership.  The  Federal  Council 
was  established,  and  the  regular  levy  of  a Federal  force  of 
200  vessels  and  20,000  heavy-armed  troops  decreed.  As  of 
old,  the  citizens  themselves  mounted  their  triremes  and,  once 
more  made  the  Archipelago  an  Attic  sea  (vol.  iv.  p.  390). 

These  brilliant  successes  lacked  an  enduring  foundation. 
The  Athenians  were  still  capable  of  rising  to  an  enthusiastic 
effort ; but  there  existed  no  lasting  readiness  to  come  forward 
with  personal  sacrifices,  and  the  successes  themselves  re- 
mained extremely  incomplete.  F or  while  from  the  most  dis- 
tant seas  tidings  of  victories  arrived,  the  Athenians  were  un- 
able to  secure  their  own  trading-vessels  against  the  priva- 

* As  to  the  documents  of  the  new  Confederation,  see  note  to  vol.  iv.  p.  389. 
Aristoteles  of  Marathon  (6  TroAiTevo’a/xei'Os  ’A0r7l']7<rtl/>  ov  /cal  SiKaviKOil  <£epoi'rai 
Adyot  Diog,  Laert.  v.  35).  Instrument  of  the  Confederation,  i.  7 ; 

76.  To  this  law  Reference  is  probably  made  by  Isocr.  iv.  114;  where  he 
touches  upon  the  removal  of  the  former  abuses  in  the  treatment  of  the 
Confederates. — Invention  of  Chabrias:  Polyfen.  iv.  II,  13:  cf.  Boeckh, 
Seewesen , 161. — Timotheus  and  Isocrates:  Rehdantz,  180. — Dem.  xxii.  72; 
Ev/3oet?  £\ev9epu}6€VT€s  ecrTecpavajcrav  t'ov  Srjfiov. 


9G 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


teering  operations  of  the  vEginetans.  This  was  a most  un- 
pleasant contrast,  which  could  not  but  greatly  mar  the  joy- 
ous interest  in  the  glory  of  the  naval  heroes.  The  announce- 
ments of  their  triumphs  were  invariably  accompanied  by 
fresh  demands  for  money ; for  in  order  to  keep  the  newly- 
gained  friends  in  uninterrupted  good-humor,  all  harsh  mea- 
sures were  carefully  avoided,  as  well  as  any  more  rigorous 
application  of  the  rights  of  the  primary  state  for  procuring 
the  requisite  moneys.  This  appeared,  and  not  without  rea- 
son, to  the  economical  citizens  at  home  to  wear  the  aspect 
of  an  idealistic  policy,  in  the  pursuit  of  which  nothing  was 
to  be  gained  but  uncertain  honor  paid  for  at  an  excessive 
price.  After  all,  it  seemed  as  if  the  efforts  of  Athens  only 
profited  the  Thebans,  who  took  advantage  of  the  naval  war, 
in  order  undisturbed  to  complete  the  subjection  of  Bceotia. 

And  in  point  of  fact  the  heroes  of  the  new  Naval  Con- 
federation had,  without  belonging  to  the  Theban  party, 
rendered  the  greatest  services  to  it.  The  others  were  less 
sensitive  to  this  fact,  because  they  had  altogether  less 
distinctly  adopted  any  particular  standpoint,  and  were 
rather  generals  than  statesmen  ; but  Callistratus,  the  de- 
cided adversary  of  Thebes,  who  disapproved  of  any  aimless 
war-policy,  and  who  was  moreover  hurt  in  his  self-conceit 
by  the  glory  of  the  general,  encouraged  the  pacific  ten- 
dencies of  the  civic  body.  By  means  of  the  armaments  of 
Athens  and  the  new  Naval  Confederation  he  had  obtained 
what  he  desired,  viz.  a more  advantageous  position  as 
towards  Sparta  ; and  this  position  lie  now  wished  to  use 
as  a basis  of  peace,  so  as  thereby  to  bring  back  into  his 
hands  the  direction  of  affairs. 

Fall  ofTi-  In  order  that  this  end  should  be  reached,  it 
motheus.  jn  the  first  instance  necessary  to  remove 

(B.  c.  373).  that  one  among  the  generals  ^ho  had  most 
boldly  passed  beyond  the  measure  of  the  intentions  of 
Callistratus,  and  who  had  most  decidedly  cast  him  into 
the  shade.  In  the  case  of  Timotheus  the  disproportion 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


97 


between  outward  brilliancy  and  actual  results  stood  forth 
in  the  most  glaring  light ; his  enemies  accordingly  found 
no  difficulty  in  depicting  him  to  the  citizens  in  the  light 
of  an  arrogant  and  self-willed  man,  who  in  order  to 
gratify  his  own  vanity  cruised  about  in  the  iEgean,  and 
caused  princes  and  cities  to  glorify  him,  while  he  was  neg- 
lecting the  tasks  set  him  by  the  state, — an  accusation  all 
the  more  invidious,  inasmuch  as  at  the  same  time  every- 
thing was  done  to  deny  the  heroic  patriot  the  means 
which  he  needed  in  order  to  achieve  actual  successes. 
Charges  were  twice  preferred  against  Timotheus  (vol.  iv. 
p.  401).  On  the  second  occasion  Callistratus  combined 
with  Iphicrates,  who  had  quite  recently  returned  in  fresh 
vigor,  and  who  was  ambitious  to  have  his  share  in  the 
glory  of  the  new  great  era  of  Athens.  Amidst  immense 
excitement  the  case  was  opened  towards  the  close  of  the 
year  373.  It  was  an  indictment  for  high  treason  against 
the  man  who  had  achieved  more  than  any  of  his  contem- 
poraries for  the  glory  of  his  native  city.  His  adherents 
exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  The 
Tyrant  of  Pherae  and  the  king  of  Epirus  appeared  in 
person,  to  offer  testimony ' on  behalf  of  their  friend. 
Timotheus  was  able  to  prove,  that  he  had  staked  his  own 
property  and  pledged  his  lands,  in  order  to  prevent  a 
dissolution  of  the  naval  force.  And,  indeed,  he  was 
himself  acquitted  by  the  jury,  but  his  treasurer  Antima- 
chus,  whose  name  was  put  forward  by  the  adverse  party, 
lest  the  guilt  should  rest  upon  the  civic  community  and 
its  advisers,  was  sentenced  to  death  ; nor  was  the  dismissal 
of  Timotheus  himself  from  his  office  of  general,  which  had 
been  decreed  before  the  trial,  reversed.  He  retired  from 
public  life,  utterly  ruined  as  to  property,  and  took  service 
with  the  Persians.* 


* Trial  of  Timotheus : Hellen.  vi.  2,  13 ; Dem.  xlix.  9 ; Seh&fer,  Demosth. 
iii  .2  138. 

5 


98 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


The  policy  Callistratus  alone  had  a definite  aim  in 
ofCaiiistra-  view  ; and  therefore  the  victories  of  Iphicrates 
(vol.  iv.  p.  402)  were  again  simply  subser- 
vient to  the  advancement  of  his  policy.  Callistratus  per- 
ceived, that  the  Spartans  had  lost  all  heart  for  disputing 
the  sea  with  the  Athenians  ; while  on  the  other  hand  he 
saw  with  very  considerable  satisfaction,  that  among  the 
Athenians  ill-will  against  Thebes  was  on  the  increase,  be- 
cause they  could  not  renounce  their  ancient  sympathies 
with  Thespise  and  Platsese,  and  had  taken  deep  offence  at 
the  destruction  of  these  cities.  In  spite  of  all  the  counter- 
re  presentatio ns  of  the  Boeotian  party,  the  citizens  grew 
disgusted  with  the  Theban  alliance ; and  thus  Callistratus 
found  a most  favorable  basis  for  his  policy.  He  was  now 
able  to  put  an  end  to  the  connexion  which  was  so  odious 
to  him,  and  to  bring  about  an  alliance  with  Sparta,  in 
which  full  consideration  was  allowed  to  the  present  power 
of  his  native  city,  and  effective  barriers  were  opposed  to 
the  ancient  arrogance  of  Sparta  as  well  as  to  the  recent 
arrogance  of  Thebes.  The  peace  of  371  wore  the  aspect 
of  brilliant  success  on  the  part  of  the  policy  of  Callistra- 
tus ; Athens  and  Sparta  had  once  more  each  assumed  its 
proper  position ; the  latter  was  by  land,  and  the  former 
by  sea,  the  primary  power  of  the  Hellenes  ; and  Thebes, 
which  had  endeavored  to  intrude  itself  as  a third  power, 
was  utterly  isolated  (vol.  iv.  p.  403  seq.). 

And  yet  this  policy  proved  to  be  thoroughly  short- 
sighted ; and  its  calculations  to  be  erroneous  with  regard 
to  Thebes  as  well  as  Sparta.  Thebes  was  not  hindered  in 
her  progress  by  the  alliance  between  the  two  states  ; while 
Sparta,  because  she  had  ceased  to  be  a great  power,  lost 
Attic  poii-  ^er  importance  for  Athens.  The  day  of 
Leuetra  Leuctra  overthrew  the  political  system  of 
Callistratus.  That  day  found  the  Athenians 
wholly  unprepared ; and  made  their  vacillation  most 
clearly  manifest.  They  oscillated  between  a petty  annoy* 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


99 


ance  at  the  good  fortune  of  Thebes,  and  the  sympathetic 
feeling,  still  not  extinct,  towards  the  heroic  victors.  The 
Thebans  too,  it  must  be  remembered,  showed  so  warm  a 
feeling  for  their  former  confederates,  that  before  the  battle 
they  brought  their  wives  and  children  to  Athens,  and 
sent  thither  the  first  messengers  bringing  the  tidings  of 
the  victory.  The  leaders  of  the  Boeotian  party  also  now 
came  forward  once  more,  and  demanded  the  immediate 
abandonment  of  the  alliance  with  Sparta,  which  had  be- 
come meaningless,  now  that  there  could  no  longer  be  any 
question  as  to  dividing  the  hegemony  with  her.  Now  or 
never,  they  declared,  was  the  time  to  join  Thebes  in  ren- 
dering Sparta  harmless  for  ever. 

But  there  was  yet  a third  way  open  to  the  Athenians, 
viz.  that  of  siding  neither  for  nor  against  Sparta,  but 
taking  advantage  of  her  weakness  for  their  own  purposes, 
and  going  forward  on  their  own  account.  There  was 
some  sense  in  this  policy,  if  the  Athenians  were  resolved 
to  take  the  affairs  of  the  nation  into  their  own  hands,  if 
they  were  resolved  to  establish  by  the  side  of  their  naval 
force  a land-army,  which  should  render  them  able  to 
assume  the  direction  of  the  lesser  states  in  the  place  of 
Sparta.  The  deputies  of  these  states  were  summoned  to 
Athens  (vol.  iv.  p.  435)  ; but  the  matter  was  not  pursued 
with  any  real  energy : it  was  thought  preferable  to  rest 
contented  with  a lukewarm  neutrality.  Thus  the  Arca- 
dians were  forced  to  take  the  side  of  the  Thebans  (vol.  iv. 
p.  446)  ; and  the  Athenians  had  against  their  expecta- 
tions and  wishes  to  see  a complete  change  take  place  in 
the  entire  situation  of  affairs.  Instead  of  decisively  inter- 
vening in  its  development,  they  stood  before  it  as  sur- 
prised spectators,  and  their  tardy  policy  ever  limped  in 
the  rear  of  events. 

Hereupon  the  question  confronted  them,  whether  they 
would  calmly  look  on  at  the  annihilation  of  Sparta.  This 
question  they  were  called  upon  to  answer  at  once,  when  in 


100 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


the  year  369  the  Spartans  entered  into  negotiations  with 
Athens.  Their  envoys  had  on  no  previous  occasion  stood 
in  so  humble  an  attitude  as  this  before  the  Attic  civic 
assembly.  They  prayed  the  Athenians  to  save  them ; 
showing  in  a skilful  argument  how  all  the  great  military 
exploits  of  the  Hellenes  had  owed  their  success  to  the 
combination  of  the  two  powers  ; asserting  their  belief,  that 
what  had  been  left  undone  after  the  battle  of  Platseae,  viz. 
the  destruction  of  Thebes,  it  was  not  now  xoo  late  for  them 
to  accomplish  with  united  strength  ; and  thus  contriving 
very  successfully  to  intensify  the  existing  feeling  of  ill-will 
against  Thebes.  Peloponnesian  envoys  likewise  worked 
in  favor  of  Sparta  ; and  Cliteles  of  Corinth  called  for 
protection  on  behalf  of  his  native  city,  which  he  declared 
to  be  innocently  exposed  to  all  the  evils  of  the  war  ; and 
when  finally  Procles  of  Phlius  in  an  admirably  calculated 
address  reminded  the  Athenians,  how  well  it  would  cor- 
respond with  their  ancient  glory,  now,  when  Sparta’s 
destiny  lay  in  their  hands,  magnanimously  to  forget  the 
injuries  formerly  inflicted  upon  them,  and  how  their  own 
interest  likewise  demanded  that  they  should  not  abandon 
Sparta,  because  otherwise  Thebes  would  advance  unre- 
strained and  become  the  most  dangerous  of  neighbors  for 
an  isolated  Athens,— the  success  of  the  embassy  was 
decided.  The  spokesmen  of  the  Boeotian  party  found  no 
listeners  ; and  the  policy  professing  to  include  in  its  aims 
the  interests  of  the  whole  of  Greece  at  once  ( grossgriechische 
Politilc ) was  completely  in  the  ascendaut.  The  old  phrase 
was  revived  as  to  the  two  eyes  of  Hellas,  neither  of  which 
ought  to  be  suffered  to  be  put  out,  and  so  forth.  Callis- 
tratus  had  therefore  merely,  in  accordance  with  the  pre- 
vailing state  of  feeling,  to  make  his  motion  for  the  imme- 
diate despatch  of  succor  ; and  12,000  Athenians  marched 
out,  in  order  to  hem  in  Epaminondas  in  the  penin- 
sula. Great  events  were  expected.  But  both  as  a 
general  and  as  a statesman,  Iphicrates  had  good  reasons 


101 


Chap,  ii.]  T/ie  Policy  of  Athens. 

for  avoiding  to  bring  about  a decisive  battle  (vol.  iv. 

p.  456). 

Although  hereupon  the  Lacedaemonians  were  suffi- 
ciently irritated  to  find,  that  the  Thebans  had  been 
allowed  to  escape  unhurt  through  the  passes  of  the 
Isthmus,  yet  they,  without  betraying  their  indignation, 
immediately  entered  into  fresh  negotiations,  in  order  to 
bring  about  a closer  alliance  with  Athens.  They  dropped 
all  claims  to  precedence,  and  found  the  Council  of  Athens 
likewise  ready  to  conclude  a new  treaty  of  alliance  on  the 
simple  basis  of  a division  of  the  supreme  command. 
Hereupon  a very  lively  discussion  arose  among  the  citi- 
zens as  to  this  point,  Cephisodotus  coming  forward  against 
the  proposition  of  the  Council.  It  was  not,  he  said,  any 
real  equality  for  Athens  to  have  the  command  over  Pelo- 
ponnesian sailors,  while  the  citizens  of  Athens  stood  under 
Spartan  leaders.  The  supreme  command  ought  therefore 
to  alternate  both  by  land  and  by  sea ; and  he  accordingly 
moved  that  it  should  so  change  every  five  days. 

This' strange  proposal  was  solely  designed  to  take  the 
fullest  possible  advantage  of  the  troublous  situation  of 
Sparta ; her  kings  were  thereby  to  be  placed  on  a level 
with  the  citizens  of  Athens.  Cephisodotus  was  one  of 
those  who,  like  Autocles  (vol.  iv.  p.  405)  and  others,  were 
Amhement  adversaries  of  Sparta,  Avithout  on  that  account 
belonging  to  the  Boeotian  party.  But  of  course  that  party 
voted  Avith  him ; his  motion  was  carried  ; and  Sparta, 
who  in  her  terror  clung  to  Athens,  actually  submitted  to 
this  humiliation.  The  inevitable  consequence  was,  that 
the  kings  withdrew  from  the  command  of  the  troops,  and 
that  the  whole  military  action  was  crippled.  Now,  this 
precisely  agreed  with  the  Awshes  of  the  Athenians,  who 
regarded  the  continuance  of  enmity  between  Sparta  and 
Thebes  as  the  source  of  their  own  strength,  and  were 
unwilling  to  change  this  state  of  things.  They  desired 
not  to  be  involved  in  war  with  the  Thebans  ; and  the 


102 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


latter  were  sagacious  enough,  in  no  way  to  force  their 
neighbors  to  take  up  a more  decisive  attitude  towards 
either  side.  On  the  part  therefore  both  of  Athens  and  of 
Thebes,  direct  hostilities  were,  in  accordance  with  a tacit 
understanding,  avoided.* 

So  feeble  and  false  a policy  as  this,  which  was  not 
courageous  enough  to  own  real  friends  and  real  foes, 
which  was  merely  intent  upon  taking  advantage  of  the 
troubles  of  other  states,  without  having  any  ends  or 
daring  any  deeds  on  its  own  account,  specially  delighted 
to  indulge  in  combinations  abroad,  which  inspired  the 
pleasant  sensation  of  Athens  being  a Great  Power,  whose 
friendship  was  sought.  Thus  a connexion  was  brought 
about  through  Sparta  and  Corinth  with  the  Tyrant 
Dionysius,  whose  vanity  stimulated  him  to  desire  to  play 
a part  in  Greece,  and  again  with  Iason  of  Pherse, — con- 
nexions not  very  honorable  to  the  Athenians,  and  not 
productive  of  any  lasting  advantages.^  But  the  most  am- 
biguous relation  of  all  was  that  with  the  Persian  court. 

In  order  here  to  counteract  the  superior  influence  of 
Thebes  (vol.  iv.  p.  484),  it  was  endeavored  to  intimidate 
the  Great  King  by  entering  into  combinations  with  re- 
bellious satraps.  Timotheus,  on  his  return  from  Persia 
received  orders  to  support  Ariobarzanes  (vol.  iv.  p.  480), 
who  showed  himself  very  ready  to  render  services  to  the 
Athenians  on  the  coasts  of  Thrace.  After  the  fall  of 
Ariobarzanes,  Timotheus  succeeded  in  occupying  Sestus 
and  Crithote  on  the  Chersonnesus  (01.  ciii.  3 ; b.  c.  365). J 
The  endless  confusion  prevailing  in  the  East  offered  a very 
favorable  arena  to  the  policy  at  this  time  pursued  by 
Athens ; in  many  places  it  was  unknown  who  was  really 


* Spartan  embassy:  Hellen.  vi.  5,  33;  Isocr.  vii.  69.  Leptines  (ovk  £<xv 
nepuSeiv  Tr\v  'EAAaSa  erepocfjflaAjU.ot'  yevo fj.evr)v),  Aristot.  Rhet.  127,  25. — Cephiso- 
dotus.  Hellen.  vii.  1,  12. 

f Athens  and  Dionysius  (two  embassies  to  Sicily  in  369  and  368  b.  c.): 
Philol.  xii.  575. 

% Concerning  Sestua,  see  Sch&fer  in  Rhein.  Mus.  xix.  610.  • 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


103 


master  in  the  land  ; the  Athenians  therefore  were  friends 
with  both  parties,  and,  without  declaring  war  against  the 
Great  King,  fought  against  the  royal  troops. 

The  most  reckless  proceedings  of  all  were  Seizureof 
those  taken  at  Samos,  where  lay  a Persian  garri-  Samos- 
son.  Timotheus,  who  was  supremely  anxious  to  g1-^- 3 (B- 
perform  some  fresh  brilliant  exploit  after  his 
return,  attacked  the  island.  For  ten  months  he  besieged 
the  city,  and  contrived  so  well  to  obtain  supplies  for  his 
3,000  light-armed  soldiers  in  the  island,  that  he  needed 
no  supplementary  payments  from  home.  In  the  end  the 
Persians  were  forced  to  give  way  (01.  ciii.  3;  bc.  365) ; 
and  hereupon  there  was  a great  temptation  to  turn  this 
success  to  the  best  possible  account.  Samos  had  not  yet 
been  a member  of  the  new  Naval  Confederation ; and  it 
seemed  all  the  more  admissible  to  proceed  here  according 
to  martial  law,  inasmuch  as  the  island  had  been  taken 
by  force  of  arms  from  the  Persians.  The  entire  Naval 
Confederation  had  lost  much  of  its  cohesion  after  the 
battle  of  Leuctra  ; and  Timotheus  himself  was  not  firm 
enough  to  remain  true  to  the  original  Federal  policy.  In 
contravention  of  the  solemn  promise  of  the  Athenians,  to 
conduct  themselves  everywhere  as  liberators  only,  and  in 
spite  of  the  warnings  of  prudent  statesmen,  such  as  Cydias, 
the  expulsion  of  the  Persians  was  accompanied  by  that  of 
many  natives  ; Attic  citizens  were  taken  across  in  several 
divisions,  and  settled  in  the  island  as  landed  proprietors. 
Thus  Samos  was  placed  in  the  same  position  as  Imbros 
and  Lemnos,  which  formed  a separate  group  by  the  side 
of  the  members  of  the  Confederation,  and,  so  to  speak, 
constituted  the  domestic  power  of  Athens.* 

* Conquest  of  Samos,  which  had  through  the  oligarchical  party  been 
subjected  to  Persian  control:  Dem.  xv.  9;  Isocr.  xv.  Ill;  Nepos,  Timoth.  1. 
Cydias  irepl  rr??  2dp.ou  KA-^pov^ta?,  Ar.  Jtliet.  70, 16.  Expulsion  of  the  hostile 
party,  followed  by  the  expulsion  of  all  the  Samians,  owing  to  the  repeated 
introduction  of  Attic  citizens  ('Attiko?  7rdpoiK05,  Zenob.  ii.  28).  The  inscrip- 
tion in  Rhein.  Mus.  xxii.  313,  edited  by  W.  Vischer,  refers  to  their  return 
(after  an  exile  of  forty-three  years). 


104 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Herewith  Timotheus  once  more  became  the  popular 
favorite : he  gained  victories,  without  demanding  sacri- 
fices ; he  achieved  the  most  important  conquests,  without 
carrying  on  war.  He  contrived  to  re-establish  a firm 
footing  in  the  Chersonnesus,  and  in  common  with  Iphi- 
crates  in  the  following  year  once  more  subjected  Methone, 
Pydna,  Potidsea,  to  the  control  of  Athens. 

Loss  of  Or-  This  g00^  fortune  was  not,  however,  to 
opus.  endure.  The  first  heavy  blow  was  the  loss  of 
(B0o'3C6j3  Oropus  (vol.  iv.  p.  490).  This  event  put  an 
end  to  the  neutrality  of  the  Boeoto- Attic  fron- 
tier, which  had  been  so  anxiously  guarded.  A war 
seemed  inevitable ; but  no  aid  came  from  the  allies,  and 
the  Athenians  lacked  courage  to  go  forward  alone. 

Instead  of  the  war  against  an  outside  enemy,  which  was 
in  a craven  spirit  avoided,  a passionate  party-feud  burst 
forth  at  home  concerning  Oropus.  Those  who  sympa- 
thized with  Boeotia  seized  the  opportunity,  to  attack  the 
party  in  power,  in  order  to  show  that  it  was  not  they  who 
sacrificed  the  interests  of  Athens  to  the  Thebans.  The 
leader  was  Leodamas  of  Acharnse,  and  his  charges  were 
principally  directed  against  Chabrias  and  Callistratus. 
He  accused  them  of  having  caused  the  disaster  by  the 
insufficiency  of  their  armaments  and  by  their  incapacity 
as  commanders  ; and  they  were  indicted  before  the  people 
for  neglect  of  duty,  and  even  for  treason.  It  seems 
that  the  accusers  allowed  their  party-zeal  to  carry 
them  too  far,  and  thereby  facilitated  the  defence  of  the 
accused.  Certain  it  is,  that  Callistratus  was  splendidly 
successful,  not  only  in  rebutting  the  charges  against  him, 
but  also  in  justifying  his  entire  public  administration  so 
fully  as  to  gain  a thorough  triumph  over  his  oppo- 
nents. 


Callistratus  But  this  failed  to  make  the  policy  of  Athens, 
nond»sami"  which  now  remained  in  his  hands,  in  any  de- 
gree more  successful  or  profitable.  There  was 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


105 


no  end  to  a feeble  tacking  from  one  side  to  the  other.  The 
alliance  with  Sparta  and  Corinth  had  fallen  into  utter  dis- 
credit, since  the  Athenians  had  been  left  wholly  in  the 
lurch  in  the  matter  of  Oropus ; and  when  hereupon  the 
Arcadians  took  advantage  of  this  state  of  public  feeling 
among  the  Athenians,  and  sent  to  them  Lycomedes,  a man 
of  no  ordinary  intellectual  power,  to  solicit  help  for  effect- 
ing the  liberation  of  Arcadia  from  Thebes,  the  Athenians 
very  readily  entered  into  the  proposal.  For  in  this  way 
they  thought  they  would  in  the  first  instance  be  able  to 
revenge  themselves  upon  Thebes ; and,  moreover,  they  se- 
cretly entertained  secondary  designs  upon  Corinth,  which, 
it  was  thought,  might  in  its  isolated  and  dangerous  posi- 
tion be  forced  to  join  Athens.  In  accordance  with  the 
system  of  policy  now  in  vogue,  it  was  believed  that  the 
alliance  with  Sparta  might  at  the  same  time  be  preserved 
intact,  since  for  Sparta  too  the  withdrawal  of  Arcadia 
from  the  Theban  connexion  could  be  nothing  else  than  a 
gain.  The  alliance  was  concluded ; but  it  led  to  no  re- 
sults. F or  in  the  first  place  Lycomedes,  who  was  the  soul 
of  the  new  combination,  was  assassinated  on  his  way  home 
from  Athens ; and,  again,  the  Corinthians  perceived  what 
was  in  progress,  and  speedily  came  to  terms  with  Thebes 
(vol.  iv.  p.  491).  Athens,  on  the  other  hand,  was  heavily 
punished  for  her  unworthy  policy  of  merely  looking  out 
for  opportunities.  For,  instead  of  acquiring  fresh  influ- 
ence, she  forfeited  all  that  which  she  possessed  in  the  pe- 
ninsula ; while  at  the  same  time  new  dangers  of  the  most 
momentous  character  arose  for  her  out  of  the  naval  arma- 
ment of  the  Thebans.  For  Epaminondas  very  skilfully 
contrived  to  take  advantage  of  the  mistakes  of  the  Athe- 
nians, and  to  discover  their  weak  points.  In  a short  time 
matters  had  come  to  such  a pass,  that  Thebes  was  the  rival 
of  Athens  in  the  Hellespont,  the  aid  of  Timotheus  and 
that  of  Epaminondas  being  successively  invoked  by  the 
council  of  the  city  of  Heraclea  in  the  Pontus,  and  Byzan- 

5* 


106 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


tium  engaging  in  negotiations  •with  Thebes  behind  the 
backs  of  the  Athenians.* 

The  Attic  statesmen  were  now  solely  occupied  with 
watching  every  movement  on  the  part  of  Epaminondas, 
and  counteracting  every  design  of  his  for  the  extension  of 
the  power  of  Thebes.  Thus  above  all  Callistratus.  He 
was  incessantly  countermining  the  great  Theban ; he  set 
all  his  eloquence  to  work,  in  order  to  arouse  distrust 
against  him,  to  force  the  Corinthians  out  of  their  neutrali- 
ty, to  secure  the  co-operation  of  the  Arcadians  and  the 
Messenians,  and  to  bar  the  peninsula  against  the  Thebans. 
He  brought  to  pass  a new  league  against  Thebes ; and 
the  battle  of  Mantinea  was,  notwithstanding  the  defeat  of 
the  allies,  to  be  regarded  as  an  event  most  fortunate  for 
Athens.  For  the  mightiest  of  her  rivals  had  been  re- 
moved, and  there  was  no  longer  any  foe  whom  she  needed 
to  fear,  neither  Thebes  nor  Sparta. 

And  yet  no  fortunate  turn  ensued  in  the  situation  of 
affairs.  On  the  contrary,  the  cessation  of  arms,  which 
now  ensued  in  consequence  of  the  universal  exhaustion, 
was  more  pernicious  than  the  period  of  war.  The  atti- 
tude of  opposition  against  Thebes  had  at  all  events  pro- 
duced a beneficial  tension,  and  had  directed  the  public 
mind  to  definite  objects.  This  tension  was  now  at  an  end; 
and  the  Athenians,  who  had  long  been  accustomed  to  re- 
ceive all  powerful  impulses  from  abroad,  became  all  the 
more  enervated,  and  allowed  the  evils  of  the  times  to 
overwhelm  them,  without  offering  any  vigorous  resistance. 
And  those  influences  which  had  during  the  lifetime  of 
Epaminondas  been  set  in  motion  against  Athens,  exer- 
cised very  perceptible  after-effects  even  now,  in  particular 
the  enmity  of  Alexander  of  Phene,  who  had  been  forced 
to  join  the  Boeotian  confederacy,  and  who  now  proved  an 
intolerable  burden  to  his  former  friends.  He  was  an 


* Heraelea  and  Byeantium : Justin,  xvi.  4 ; Isocr.  v.  53. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


107 


adept  in  petty  naval  warfare.  With  his  pirate-fleet  he 
levied  forced  requisitions  upon  the  Cyclades,  besieged 
Peparethus,  surprised  the  squadron  stationed  there  under 
Leosthenes  by  a sudden  attack,  and  then,  hastening  in 
advance  of  the  tidings  of  this  defeat,  sailed  with  such  ra- 
pidity to  the  Pirseeus,  that  he  was  able  thoroughly  to 
pillage  the  warehouses  of  the  port  there,  and  to  effect  Ins 
departure  with  a rich  cargo  of  booty,  before  the  Athe- 
nians were  ready  for  warding  him  off.  Simultaneously, 
very  bad  news  arrived  from  the  coast  of  Thrace : Cotys 
was  controlling  the  Chersonnesus ; the  prospects  of  recov- 
ering Amphipolis  were  worse  than  ever  before ; and  thus 
everything  combined  most  deeply  to  humiliate  and  to 
damage  the  Athenians,  at  the  very  time  when  they 
imagined  that  the  death  of  Epaminondas  had  freed  them 
from  the  most  imminent  danger.* 

These  humiliations  as  usual  led  to  a reac- 

Pall  of  Cal- 

tion  upon  affairs  at  home.  The  leaders  of  the  listratus. 
community  were  made  responsible  for  the  dis-  or  civ. 3 °* 

asters,  and  the  whole  feeling  of  vexation  at 
the  unprofitable  policy  of  recent  years,  at  the  useless  war 
expenditure  upon  the  Peloponnesian  expedition,  at  the 
losses  in  Thrace,  and  at  the  disgrace  suffered  by  sea, 
turned  against  Callistratus.  The  Boeotian  party,  which 
had  for  years  contended  against  him,  now  found  a better 
handle  for  attack  than  ever  before.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
Athenians,  Callistratus  was  the  born  adversary  of  Epami- 
nondas. So  long  as  the  latter  existed  to  keep  their  fears 
alive,  they  thought  it  also  impossible  for  them  to  be  with- 
out the  former  ; he  was  personally  a pledge  to  them,  that 
nothing  was  neglected  which  was  demanded  by  their  jea- 
lousy of  Thebes.  Now,  he  seemed  no  longer  indispensa- 
ble ; now,  all  the  weak  points  of  his  system  of  government 
were  ruthlessly  laid  bare,  and  the  hatred  of  his  opponents, 


* Piratical  expeditions  of  Alexander : Hellen.  vi.  4,  35 ; Dem.  xxiii.  120. 
Peparethus  : Cb.  li.  8 ; cf.  Kirchhoff,  RecU  vom  trier.  Kr. 


108 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


which  had  long  been  gathering,  succeeded  in  making  him 
to  such  a degree  responsible  for  the  most  recent  occur- 
rences, that  this  time  his  eloquence  failed  of  its  effect,  and 
that  he  as  well  as  Leosthenes  could  only  escape  death  by 
voluntarily  going  into  banishment  (361  b.  c.). 

Such  a sentence  had  not  been  deserved  by  Callistratus. 
For  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  his  counsels  were 
given  to  the  community  from  other  than  the  most  con- 
scientious motives.  He  was  an  honest  patriot,  and  highly 
gifted  for  the  business  of  administration ; but  as  a states- 
man he  was  devoid  of  creative  ideas,  narrow-minded  and 
dependent  upon  prejudices.  He  followed  the  ancient  tra- 
ditions of  conservative  policy,  and  desired  to  revive  dual- 
ism in  Greece  after  a fashion  in  accordance  with  the 
times.  But  how  could  it  be  to  the  advantage  of  the 
Athenians,  in  times  such  as  these,  to  tie  the  destiny  of 
their  city  to  Sparta,  who  only  waived  some  of  her  ancient 
claims  because  she  was  conscious  of  her  utter  decline  ! It 
was  for  this  reason  that  his  whole  system  of  policy  was  so 
sterile ; and  the  apparent  freedom  of  his  activity  as  a 
statesman  was  at  bottom  nothing  but  weakness,  inasmuch 
as  he  in  a spirit  of  jealous  irritation  refused  to  recognize 
the  most  important  development  which  had  taken  place 
in  his  times,  viz.  the  power  of  Thebes.  In  his  conduct 
towards  Timotheus  he  likewise  betrayed  pettiness  of  mind. 
Notwithstanding  the  brilliant  talents  which  he  possessed, 
he  lacked  greatness  of  character  : and,  for  the  same  rea- 
son, he  disliked  those  men  who  had  in  them  elements  of  a 
heroic  nature,  and  who  passed  the  ordinary  measure  of 
humanity.* 

Victor  of  The  Boeotian  party  had  during  recent  years 
the  Boeotian  never  been  wholly  powerless.  It  had  ever  and 
again  repeated  its  demand  that,  inasmuch  as 
Athens  was  by  herself  incapable  of  leading  Hellas,  she 
should  combine,  not  with  weak  states  which  had  lost  their 

* Fall  of  Callistratus:  Lycurg.  in  Leocr.  93;  [Dem.]  1.  48. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


109 


vitality,  but  with  the  one  state  possessed  of  vigor  and  en- 
ergetic life,  which  was  ready  to  conclude  a sincere  alli- 
ance, and  alone  adapted  for  such  a purpose  by  virtue  of 
the  agreement  between  the  principles  of  its  constitution 
and  those  of  the  Athenian.  But  in  proportion  as  the  cor- 
rectness of  this  policy  was  confirmed  by  the  continuous 
progress  of  Thebes,  the  vexation  of  the  Athenians  in- 
creased ; and  in  vain  they  were  urged  not  to  consume 
their  strength  in  petty  jealousy,  and  not  to  ruin  their  state 
by  again  and  again  concluding  unfortunate  alliances.  At 
last  the  men  belonging  to  this  party  came  to  the  helm  of 
affairs,  but  it  was  now  too  late.  During  the  long  and 
fruitless  period  of  opposition  their  forces  had  been  broken 
up  and  worn  away,  and  their  programme  now  no  longer 
admitted  of  execution  ; for  it  was  based  on  the  hypothesis 
of  a powerful  Thebes.  But  at  the  present  time  Thebes 
was  herself  without  a firm  system  of  action,  and  incapable 
of  being  a vigorous  ally  ; the  day  had  therefore  gone  by 
for  the  existence  of  a real  Boeotian  party  ; and  the  conse- 
quence was,  that  even  after  the  fall  of  Callistratus  no  on- 
ward movement  ensued  in  Athenian  affairs.  In  truth, 
what  occurred  was  simply  a change  of  persons  in  the 
leaders  of  the  community ; while  in  the  main  everything 
continued  in  the  same  track.  The  members  of  the  party 
assumed  the  direction  of  affairs ; but  the  party  as  such  had 
outlived  itself. 

The  most  remarkable  man  among  them  was  . . , , 

. Anstophon. 

Anstophon  (p.  87),  the  most  active  member 
of  his  party,  and  an  orator  of  high  talent.  During  more 
than  forty  years  he  had  contended  on  behalf  of  his 
views  ; he  had  always  been  found  at  his  post,  when  it  was 
requisite  to  fan  into  flames  the  popular  passion  against 
Sparta,  and  to  promote  the  cause  of  the  Theban  alliance. 
Vehement  as  he  was  in  temperament,  he  had  become  in- 
volved in  numerous  quarrels,  and  had  more  frequently 
than  any  other  citizen  been  called  to  account  for  illegal 


110 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII, 


proposals.  For  this  reason  he  had  drawn  upon  himself 
the  enmity  of  many  men,  with  whom  an  amicable  under- 
standing would  have  been  both  possible  and  in  the  inter- 
ests of  the  city  extremely  desirable, — of  such  men  as  Cha- 
brias,  Timotheus,  and  Iphicrates.  He  lacked  moral  earn- 
estness and  sobriety  ; and  the  fact  of  his  having  long  re- 
mained in  opposition,  as  well  as  his  numerous  lawsuits, 
had  probably  contributed  to  intensify  his  natural  vehe- 
mence. True  dignity  and  self-control  were  therefore 
found  to  be  wanting  in  him,  when  by  the  overthrow  of 
Callistratus  he  became  the  foremost  man  in  Athens.  For 
in  proportion  to  its  own  want  of  energy,  the  civic  com- 
munity gave  itself  up  to  the  control  of  individuals,  and 
conceded  to  them  such  a degree  of  influence,  that  they 
were  able  to  exercise  an  arbitrary  sway,  and  to  fill  the 
most  important  offices  with  persons  of  their  own  color.* 

But  the  worst  evil  lay  in  the  circumstance, 
d^tofaf-'  that  the  best  men  of  the  Bceotian  party  were 
36iB’ofr°m  no  l°Dger  present  in  the  city,  and  that  Aristo- 
phon  found  himself  unable  to  attract  new  per- 
sonages of  eminence  into  the  public  service.  The  most 
highly-considered  among  his  friends  was  Chares,  of  the 
deme  of  ASxone,  a born  soldier,  nurtured  in  the  life  of  a 
mercenary,  full  of  courage  and  spirit  of  enterprise,  daring 
and  versatile,  but  devoid  of  character,  untrustworthy, 
and  without  political  training  or  natural  tact.  Of  the 
generals  of  proved  merit  several  were  still  in  full  vigor, 
but  they  were  not  to  be  reckoned  upon  ; for  their  relations 
to  their  native  city  defied  calculation.  While  Athens 
was  being  pillaged  by  pirates  in  her  own  harbor,  and  en- 
dangered in  her  most  important  possessions,  Chabrias  was 
serving  in  Egypt,  and  Iphicrates  was  helping  his  father- 
in-law  Cotys  finally  to  establish  his  dominion  against 
Athens  no  less  than  against  other  adversaries.  It  was 
under  such  circumstances  as  these  that  the  public  admin- 


Aristophon:  Seli&fer,  it.  s.  i.  122  seq. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


Ill 


istration  of  Aristophon  commenced.  It  would  therefore 
be  unjust,  if  be,  who  entered  upon  the  inheritance  of  a 
long  period  of  misgovernment,  were  to  be  made  responsi- 
ble for  all  the  disasters  of  the  next-ensuing  years.  In  his 
toilsome  life  be  proved  himself'  a man  of  uncommon  intel- 
lectual force  ; but  be  came  to  the  supreme  conduct  of 
affairs,  when  his  day  bad  really  passed  by  ; and  be  was  in- 
capable of  sustaining  the  city  against  the  heavy  disadvan- 
tages of  the  situation. 

One  calamity  followed  upon  the  heels  of  the  other.  In 
the  first  place,  Chares  repaired  to  Corcyra,  in  order  to  set- 
tle disputes  which  had  arisen  there.  But  with  great  want 
of  wisdom  he  intervened  in  favor  of  an  oligarchical  fac- 
tion ; and  the  consequence  was,  that  Corcyra  was  lost  to 
the  Attic  Naval  Confederation.*  The  disastrous  events  in 
Thrace,  which  had  occasioned  the  fall  of  Callistratus,  were 
to  be  made  good  by  vigorous  armaments ; hut  Autocles 
(p.  101),  the  first  general  who  obtained  the  command 
through  the  influence  of  Aristophon,  was  unable  to  accom- 
plish anything  effectual  against  Cotys.  In  vain  the  gene- 
rals were  changed,  without  any  consideration  being  paid 
to  party-color.  Things  continued  to  become  worse  and 
worse.  Araphipolis  remained  lost,  although  Timotheus 
too  attempted  a new  attack  upon  it;  Timomachus,  the 
brother-in-law  of  Callistratus,  had  to  abandon  the  whole 
of  Chersonnesus,  and  finally  (360  B.  c.)  Sestus,  the  chief 
station  of  the  Attic  fleet  in  the  Hellespont,  likewise  fell 
into  the  power  of  Cotys. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  could  not  but  E7ents  in 
he  regarded  as  a piece  of  great  good  fortune,  Thraee- 
when  tire  tidings  unexpectedly  arrived,  that 
the  despot  in  Thrace  had  been  assassinated 
(359  b.  c.).  The  assassins  were  extolled  as  heroes  of  lib- 
erty and  as  benefactors  of  the  state  ; but  before  advantage 
could  be  taken  of  this  favorable  turn,  the  son  of  Cotys, 


* Chares  in  Coreyra : Diod.  xj  9i. 


112 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Cersobleptes,  contrived  to  reunite  in  his  hands  the  dominion 
of  his  father.  And  in  this  he  succeeded  through  the  aid  of 
a man  who  had  served  with  distinction  under  Iphicrates 
and  Timotheus,  and  who  had  in  consequence  acquired  the 
Attic  citizenship  ; but  who  after  the  manner  of  these  con- 
dottieri  was  of  far  too  roving  a disposition  to  devote  his 
services  permanently  to  any  one  state.  This  was  Charide- 
mus  of  Oreus,  one  of  the  boldest  captains  of  mercenaries 
of  his  age.  He  enabled  the  son  of  Cotys  to  secure  his  do- 
minion, just  as  Iphicrates  had  helped  the  father,  and  like 
Iphicrates  married  into  the  Thracian  royal  house.  Cephi- 
sodotus,  the  Attic  admiral,  was  defeated  by  Charidemus, 
and  forced  to  acknowledge  Cersobleptes  as  ruler  over  his 
dominions  ; and  although  fresh  disputes  as  to  the  tenure 
of  the  throne  involved  the  Thracian  prince  in  difficulties, 
and  made  him  incline  to  a variety  of  concessions,  yet 
there  was  no  fleet  at  hand  to  enforce  their  being  carried 
out,  and  the  situation  was  immediately  reversed  again. 
The  Athenians  for  their  part  could  do  nothing  but  call  to 
account  their  unfortunate  commanders,  one  after  the 
other,  and  declare  the  treaties  which  had  been  concluded 
invalid.* 

Successes  While  Athens  was  so  impotent  with  regard 
Thrace°eaand  to  Thracian  affairs,  a danger  nearer  home 
„ . after  a long  interval  once  again  aroused  her 
337f  to  superior  energy.  For  this  time  the  most 

important  of  all  the  districts  outside  Attica  was  in  ques- 
tion, viz.  Euboea.  Here  sanguinary  disturbances  had 
broken  out ; and  Eretria,  allied  with  Chalcis  and  Carys- 
tus,  was  attacked  by  hostile  neighbors,  who  had  estab- 
lished a connexion  with  Boeotia.  Manifestly  the  intention 
was  nothing  short  of  resuming  the  policy  which  had  be- 

* Death  of  Cotys,  01.  cv.  1 : beginning  of  359  b.  c.  ; cf.  F.  Schultz,  Schol.  cles 
At'sch.  in  Neue  Jalirb.  fur  Philol.,  1865,  p.  399.  Charidemus : Dem.  xxiii.  162. 
Ilarpoer.  s.  v.  Kepcro/3Ae'jrT7)s.  Cephisodotus  fined  five  talents : Dem.  xxiii. 
163  seq.  He  was  sent  out  before  the  death  of  Cotys;  his  recall  took  place 
01.  cv.  2;  cf.  Schultz,  n.  s. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


113 


gun  with,  the  occupation  of  Oropus  (vol.  iv.  p.  490),  and  of 
extending  the  power  of  Thebes  to  the  land,  as  well  as  the 
waters,  of  Euboea.  The  present  case  admited  of  no  hesita- 
tion ; and  the  men  of  the  Boeotian  party,  unless  they  were 
to  offer  a most  excellent  opportunity  of  attack  to  their  op- 
ponents, who  were  still  not  wholly  without  power,  were 
hound  least  of  all  to  neglect  a danger  coming  from  the 
side  of  Thebes  ; it  behooved  them  on  this  occasion  to 
prove  themselves  more  energetic  than  their  predecessors 
had  been  in  the  affair  of  Oropus.  In  this  matter  the  dif- 
ferent parties  went  hand  in  hand.  Timotheus  above  the 
rest  urged  the  furnishing  of  vigorous  aid.  Voluntary 
trierarchs  were  summoned  ; in  a few  days  the  armament 
was  complete ; and  a campaign  of  thirty  days  sufficed  to 
force  the  Thebans  to  take  their  departure  from  the 
island.  Euboea  had  been  recovered  to  the  Naval  Confed- 
eration (357  b.  c.).* 

But  this  was  not  deemed  enough  : it  was  thought  well 
to  take  advantage  of  the  favorable  moment  of  patriotic 
enthusiasm.  Aristophon  once  more  entertained  the  high- 
est hopes  of  Chares ; and  persuaded  the  citizens  to  send 
him  into  the  Northern  seas  with  extensive  powers.  Success 
was  thought  to  he  all  the  more  ensured  to  the  expedition, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  confined  to  the  execution  of  a single 
task ; when  therefore  the  troops  of  king  Philip  about  the 
same  time  advanced  upon  the  coasts,  and  when  in  conse- 
quence Amphipolis  applied  to  Athens  (p.  54),  it  was  held 
to  he  a very  prudent  proceeding,  to  trust  to  Philip’s  friend- 
ly assurances  and  to  reject  the  application  for  aid,  in  order 
that  the  whole  power  of  the  state  might  be  directed  upon 
the  Chersonnesus,  the  possession  of  which  was  the  condi- 
tion, not  only  of  the  maritime  dominion,  but  also  of  the 
civil  prosperity,  of  Athens. 

This  policy  seemed  in  truth  to  prove  itself  right.  The 


* Euboea:  Diod.  xvi.  7;  iEschin.  iii.  85;  Dem.  viii.  74;  xviii.  99,  and 
in  frequent  other  passages. 


114 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


victory  over  Thebes  was  followed  by  the  restoration  of  the 
Athenian  power  on  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont.  Cerso- 
bleptes  was  compelled  to  conclude  a treaty,  in  which  he 
ceded  the  Thracian  peninsula  with  the  exception  of  Cardia, 
and  recognized  the  protegees  of  Athens,  Amadocus  and 
Berisades,  as  independent  princes.  Philip  might  be  re- 
garded as  a new  ally  against  Cersobleptes ; and  it  was 
firmly  reckoned  upon,  that  Amphipolis  would  likewise 
soon  be  bestowed  upon  the  Athenians  by  his  hands.* 

But  how  soon  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs  changed ! 
How  rapidly  a bitter  disappointment  followed  upon  this 
hopeful  phase  of  public  feeling ! It  was  perceived  how 
nothing  certain  had  been  gained  in  Peloponnesus,  while 
with  regard  to  Amphipolis  the  most  favorable  opportunity 
had  been  sacrificed.  The  seeming  friend  revealed  himself 
as  a fresh  foe;  and  the  task  of  Athens  in  the  North  con- 
tinued to  increase  in  difficulty.  But  the  Athenians  did  not 
give  way  to  despair.  They  were  resolved  to  exert  them- 
selves to  the  utmost,  in  order  to  punish  the  perfidious 
king ; and  Chares  received  orders  to  attack  Amphipolis. 
But  for  achieving  this  he  needed  greater  resources  than 
Athens  was  able  alone  to  collect.  Chares  turned  to  Chios. 
But  at  the  very  moment,  when  the  confederates  were 
needed  more  urgently  than  ever,  they  not  only  refused  to 
furnish  any  aid,  but,  in  accordance  with  an  agreement 
arrived  at  in  common,  rose  against  Athens,  so  that  the  un- 
happy city  was  suddenly  surrounded  by  a multitude  of  new 
foes. 

„ . , . This  rising  had  both  nearer  and  more  re- 

Outbreak  of  ° 

the  social  mote  causes.  The  first  blow  experienced  by 

War. 

01.  ev.4  the  newly-established  Naval  Confederation 

(b.  c.  357).  was  tpe  secession  of  Thebes  ; for  upon  this 
there  immediately  ensued  a prevalence  of  ill-will,  and  the 
establishment  of  secret  connexions  between  Epaminondas 

* Treaty  with  Cersobleptes : Dem.  xxiii.  173  (dated  four  years  too  late  in 
Diod.  xvi.  31). 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


115 


and  the  more  powerful  maritime  cities.  He  labored  with 
excellent  success  to  dissolve  the  Confederation  ; for  he  was 
strong  enough  to  afford  protection,  while  at  the  same  time 
more  confidence  was  placed  in  him  than  in  Athens  with 
regard  to  the  freedom  of  the  islands.  It  was,  therefore, 
only  by  his  death  that  the  fear  of  a transfer  of  their  alli- 
ance on  the  part  of  the  confederates  from  Athens  to 
Thebes  came  to  an  end.  But  the  agitation  w'hich  had 
once  existed  remained  and  increased,  and  received  a con- 
tinuous accession  of  materials  through  the  constant 
jealousy,  which  even  a more  just  and  less  selfish  state  than 
Athens  was  would  have  been  unable  to  allay.  For  with- 
out unpleasant  disagreement  of  various  kinds  a league 
composed  of  members  so  different,  and  yet  all  entitled  to 
an  equality  of  rights,  who  were  all  to  act  in  common,  was 
in  the  nature  of  the  case  not  to  be  maintained.  Either  it 
must  lose  all  significance,  or  the  influence  on  the  primary 
state  must  assert  itself.  Moreover,  iu  consequence  of  the 
insufficiency  of  her  own  resources,  Athens  was  dependent 
upon  those  of  her  confederates ; without  them,  it  was  im- 
possible for  her  to  sustain  her  position  ; and  accordingly 
it  was  not  admissible  for  her  in  every  individual  case  to 
rely  upon  the  good-will  of  the  coufederates.  Thus,  there 
occurred  transgressions  of  the  confederate  code,  fresh  at- 
tempts to  bring  about  a relation  of  mistress  and  subjects, 
forced  levies  of  contributions  and  measures  of  violence, 
such  as  were  inevitable  in  the  existing  condition  of  the 
military  power  of  Athens.  For  it  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion, to  control  the  bands  of  mercenaries  from  Athens ; 
and  the  leaders  of  these  bands  were  by  the  force  of  circum- 
stances driven  to  arbitrary  measures,  to  irritating  proceed- 
ings of  all  kinds,  and  to  requisitions  made  by  violent 
means.  But  a specially  dangerous  effect  had  attached  to 
the  proceedings  in  Samos,  as  Cydias  had  predicted  (p.  103). 
For  although  no  similar  allotments  of  land  ensued  in  the 
territories  proper  of  the  confederates,  yet  it  was  feared, 


116 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


that  the  Athenians  would  recover  their  taste  for  sending 
out  cleruchies,  aud  would  once  more  establish  themselves 
as  landed  proprietors  in  the  islands. 

The  dynasts  All  these  feelings  of  discontent  and  anxiety 
were  devoid  of  danger,  so  long  as  there  existed 
no  centre,  where  the  prevailing  dissatisfaction  could 
gather,  and  so  long  as  no  foreign  state  availed  itself  of  it. 
But  this  now  actually  took  place  from  a quarter  whence 
the  Athenians  had  for  a long  time  not  had  to  experience 
any  hostile  proceedings,  viz.  from  the  Carian  coast.  In 
this  region  there  had  arisen  out  of  the  same  princely  house 
to  which  Artemisia,  of  old  the  most  dangerous  adversary 
of  the  Athenians,  had  belonged  (vol.  ii.  p.  318),  a younger 
generation,  which  about  the  time  of  the  Peace  of  Antalci- 
das  ruled  over  the  Carian  country  as  a hereditary  satrapy. 
Hecatomnus  invested  this  principality  with  splendor  and 
importance ; he  already  endeavored  to  connect  himself 
most  intimately  with  the  traffic  of  the  Greek  coasts,  as  is 
proved  by  his  silver  coins,  which  follow  the  Attic  standard, 
while  impressed  with  the  Milesian  crest.  Maussollus,  the 
son  of  Hecatomnus,  carried  this  system  of  policy  further 
(from  the  year  377  B.  c.)  ; he  transferred  the  princely  resi- 
dence from  Mylasa  to  Halicarnassus,  which  by  uniting  the 
communities  of  the  vicinity  he  rendered  one  of  the  most 
splendid  cities  of  the  Greek  world  ; he  firmly  established 
his  dominion  by  land  and  by  sea,  and  took  arms  against 
the  Great  King  on  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion  of  Ario- 
barzanes  (vol.  iv.  p.  479),  as  well  as  on  other  occasions. 
Subsequently  he  changed  his  attitude  towards  the  court, 
and  found  it  more  advantageous  to  pursue  the  ends  of  his 
ambition  in  harmony  with  the  Great  King.  After,  there- 
fore, already  several  satraps  before  him  had  taken  advan- 
tage of  the  weakness  of  the  Greeks,  in  order  once  more  to 
advance  into  the  Greek  Sea,  as  is  shown  by  the  existence 
of  Persian  garrisons  in  Sestos  and  Samos  (p.  102),  Maussol- 
lus was  now  intent  upon  rendering  his  new  capital  what 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens . 


117 


formerly  according  to  the  plan  of  Aristagoras  Miletus  was 
to  have  become,  viz.  the  centre  of  an  island-and  coast-em- 
pire, which  ensured  to  him  an  independent  and  brilliant 
position,  although  the  Persian  suzerainty  was  acknowledged 
by  him.  Towards  this  end  he  chose  the  right  way,  when, 
following  the  precedent  of  Epaminondas,  he  instigated  the 
confederates  of  Athens  to  revolt,  excited  fears  of  Attic 
ambition,  supported  the  parties  hostile  to  Athens,  and  quite 
unobserved  brought  about  an  understanding  with  the  most 
considerable  island-states,  with  Cos,  Chios,  and  notably 
with  Rhodes.  The  Rhodians  had  already  long  been  in  a 
disturbed  condition.  By  the  foundation  of  the  city  of 
Rhodes  they  had  united  into  one  state  (408  b.  c.),  and  had 
thereby  gained  very  largely  in  vigor  and  in  self-conscious- 
ness ; they  had  afterwards  concluded  treaties  of  currency 
and  commerce  with  Cnidus,  Samos,  and  Ephesus;  and 
their  standard  of  coinage,  introduced  in  Cyprus  as  well  as 
in  Macedonia  (p.  61),  attests  the  magnificent  growth  of 
their  traffic.  Maussollus  promised  aid  for  the  war, 
furnished  troops  and  ships,  and  gained  over  the  cities,  by 
designating  liberty  as  the  one  object  of  the  struggle  and  as 
the  one  task  of  his  policy.  Byzantium  had  likewise  joined 
this  combination.  All  were  prepared  for  revolt,  and 
merely  awaited  the  decisive  impulse.  This  was  R 
given  at  Chios.  It  is  probable  that  Chares  re-  Cos,  Chios, 
paired  thither,  in  order  to  provide  himself  oi.  cv.  4 
with  materials  of  war  for  his  attack  upon 
Amphipolis ; and  perhaps  he  on  this  occasion  put  forth 
claims  which  it  was  jrossible  to  regard  as  encroachments 
upon  the  compact  of  the  Confederacy. 

Like  a festering  sore,  towards  the  formation  of  which 
the  noxious  humors  have  long  been  gathering,  the  war 
suddenly  broke  out,  without  having  been  preceded  by  any 
negotiations,  without  any  renunciation  of  the  treaties, 
without  any  formal  secession  on  the  part  of  the  individual 
states.  It  is  clear  how  unhealthy  the  relations  were,  and 


118 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


how  rudely  it  was  thought  possible  to  tear  asunder  the 
bonds,  which  attached  the  states  against  their  will  to 
Athens.* 

At  Athens  the  determination  was  taken,  to  regard  the 
rising  of  the  confederates  as  a casus  belli.  It  was  necessa- 
ry at  the  same  time  not  to  mistake  the  fact,  that,  when 
once  the  war  had  broken  out,  a restoration  of  the  previous 
relations  was  out  of  the  question ; the  Athenians  there- 
fore felt  confident  of  being  strong  enough  to  force  rebels 
into  a subject  position,  and  once  more  to  make  Athens  in 
the  full  sense  mistress  of  the  Archipelago.  Such  was  mani- 
festly the  view  prevailing  in  the  circles  which  at  that 
time  led  public  opinion,  the  view  of  Aristophon,  Chares, 
and  their  associates.  It  was  not  without  justification,  in 
so  far  as  the  relations  hitherto  existing  in  the  Confedera- 
tion had  become  untenable ; so  that  the  only  point  at  issue 
was,  whether  Athens  was  willing  to  renounce  her  maritime 
dominion,  or  to  restore  it  by  the  exertion  of  any  and  every 
measure  of  force.  But  it  seems  neither  explicable  nor  ex- 
cusable, that  no  preparations  should  lihve  been  made,  in 
order  vigorously  to  carry  out  so  bold  a policy.  Nothing 
was  in  readiness.  There  was  a want  of  ships,  of  ships’ 
furniture,  and  of  citizens  prepared  to  undertake  the  trier- 
archy.  Hitherto  resort  had  been  had  to  joint  trierarchies, 
so  that  two  persons  together  bore  the  burdens  of  a single 


* Milesian  coins  with  EKA:  J.  Brandis,  328.  The  Ilalicarnassian  coinage 
followed  the  Rhodian  standard,  ib.  338.  The  official  form  of  name,  MaucruA- 
Aos,  is  attested  by  the  coins.  Maus.  and  Rhodes : Dem.  xv.  3 ; Diod.  xvi.  7. 
— Synceeism  of  Rhodes:  Strab. 654;  Diod.  xiii.  75. — Coinage-union  between 
Rhodes,  Samos,  Ephesus,  and  Cnidus  : Waddington,  Rev.  Num.,  1863,  p.  223. 
Legend  2YN|uax‘a>  Leake,  Num.  Sell.  Inscr.  38  ; Brandis,  262,  375, — as  to  the 
occasion  of  the  Social  War : Oncken,  Isokrales  und  Athen.  p.  136  seq.;  cf.  Iiay- 
ser  in  Neue  Jahrb.  fur  Philol.  1864,  p.  500. — A welcome  accession  to  the 
extremely  meagre  materials  for  the  history  of  the  war  is  afforded  by  the 
Inscription  of  01.  cvi.  2 (b.  c.  355-4),  edited  by  Kumanudes  and  Sauppe 
( Goltlnger  Nachr.,  1867,  p.  151).  Philiseus  of  Sestus  is  honored  on  account  of 
the  service  rendered  by  him  during  the  war  to  the  civic  community  by 
means  of  an  important  piece  of  news,  fxrjvvaas  t[ov  toh>  Bv£olvtUov  (jtoAJoc, 
as  Sauppe  very  felicitously  supplements  the  lacuna. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


119 


trierarchy.  But  even  tlie  burdens  thus  divided  proved 
too  heavy.  It  was  necessary  to  establish  a further  subdi- 
vision, and  to  impose  proportionate  exertions  even  upon 
the  less  wealthy.  Accordingly,  on  the  motion  of  Peri- 
ander,  the  principle  of  association,  which  had  already 
been  applied  to  the  property-tax  (vol.  iv.  p.  385),  was 
now  likewise  made  use  of  for  the  naval  armament.  The 
1,200  wealthiest  members  of  the  civic  community  were 
divided  into  twenty  companies  or  symmories,  whose  duty  it 
was,  under  the  direction  of  a committee  of  300,  of  whom 
fifteen  were  taken  from  each  symmory,  to  furnish  the 
requisites  for  the  fleet  demanded  by  the  state.  With  the 
utmost  rigor  everything  was  called  in,  which  had  be- 
longed to  the  public  inventory  of  the  navy  and  had 
remained  in  the  hands  of  individuals ; the  goods  and 
chattels  of  all  public  debtors  were  distrained ; and  even 
what  had  become  private  property,  but  might  be  of 
service  for  the  equipment  of  the  fleet,  was  forcibly  called 
in.  Aristophon  and  his  friends  took  advantage  of  this 
season  of  public  trouble  to  raise  their  power  to  the  highest 
pitch.  All  views  opposed  to  theirs,  all  expression  of 
pacific  sentiments,  all  attempts  to  create  dissension  in  the 
enemies’  camp  by  means  of  negotiation,  were  repressed 
by  them. 

By  a spasmodic  effort  a naval  force  was 
brought  together ; and  the  best  generals  were 
set  to  work.  But  they  received  separate  com- 
mands according  to  the  parties  to  which  they 
belonged  ; and  this  could  not  have  a favorable  effect  upon 
the  result.  Sixty  vessels  were  commanded  by  Chares, 
upon  whose  courage  Aristophon  pre-eminently  counted  in 
this  desperate  course  of  policy ; a second  fleet  of  equal 
strength  was  entrusted  to  Iphicrates,  his  son  Menestheus, 
and  Timotheus.  Chares  advanced  at  once  upon  Chios  with 
his  fleet ; and  drove  it  in  wedgewise  into  the  harbor,  which 
had  been  barred  by  the  islanders.  Chabrias,  who  served 


Battle  in 
the  harbor 
of  Chios. 

01.  cv.  4 (b.  c. 
357). 


120 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


as  a trierarcli  under  Chares,  was  in  the  van  ; boldly  push- 
ing forward  before  the  rest,  he  had  penetrated  deep  into 
the  dense  mass  of  the  enemy,  and  fell,  fighting,  on  the 
deck  of  his  trireme,  since  he  was  too  proud  to  abandon  the 
vessel  committed  to  his  charge.  The  whole  attack  ended 
in  failure,  and  the  insurgents  were  able  to  assume  the  of- 
fensive. They  devastated  the  islands  in  the  possession  of 
Athens,  in  particular  Lemnos  and  Imbros,  and  then  ap- 
peared with  a hundred  vessels  off  Samos.  But  this  island 
was  relieved  by  the  combined  squadrons  of  the  Athenians, 
who  determined  to  sail  from  here  to  Byzantium,  which 
they  hoped  to  find  in  the  most  advanced  state  of  prepara- 
tion. But  on  a stormy  day  they  unexpectedly  in  the 
channel  off  Chios  came  across  the  enemy’s  fleet.  Chares 
demanded  a short  attack ; the  leaders  of  the  second  squa- 
dron unanimously  opposed  it  on  account  of  the  weather, 
but  Chares  refused  to  give  way.  He  thought  by  boldly 
advancing  to  force  the  others  to  follow,  but  he  was  left 
alone,  and  was  obliged,  after  suffering  losses,  to  relinquish 
the  contest. 

He  sent  a report  of  what  had  occurred  to  Athens,  and 
cast  all  the  blame  upon  his  colleagues.  Aristophon  sup- 
ported his  cause ; his  fellow-generals  were  immediately 
recalled ; and  Chares  was  now  at  the  head  of  the  entire 
fleet. 

,T.  , . He  was  now  above  all  anxious  to  perform 

Victory  of  1 

chares  under  some  brilliant  exploit,  wherever  the  opportuni- 

oi  cvi  a (l)  ty  might  offer.  And  as  he  was  probably  also 

c.  35G).  urged  on  by  want  of  money,  he  rapidly  re- 
solved to  enter  with  his  whole  fleet  into  the  pay  of  Arta- 
bazus, who  was  engaged  in  a revolt  against  the  Great 
King  and  was  hard  pressed  by  the  royal  troops.  The 
position  of  Maussollus  might  to  some  extent  justify  this 
step,  since  every  defeat  inflicted  upon  the  King  might  also 
be  regarded  as  a defeat  inflicted  upon  Maussollus  and  his 
allies.  In  any  case,  Chares  completely  achieved  his  im- 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


121 


mediate  object.  By  a brilliant  victory  he  secured,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  high  pay  for  his  forces,  ample  spoils,  occupied 
Lampsacus  and  Sigeum,  and  caused  great  rejoicing  among 
the  citizens. 

But  hereupon  an  embassy  from  the  Great  cloge  ofthe 
King  arrived  at  Athens,  which  bitterly  com-  Social  War- 
plained  of  Chares,  and  gave  utterance  to  the  1 (B- c- 

most  serious  menaces.  It  was  already  thought 
to  be  certain  that  a great  Persian  fleet  had  combined  with 
the  islanders  for  a joint  expedition  against  Athens ; and 
there  ensued  a revulsion  in  public  opinion,  and  a lively  move- 
ment arose  against  Aristophon  and  his  party.  Attention 
was  directed  to  the  empty  treasury,  the  intolerable  burdens 
of  the  war,  and  the  impossibility  of  bringing  the  confed- 
erates to  obedience  by  force.  Aristophon  had  by  his  sys- 
tem of  terrorism  estranged  from  himself  even  many 
friends  ; and  it  was  an  adherent  of  his  own  party,  Eubu- 
lus,  who  in  the  civic  assembly  brought  forward  this  mo- 
tion : that  a cessation  of  arms  must  immediately  be 
effected,  unless  the  city  was  to  be  utterly  ruined.  As 
hastily  as  the  war  had  been  begun  the  peace  was  con- 
cluded, in  order  at  any  cost  to  put  an  end  to  the  hardships 
of  the  war,  without  even  the  attempt  being  made  to  save  as 
much  as  could  be  saved  of  influence  and  power.  The 
confederates  now  in  revolt  were  freed  from  all  obligations ; 
and  thus,  then,  after  absolutely  fruitless  efforts  of  the  most 
arduous  kind,  the  Naval  Confederation  founded  twenty 
years  before  with  the  happiest  prospects  by  Callistratus 
and  Timotheus,  had,  from  fear  of  Persian  menaces,  been 
shamefully  and  disgracefully  abandoned.  In  the  place 
of  the  Attic  influence,  which  kept  the  island-sea  in  order 
and  cohesion  for  national  purposes,  Asiatic  influence, 
partly  that  of  the  Great  King,  partly  that  of  the  Carian 
Tyrants,  now  asserted  itself.  Athens  had  openly  confessed 
her  impotence,  and  had  pusillanimously  renounced  her 
truest  and  most  proper  mission.  Henceforth  all  attempts 
6 


122 


History  of  Greece. 


[Ijook  VIL 


at  maintaining  in  the  iEgean  a state  of  things  established 
by  treaties,  were  renounced  ; and  anarchy  pure  and  simple 
was  the  recognized  condition  of  those  waters.  As  in  the 
Corinthian  war  the  land-powers  of  secondary  rank,  so 
now  in  the  maritime  regions  there  came  forward  a group  of 
secondary  states,  which  emancipated  itself  from  all  control 
No  Great  Power  any  longer  guaranteed  the  peace  of  the  sea ; 
the  boundaries  between  the  maritime  dominions  of  the  bar- 
barians and  of  the  Hellenes  had  been  destroyed  ; and  Athens 
herself  could  in  future  feel  sure  neither  of  her  own  routes 
of  trade  nor  of  the  smaller  islands  remaining  to  her. 

Nor  was  this  all.  The  struggle  between  the  parties  was 
continued  in  the  law-courts,  and  demanded  yet  further 
victims.  Aristoplion  exerted  all  the  remnants  of  his 
influence,  in  order  in  conjunction  with  Chares  to  ruin  the 
other  generals,  and  to  deprive  Athens,  in  her  deep  humil- 
iation, even  of  those  men  who  were  alone  capable  of 
bringing  about  a better  future.  On  the  occasion  of  the 
rendering  of  their  account  by  the  generals,  Iphicrates, 
Menestheus  and  Timot.heus  were  accused  of  having  been 
bribed  by  Chian  and  Rhodian  money  to  ruin  their  native 
city.  The  charge  excited  great  indignation  ; and  Iphi- 
crates was  soon  surrounded  by  a band  of  companions-in- 
arms,  who  were  resolved  to  protect  and  defend  him  against 
extremities,  if  necessary  by  the  use  of  force.  The  aged 
hero,  covered  with  scars,  confronted,  in  the  full  pride  of 
a warrior,  the  forensic  tricks  of  Aristophon.  He  acknow- 
ledged his  inability  to  meet  him  with  the  same  weapons. 
“ This  man,”  he  said,  “ is  a better  actor  ; but  mine  is  the 
better  play.  ” He  appealed  to  his  deeds,  and  inquired 
whether  he  svas  thought  capable  of  an  act  of  knavery,  of 
which  even  an  Aristophon  would  he  ashamed  ? 

„ , The  chivalrous  pride  of  Iphicrates  did  not 

Conderrma-  i i 

tion  of  the  miss  its  effect.  Both  he  and  his  son  were 

generals. 

01.  cvi.  i acquitted.  Less  favorable  was  the  issue  in 
(b.  c.  355).  ^jie  cage  0f  Timotheus.  He  was  not  indeed 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


123 


found  guilty  of  the  crime  imputed  to  him  ; but  he  dam- 
aged his  cause,  by  irritating  the  judges  through  his  aris- 
tocratic bearing ; and  thus  it  came  to  pass,  that  he  was 
sentenced  to  the  enormous  fine  of  one  hundred  talents 
(£25,000  circ).  He  took  his  departure  to  Chalcis,  where 
he  died  the  same  year,  after  having  seen  the  work  of  his 
life  so  miserably  ruined.  Iphicrates  remained  at  Athens, 
in  retirement  from  public  life.  Chabrias  had  fallen  in 
battle.  Thus  at  the  close  of  this  disastrous  war  Athens 
had  not  only  forfeited  her  dominion  and  exhausted  her 
resources,  but  she  had  also  been  deprived  of  her  best 
heroes.* 


Social  con- 
dition of 
Athens,  up  to 
the  first  ap- 
pearance of 
Demosthe- 
nes in  public 
life. 


Such  were  the  course  of  Attic  politics  up  to 
the  close  of  the  Social  War,  and  the  series  of 
outward  events  necessarily  resulting  from  the 
relations  which  we  find  prevailing  in  the  in- 
terior of  the  state. 

The  attempts  which  had  been  made  in  order  to  cure  the 
evils  besetting  the  life  of  the  Attic  community  had  long 
been  abandoned  again  ; the  old  tracks  had  once  more 
been  re-entered,  and  the  traditional  forms  of  life  belong- 
ing  to  the  democratic  system  thoughtlessly  resumed.  And 
inasmuch  as  the  commonwealth,  sick  and  devoid  of  vigor 
as  it  was,  could  not  elevate  or  ennoble  the  individual 
citizens,  the  bonds  uniting  men  among  themselves  and 
with  the  state  were  more  and  more  relaxed,  civic  duties 
and  the  demands  imposed  by  them  fell  into  neglect,  life 
lost  part  of  its  seriousness  and  significance,  and  men  be- 
came accustomed  to  a low  standard  in  judging  themselves 
and  others. 

Outwardly,  the  difference  from  earlier  times  was  above 
all  perceptible  in  the  circumstance,  that,  while  hitherto 


* Diod.  xvi.  22;  Dionys. ; Din.  p.  668;  Nepos,  Timoth.  3;  Isocr.  xv.  129. 
Plutarch,  Prcec.  ger.reip.  801  F:  ’I</uKparr]9,  ltt'otCju  nepl  'ApurTO(f)iouTa  /carapp^ro- 
pev6p.€VQS’  (3eh.TLujv  p.ku  6 riou  6lutl8lkuju  vnoKpiTrjS , Spapa  6e  TOvp.hu  ap.€Luou. 


124 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  Vlt 


more  considerable  edifices  bad  been  erected  only  for  the 
purposes  of  public  worship  and  of  the  state,  the  public 
ends  were  now  neglected,  while  building  was  carried  on  in 
the  service  of  the  comfort  and  love  of  pomp  of  individual 
citizens.  The  richer  citizens  indulged  their  vanity  by  the 
display  of  their  wealth  ; mansions  resembling  palaces  were 
built  in  Athens  and  in  its  neighborhood.  Men  delighted 
in  exhibiting  their  establishments  of  numerous  servants, 
splendid  equipages,  and  costly  robes  and  furniture;  and 
although  this  arrogance  on  the  part  of  the  rich  was  so 
directly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  constitution,  yet  it 
was  not  punished  and  condemned  by  public  opinion,  but 
imposed  upon  the  multitude,  and  brought  with  it  influ- 
ence and  authority. 

In  proportion  as  the  public  resources  dwindled,  the 
difference  of  property  asserted  itself  among  the  citizens, 
and  the  new  institutions  designed  for  satisfying  the  wants 
of  the  state  helped  to  raise  the  power  of  money  ; for  the 
distribution  of  the  public  burdens  in  the  symmories 
(p.  119)  was  in  the  hands  of  the  most  highly  taxed;  and 
they  employed  their  influence  so  as  to  spare  themselves. 
Though  on  occasion  they  performed  this  or  that  public 
service  with  pompous  munificence,  in  order  to  dazzle  the 
multitude,  yet  in  general  they  contrived  to  arrange  matters 
after  such  a fashion,  that  disproportionate  efforts  were 
exacted  from  the  less  wealthy,  and  a disproportionate 
pressure  was  placed  upon  them.  Thus,  in  addition  to  the 
distinction  between  the  classes  with  and  without  property, 
an  opposition  arose  between  the  rich  and  the  middle 
classes ; the  committees  of  the  symmories  became  a privi- 
leged order  in  the  state,  and  the  system  of  factions  became 
less  and  less  endurable. 

In  the  same  degree  in  which  the  idea  of  the  state  lost 
its  power,  the  virtues  rooting  in  this  idea  died  out,  in  par- 
ticular the  joyous  promptitude  for  personal  sacrifices. 
The  citizens  concealed  their  property ; and  if  the  richest 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


125 


among  them  evaded  their  duties  to  such  a degree  as  to 
farm  out  for  execution  the  trierarchies  falling  to  their  lot 
to  the  lowest  bidders,  how  much  less  were  they  willing  to 
venture  their  lives  on  behalf  of  the  state ! Military  service 
was  regarded  as  an  intolerable  interference  with  personal 
comfort  and  with  commercial  profits.  Pretexts  of  all 
kinds  were  sought ; and  it  was  necessary  to  pass  severe 
laws  of  war,  in  order  to  secure  what  formerly  had  been  a 
matter  of  course.  But  even  these  laws  proved  of  no  avail. 
The  aversion  of  the  citizens  from  bearing  arms  spread 
like  a contagious  disease ; and  the  trierarchs  found  it  so 
interminable  a task  to  man  their  vessels,  that  they  pre- 
ferred to  offer  hand-money,  and  to  entrust  the  most  pre- 
cious possession  of  the  city,  her  ships,  to  strangers  who 
had  no  interest  in  her. 

The  desire  was  to  maintain  only  those  elements  in  the 
democracy  which  gratified  sensual  indulgence,  and  which 
offered  a pleasant  pastime.  Accordingly,  the  festivals  be- 
came the  principal  object  in  public  life,  and  were  as  its 
most  important  side  treated  with  the  utmost  seriousness. 
But  at  the  same  time  the  higher  considerations  lying  at 
the  basis  of  Attic  festive  life,  viz.  the  grateful  celebration 
of  the  gods,  the  patriotic  elevation  of  men’s  minds,  and  the 
emulous  cultivation  of  liberal  arts,  fell  quite  into  the  back, 
ground.  In  their  stead  the  processions  and  banquets 
formed  the  gist  of  the  matter ; and  in  order  not  to  miss 
any  of  these,  the  citizens  evaded  service  abroad,  while  for 
the  same  reason  the  troops  were  disbanded,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  rush  home.  To  disturb  the  festive  rejoicing  was 
accounted  the  worst  of  crimes,  and  an  act  of  treason 
against  the  city.  In  all  things  only  the  rights  of  the  citi- 
zens, and  not  their  duties,  were  taken  into  account,  all  at- 
tempts to  enforce  obligations  were  kept  at  a distance,  and 
there  was  an  absence  of  salutary  discipline  in  the  public 
market-place  as  well  as  in  the  private  homes  ; for  even  the 
slaves  it  was  not  contrived  to  keep  under.  A system  of 


126 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


mutual  concession  had  been  tacitly  agreed  upon  at  Athens; 
it  would  have  amounted  to  an  offence  against  the  fashion 
of  society  for  any  man  publicly  to  stigmatize  the  frivolous 
self-indulgence  of  any  of  his  fellow-citizens  ; and  iEscliines, 
when  inveighing  against  the  vices  of  the  trierarchs,  ex- 
pressly wishes  it  to  be  understood  that  the  object  of  his 
charge  is  only  the  brutal  audacity  which  mocks  all  public 
decency,  and  the  conversion  of  immorality  into  a trade. 

The  popular  Such  was  the  condition  of  society  ; and  thus 
assembly.  neither  could  the  civic  assemblies  maintain 
any  dignity  in  their  bearing.  A really  earnest  spirit  was 
wanting,  even  when  the  most  momentous  matters  were  the 
subject  of  debate ; the  common  interest  was  no  longer 
generally  interesting ; and  here,  too,  pastime  and  diversion 
were  sought,  and  these  objects  determined  the  conduct  of 
the  orators.  Outwardly  negligent,  even  with  their  shoulders 
hare,  they  appeared  before  the  people,  relying  upon  a sono- 
rous voice  and  a dazzling  flow  of  words,  to  which  they 
added  the  attraction  of  histrionic  tricks.  Their  speeches 
were  poor  in  considerations  on  the  subjects  under  discus- 
sion, but,  on  the  other  hand,  abounded  in  personalities, 
scandal  and  vulgar  jests.  Since  the  multitude  was  too 
indolent  to  enter  into  a consultation  and  to  form  an  opinion 
for  itself,  few  took  part  in  the  debate ; and  those  speakers 
were  the  most  popular  who  gave  the  least  trouble  to  their 
hearers.  This  demand  of  course  only  men  devoid  of  con- 
science were  ready  to  supply,  persons  of  talent  and  practi- 
cal skill,  hut  without  superior  culture  or  a liberal  training. 
They  struck  the  note,  and  had  their  agents  at  hand,  who 
according  to  given  hints  shouted  applause  to  the  one, 
drowned  the  words  of  the  other  in  clamor,  and  thus  con- 
fused the  multitude  in  order  to  be  able  all  the  more  easily 
to  direct  it.  A group  of  men  entertaining  the  same  views 
unites  ; they  form  a close  party  ; and  the  multitude  so 
thoroughly  accustoms  itself  to  be  controlled  by  them,  that 
they  demean  themselves  as  the  lords  and  masters  of  the 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


127 


city.  Such  was  notably  the  case  with  Aristophon  and  his 
associates,  who  established  a genuine  reign  of  terror  over 
Athens.  “ They  claim,”  we  read  in  a speech  of  the  day, 
“ absolute  liberty  of  speaking  to  you  and  of  acting  ac- 
cording as  they  choose  ; they  bring  everything  into  their 
hands,  and,  as  it  were  like  public  criers,  offer  the  state  to 
the  highest  bidder.  They  cause  whom  they  wish  to  be 
crowned  or  not  crowned,  and  have  secured  to  themselves 
more  authority  than  belongs  to  the  decrees  of  the  civic  as- 
sembly.” The  orators  flatter  the  people  and  foster  phases 
of  agitation,  in  order  to  maintain  their  influence ; they 
take  pay  both  for  speaking  and  for  holding  their  peace ; 
and  change  from  beggars  into  rich  men,  while  the  state  is 
becoming  more  and  more  impoverished.  The  citizens  curse 
them,  when  affairs  take  a bad  turn,  but  relapse  again  and 
again  into  their  unworthy  relation  of  dependence.* 

In  legislation,  the  principles  of  ancient  Le0jaiation 
times  had  been  recurred  to  ; but  they  had  not 
been  faithfully  observed.  There  prevailed  anew  an  over- 
busy tendency  to  make  new  laws,  and  in  consequence  an 
incurable  state  of  disquiet.  Every  month — and  frequent- 
ly too  in  violation  of  the  customary  regulations,  viz.  with- 
out any  motion  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  without  any 
preliminary  examination  and  public  exhibition  such  as 
prescription  demanded,  without  the  fixed  terms  being 
awaited  or  the  contradictions  thence  resulting  taken  into 
account — new  laws  were  passed,  which  in  contravention 
of  the  principles  of  the  republic  were  devised  to  suit 
special  cases  ; laws  of  debt,  which  were  to  help  particular 
persons  out  of  their  difficulties,  and  others  to  which  a re- 
trospective force  was  given,  in  order  to  accomplish  certain 
party-objects.  Herewith  is  connected  the  influence  gained 
in  Athens  by  the  scribes.  These  were  persons  of  a low 
class,  slaves  and  freedmen,  whose  business  was  the  reading, 

* Dominion  of  faction : no\t.Tevea9(u  Kara  <ru/A[j.opCa<;,  Dem.  ii.  29.  De- 
scription of  the  terrorism  exercised  by  the  party  of  Aristophon:  Dem.  li.  22. 


128 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  Vli 


composition,  and  preservation  of  written  documents,  and 
who  thereby  acquired  a versatility  in  business,  which 
made  them  indispensable  to  every  office,  great  or  small. 
They  were  a venal  set,  useful  for  any  and  every  purpose, 
ready  for  any  kind  of  service,  and  familiar  with  all  the 
species  of  tricks.  When  such  men  acquired  authority, 
there  spread  together  with  them  through  all  branches  of 
the  administration  a spirit  of  impunity  and  dishonesty, 
above  all,  of  course,  where  the  management  of  trust- 
moneys  was  in  question.  A universal  mistrust  poisoned 
i itigious  public  life.  The  most  usual  weapon  with 
ness.  which  one  party  attacked  the  other,  or  one 

citizen  fought  out  a personal  contest  against  another,  was 
an  indictment  for  peculation  ; and  the  lamentable  love  of 
litigation,  which  characterized  the  Athenians,  thereby  re- 
ceived superabundant  nourishment.  Aristophon  himself 
was  charged  with  having  kept  back  in  his  hands  moneys 
intended  to  provide  for  the  manufacture  of  golden 
wreaths ; and,  in  order  to  avoid  a worse  alternative,  he 
was  obliged  at  once  to  make  good  the  deficiency.  Indeed, 
it  became  customary  to  appoint  extraordinary  commissions 
to  inquire  who  was  illegally  in  possession  of  sacred  or 
public  moneys.  During  the  progress  of  the  suits,  oppor- 
tunities were  found  for  tricks  of  all  kinds,  in  order  to  de- 
lude the  judges,  or  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  sen- 
tences actually  pronounced.  In  public  and  in  private  mat- 
ters all  means  seemed  allowable ; personal  abuse  was  in- 
dulged in,  and  there  were  always  at  command  venal  wit- 
nesses and  advocates,  who  were  ready  to  compose  a speech 
to  be  made  in  court  in  any  cause,  either  for  plaintiff  or 
for  defendant.  No  dishonor  any  longer  attached  to  the 
payment  of  counsel  ; the  advocates  or  writers  of  speeches 
( Logographi ) made  their  living  out  of  the  suits,  and  did  their 
best  to  goad  men  into  quarreling  with  one  another.  They 
had  as  it  were  set  up  their  domestic  establishments  in  the  law- 
courts,  and  lay  in  wait  for  any  dispute  among  the  citizens, 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


129 


The  ora- 
tor? and  the 
generals. 


they 


were 


This  petty  warfare  between  citizens  and  civic  parties 
claimed  attention  more  than  anything  else ; upon  it  time 
and  strength  were  expended,  while  the  commonweal  re- 
mained neglected.  As  the  confusion  in  legislation  in- 
creased, indictments  for  illegal  motions  became  more  fre- 
quent, and  the  popular  orators  of  the  genuine  stamp 
sought  a kind  of  chivalry  in  boldly  confronting  these  at- 
tacks. Aristophon  boasted  of  having  fought  to  an  issue 
seventy-five  such  quarrels. 

Those  were  most  of  all  exposed  to  suspicion 
and  active  enmity  who  were  invested  with 
public  powers,  viz.  the  envoys  and,  most  nota- 
bly, the  generals.  If  they  were  successful, 
without  consideration  of  persons  immoderately  honored 
and  extolled ; for  the  observance  of  a just  standard  in 
public  acknowledgments  had  long  been  lost,  and,  instead 
of  the  wise  economy  which  had  distinguished  the  Athens 
of  earlier  days,  it  had  become  the  practice  prodigally  to 
squander  the  highest  gifts  of  honor,  and  to  indulge  in  a 
senseless  extravagance.  But  far  worse  was  the  opposite 
of  this  : viz.  that,  whenever  a calamity  had  befallen  the 
city,  the  commanders  of  the  troops  were  made  to  suffer  for 
the  vexation  felt  by  the  citizens.  Nothing  was  more 
damaging  to  the  state  than  the  perpetual  strife  between 
the  orators  and  the  generals.  Person  who  sat  safely  at 
home  and  understood  nothing  of  the  military  matters, 
brought  charges  of  life  and  death  against  the  men  return- 
ing from  arduous  campaigns,  when  it  became  their  duty  to 
give  an  account  of  their  conduct  in  office,  and  made  them 
sick  of  doing  their  best,  though  upon  their  will  to  do  it 
everything  depended.  After  Callistratus  had  set  so  bad 
an  example  by  his  attack  upon  Timotheus,  this  evil  sys- 
tem steadily  grew  worse ; and  there  was  no  general  who 
was  not  several  times  indicted  for  high  treason. 

And  what  in  truth  was  the  position  of  the  generals  in 
those  days  ? They  no  longer,  it  should  be  remembered, 

6* 


130 


History  of  Greece. 


[Boos  VIL 


commanded  Attic  citizens,  held  together  by  a sense  of  horn 
or  and  by  a feeling  of  patriotism.  The  wealthy  Athe- 
nians as  a matter  of  duty  served  as  cavalry,  the  state  fur- 
nishing the  customary  supplementary  payment  for  the 
purpose  ; their  handsome  squadrons  formed  the  proces- 
sions, which  were  part  of  the  pomp  of  the  city  festivals  ; 
but  service  abroad  they  evaded.  In  the  place  of  the 
wealthier,  poorer  citizens  entered  as  substitutes,  in  order 
to  improve  their  financial  circumstances  by  pay  and  pil- 
lage ; in  this  matter  again  money  became  so  emphatically 
the  main  object,  that  the  warriors  would  not  even  march 
outside  the  gates  for  a review  without  having  received  pay. 
From  other  states,  too,  enough  men  came  in  who  were 
ready  to  sell  their  persons  and  their  lives ; and  these  were 
homeless  adventurers,  folk  to  whom  nothing  was  sacred, 
who  took  service  to-day  with  the  Persians  and  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  to-morrow  with  the  Athenians.  Such  troops 
were  only  to  be  kept  together  by  money.  War  was  there- 
fore diverted  into  those  regions  where  there  was  the  best 
prospect  of  gain  ; money  meant  power  and  victory,  and 
in  order  to  obtain  money,  hands  were  laid  even  upon  the 
property  of  the  temples. 

The  condi-  su°h  a s7stem  of  mercenaries  was  not  to 

tion  of  the  bring  about  the  ruin  of  the  state,  there  was 

finances.  ° ’ 

needed  a public  treasury  with  well-assured 
sources  of  income,  and  a fixed  war-budget.  But  the  en- 
tire financial  system  upon  which  the  greatness  of  Athens 
rested  (vol.  ii.  p.  523)  had  long  ago  fallen  to  pieces;  the 
regular  sources  of  income,  in  particular  the  tributes,  had 
dried  up,  with  the  exception  of  a small  remnant,  and  there 
was  no  fund  in  existence.  No  sooner,  therefore,  was  an 
army  to  be  assembled,  than  it  became  requisite  to  levy 
property-taxes,  and  to  obtain  immediately  out  of  the 
pockets  of  the  citizens  the  moneys  needed  for  the  expenses 
of  each  particular  war.  The  dislike  of  giving  was  intensi- 
fied by  the  frequent  demands,  as  well  as  by  the  absence 


Chap.  II. j 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


131 


of  corresponding  success  : and  this  dislike  was  all  the 
greater,  inasmuch  as  the  money  of  the  citizens  mostly  went 
into  the  hands  of  strangers.  To  these  causes  of  unwill- 
ingness were  added  the  distrust  of  the  administrators  of 
the  sums  collected  with  so  much  trouble  and  the  informa- 
tions perpetually  laid  as  to  unconscientious  squandering 
of  the  moneys.  Special  officials  ( Exetastoe ) were  there- 
fore sent  out  to  see  whether  the  professed  number  of  mer- 
cenaries was  actually  in  existence  ; but  these  controlling 
authorities  it  was  likewise  possible  to  bribe,  if  the  general 
thought  it  worth  his  while.  But  even  if  no  part  of  the 
moneys  granted  was  made  away  with,  yet  there  was  an 
utter  disproportion  between  them  and  the  requirements  of 
the  war  ; as  a rule  they  only  sufficed  to  bring  together  the 
mercenaries,  and  the  idea  became  more  and  more  custom- 
ary, that  army  and  fleet  ought  to  maintain  themselves 
abroad. 

Timotheus  set  the  first  example  of  wars 
which  cost  nothing.  In  his  patriotic  zeal  he 
exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  remove  every 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  glorious  enterprises,  and  took  plea- 
sure in  contrasting  the  trifling  expense  of  his  victories  with 
the  enormous  pecuniary  sacrifices  exacted  by  the  expedi- 
tions of  Pericles.  He  procured  money  from  friend  and  from 
foe,  and,  when  a deficency  occurred,  contrived  to  pay  his 
way  by  a sham-money  of  copper,  to  which  he  was  able  to 
give  currency  by  virtue  of  his  personal  credit.  Timotheus 
seduced  the  Athenians  into  the  serious  error  of  believing; 
it  possible  to  carry  on  sucessful  wars  without  a fund  and 
without  a regular  system  of  financial  administration. 
This  delusion  was  too  agreeable  for  them  to  take  warning 
from  experience,  although  already  in  the  case  of  Timo- 
theus himself  it  might  have  been  perceived,  what  where  the 
real  conditions  of  such  a method  of  conducting  war.  The 
general  never  had  any  control  over  his  own  movements ; 
he  was  incapable  of  carrying  out  plans  of  an  extensive 


The  position 
of  the 
generals. 


132 


History  of  Greece. 


(Book  VII. 


kind ; he  was  forced  to  evade  all  more  important  tasks,  and 
to  dissipate  his  strength  in  petty  warfare ; from  the  first 
he  was  altogether  unable  to  undertake  to  receive  and 
execute  definite  instructions.  The  necessary  consequence 
was,  that  the  generals  became  more  and  more  independent, 
self-willed  and  arbitrary  as  towards  the  city.  In  propor- 
tion as  they  had  to  pay  more  consideration  to  their  troops, 
they  took  less  account  of  those  by  whom  they  were 
commissioned.  If  they  procured  pay  and  soldiers  them- 
selves, they  desired  likewise  to  reserve  for  themselves  the 
glory  of  the  successes  which  were  achieved.  Accord- 
ingly, instead  of  the  victories  of  Athens,  the  victories  of 
the  generals  were  now  alone  spoken  of;  and  it  was  not  the 
name  of  the  city,  but  his  own,  which  the  victorious 
commander  was  wont  to  inscribe  upon  the  spoils  brought 
home  by  him. 

Furthermore,  it  lay  in  the  nature  of  the  existing  state 
of  things,  that  the  generals,  while  finding  less  and  less  sup- 
port and  vigorous  assistance  in  their  native  city,  were  all 
the  more  eager  to  seek  for  combinations  abroad.  For  this 
Their  con-  numerous  opportunities  offered  themselves ; 

nexi.on  with  and  thus  we  find  Timotlieus  in  alliance  with 

foreign 

princes.  Iason  of  Pherse,  with  Alcetas  the  Molossian, 
with  Amyntas  of  Macedonia,  and  even  with  Persian 
satraps.  The  most  important  advantages  were  obtained 
as  the  gifts  of  personal  friendship.  Similar  relations  are 
met  with  between  Iphicrates  and  the  Thracian  princes, 
between  Chares  and  Artabazus.  These  ties  of  amity  were 
secured  by  matrimonial  alliances  with  the  princely  fami- 
lies, which  naturally  were  greatly  interested  in  attaching 
Hellenes  to  their  interests.  Thus  Seuthes  had  offered  the 
hand  of  his  daughter  to  Xenophon  (vol.  iv.  p.  196)  ; 
Cotys  became  the  brother-in-law  of  Iphicrates,  and  Cerso- 
bleptes  of  Charidemus.  Hereby  the  Attic  generals  were 
placed  in  the  most  ambiguous  of  positions,  and  involved 
in  inextricable  conflicts  between  opposite  obligations  (p. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


133 


109).  They,  as  it  were,  included  themselves  among 
foreign  dynasts,  and  were  more  at  home  in  foreign  lands 
than  at  Athens.  Just  as  Alcibiades  after  his  banishment 
founded  fastnesses  for  himself  in  the  Chersonnesus,  so  we 
find  in  this  period  generals  of  the  city,  while  they  were 
still  its  officers,  in  possession  of  towns,  bestowed  upon  them 
by  foreign  princes,  or  conquered  by  them  on  their  own  ac- 
count. Thus  Timotheus  is  said  to  have  received  the  towns 
of  Sestus  and  Crithote  as  a gift  at  the  hands  of  Ariobar- 
zanes.  Iphicrates  was  allowed  to  regard  the  Thracian 
city  of  Drys  as  his  personal  property,  and  to  surround  it 
with  walls.  Chares  had  his  residence  at  Sigeum ; and 
Chabrias  was  to  all  intents  and  purposes  at  home  in 
Egypt,  where  he  pursued  a perfectly  independent  policy. 

Thus  the  generals  became  estranged  from  Thejr  ^ 
the  city,  and  obtained  a personal  power,  gla-  trangement 
ringly  contravening  the  spirit  of  the  republic. 

And  in  proportion  as  military  life  grew  distinct  from 
civil,  the  commanders,  being  in  constant  intercourse  with 
the  mercenai’ies,  who  required  a downright  kind  of  disci- 
pline, assumed  a rough  and  imperious  bearing ; they  felt 
themselves,  as  towards  the  citizens,  in  the  character  of 
soldiers,  and  refused  to  suffer  the  tongue-valiant  gentry, 
who  monopolized  the  attention  of  the  assembly  at  Athens, 
to  interfere  in  their  doings,  or  to  pass  judgment  upon  their 
campaigns.  But  on  the  other  side  there  remained  to  the 
civic  community,  guided  by  its  orators,  the  duty  of  as- 
signing to  each  general  his  sphere  of  military  operations, 
and  of  receiving  from  each  on  his  return  the  account  of 
his  proceedings  demanded  by  the  constitution.  There  ac- 
cordingly arose  on  this  head  an  unsatisfactory  state  of  re- 
lations, which  more  than  anything  else  inflicted  serious 
damage  upon  the  commonwealth.* 


* Routine  by  the  regular  business  of  scribes  (fnroypafi^ara'a).  Vit.  X.  Oral. 
810.  llpon-Kiu/elr  rrjr  96A ov,  Dem.  six.  314.  Meier,  Comment,  de  Vita  Lt/curgi , pag. 
c.  Aristophon  seventy-five  times  indicted  tt apavofxiou:  JSschin.  in  Ctes.  194> 


134 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Such  was  the  change  which  had  taken  place  in  the  re- 
lations of  the  generals  to  the  state ; and  how  rapidly 
these  relations  became  yet  worse  ! How  great  in  these 
times  was  the  difference  between  the  older  and  the 
younger  generation ! Chabrias,  Iphicrates,  and  notably 
Timotkeus,  still  admirably  contrived  to  control  the  exist- 
ing evils,  and  to  maintain  the  cohesion  between  city  and 
army.  With  truly  Attic  genius  they  knew  how  to  make 
the  new  military  system  as  serviceable  as  possible  to  the 
state,  and  to  raise  its  defensive  strength  by  combining  the 
service  of  mercenaries  with  that  of  citizens ; they  understood 
how  to  assert  the  superiority  of  Attic  culture  over  the  savage 
mass  of  the  troops,  although  already  in  the  case  of  Iphi- 
crates the  defiant  ways  of  the  soldier  are  perceptible, — as 
was  shown  on  the  occasion  of  the  indictment  of  Aristophon, 
when  the  general  drew  his  sword  in  the  face  of  the  orators. 

At  a later  date,  however,  the  disastrous  evils  of  these 
relations  became  far  more  openly  manifest.  The  generals 
were  barbarized  simultaneously  with  the  bands  com- 
manded by  them ; and  as  they  blended  with  these,  they 
separated  themselves  from  the  citizens,  and  lost  all  habits 
of  discipline  and  legality.  They  made  no  distinction  be- 
tween friend  and  foe,  squandered  the  money  in  Tyrannical 
arrogance,  levied  forced  requisitions  upon  the  confeder- 
ates, and  on  occasion  passed  with  all  their  troops  into 
foreign  service,  so  that  the  Athenians  were  altogether 
ignorant  of  the  whereabouts  of  the  fleet,  and  had  to  search 
for  it  on  the  wide  seas.  Indeed,  it  had  become  unknown 
who  was  the  master  of  the  fleet.  It  is  in  this  condition 
that  we  find  affairs  under  Chares  and  Charidemus,  who 
exhibit  the  wild  ways  of  a Greek  condottiere  in  their  full 
development.  Chares  was  already  in  his  per- 
sonal exterior  a complete  contrast  to  the  ele- 


— ’EfeTacrraL  rav  fe'iw,  iEschin.  Tim.  113.— 1 Timotheus  and  Pericles:  Isocr. 
xv.  111.— Sham-money : Boeekh,  P.  Ec.  of  Ath.  vol.  i.  p.392  [Eng.  Tr.].— Con- 
flicts between  civic  duty  and  foreign  connexions:  Dem.  xxiii.  129. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


135 


gantly-built  Timotheus,  who,  like  his  father,  was  of  slight 
bodily  stature.  Chares  made  a point  of  letting  it  be  seen 
on  every  occasion  that  he  was  above  all  a soldier ; and 
sought  to  impose  by  means  of  his  martial  figure  and  rodo- 
montading talk.  Accordingly,  Timotheus  reproved  his 
countrymen  for  appointing  a man  general  by  reason  of  his 
broad  shoulders.  Such  a man,  he  said,  might  indeed  be 
adapted  for  carrying  the  general’s  baggage ; but  the  office 
of  general  required  a man,  who,  free  from  all  low  desires, 
possessed  a clear  judgment  concerning  the  mission  of  the 
city ; so  that  if  Chares  boasted  of  the  holes  in  his  shield 
and  the  wounds  on  his  body,  foolhardiness  was  no  praise 
befitting  a general.  At  the  same  time  Chares  was  a man 
of  profligate  habits,  who  took  delight  in  the  harsh  alter- 
nation of  bloody  frays  with  effeminate  debauchery,  whose 
admiral’s  vessel  was  filled  with  wenches  and  female  flute- 
players,  and  who  shrank  from  no  means  of  securing  the 
favor  of  the  orators  and  of  the  civic  assembly.  As  a man  of 
the  vulgar  type,  his  natural  downrightness  pleased  the  peo- 
ple far  better  than  the  fine  culture  of  Timotheus.  And 
indeed  Chares,  by  virtue  of  his  indefatigable  ambition,  his 
versatility  and  his  unwearying  officiousness,  during  fifty 
years  of  active  life  as  a general,  obtained  many  an  advan- 
tage in  the  field  for  the  Athenians ; but  he  missed  more 
opportunities  than  he  took  advantage  of,  and  did  more 
harm  than  good ; and,  although  he  is  not  to  be  regarded 
as  the  sole  cause  of  the  Social  War  and  of  its  disastrous 
issue,  which  the  friends  of  Timotheus  laid  to  his  charge, 
yet  he,  above  all  others,  contributed  to  bring  his  native 
city  into  evil  repute,  and  to  destroy  the  patriotic  work  of 
Timotheus.* 

The  above-mentioned  generals  were  born  Charide_ 
Athenians.  But  under  the  then  existing  cir-  musofOreus. 
cumstances  foreigners  too  were  unhesitatingly  taken  into 

* Timotheus  on  Chares:  Plut.  Apophthegm.  1S7.  Chares  and  CleoD: 
Polyb.  ix.  23. 


136 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book.  VIL 


the  service  of  the  state,  provided  only  that  they  distin- 
guished themselves  in  the  art,  which  in  those  times  was 
accounted  the  highest  task  of  the  general,  viz.  that  of  col- 
lecting volunteer  recruits,  and  drilling  them,  and  attach- 
ing them  to  the  general’s  person.  In  this  way  Charide- 
mus  attained  to  high  honors : a man  who  was  not  even  in 
his  own  native  place,  Oreus  in  Euboea,  reckoned  among 
the  citizens  of  the  full-blood,  who  rose  from  the  meanest 
condition  by  his  exertions  as  a soldier,  then  at  the  head  of 
a band  of  his  own  made  himself  a name  as  a freebooter  by 
land  and  by  sea,  and  was  on  this  account,  together  with 
his  men,  taken  into  pay  by  Iphicrates,  when  that  general 
wished  to  increase  his  forces  against  Amphipolis.  Iphi- 
crates displayed  a thoughtless  confidence  in  Charidemus  ; 
he  entrusted  to  his  care  the  hostages  from  Amphipolis, 
with  instructions  to  take  them  to  Athens.  Instead  of  this, 
Charidemus  took  them  home  to  their  native  city,  and 
fought  on  the  side  of  the  Thracians  against  Athens.  But 
in  lieu  of  receiving  the  just  recompense  of  his  treachery, 
the  cunning  adventurer  contrived  anew  to  secure  confi- 
dence. Notwithstanding  his  perfidy,  which  had  inflicted 
irremediable  damage  upon  the  Athenians,  they  regarded 
him  as  a man  whose  services  ought  not  to  be  rejected. 
Timotheus  took  him  into  pay  again ; and  the  Athenians 
even  conferred  their  civic  franchise  upon  him,  in  order  to 
attach  him  permanently  to  the  interest  of  their  city.  So 
low  had  the  standard  fallen,  according  to  which  men  were 
judged;  so  little  was  even  a general  of  the  city  required  to 
possess  what  in  truth  was  the  fundamental  condition  of 
any  salutary  service  to  the  state, — conscientiousness,  fideli- 
ty, and  patriotism.* 

Foreign  Such  was  the  condition  of  the  military  sys- 
reiations.  [('in  of  the  Athenians  in  times  when  the  pos- 
session of  forces  which  could  be  relied  upon  was  more  in- 
dispensable than  ever  before;  for  the  number  of  points 

* Charidemus : Schafer,  Demoslh.  i.  379. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens.  131 

requiring  to  be  defended  ay  as  continually  on  the  increase. 
The  utmost  vigilance,  sagacity,  and  energy  were  therefore 
needed,  if  Athens  desired  to  maintain  her  position  in  the 
iEgean.  But  since  the  condition  of  things  at  home  was 
what  it  Avas,  the  foreign  relations  could  not  fail  to  become 
rapidly  worse,  the  most  important  places  to  be  lost,  and 
the  confederates  to  revolt.  The  Athenians  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  carried  on  by  the  course  of  events,  Avhile  there 
was  no  mind  gifted  with  foresight  to  guide  the  helm  of  the 
state  and  to  keep  definite  aims  in  view.  They  took  plea- 
sure in  the  vagueness  of  existing  relations,  entertaining  no 
really  serious  intentions  either  of  war  or  of  peace,  and  con- 
cluding treaties  without  any  fixed  resolutions  of  observing 
them.  Thus  even  their  foreign  policy  shows  how  tho- 
roughly the  love  of  law  and  of  moral  order  in  public  life 
had  become  dulled. 

Of  all  the  existing  foreign  relations,  those  The  Cim_ 
with  the  princes  on  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus  Bos' 

Were  in  truth  the  most  favorable  and  the  best 
warranted.  Here  since  the  year  438  the  family  of  the 
Spartocidse  had  held  sway,  who  displayed  a friendship 
towards  the  Athenians,  which  had  alone  survived  all  the 
changes  of  fortune  and  the  heaviest  blows  suffered  by 
Athens.  Satyrus  and  his  son  Leucon  (393-353  b.  c.) 
were  specially  zealous  in  giving  proofs  of  this  kindly  feel- 
ing. Leucon  relieved  the  Attic  vessels  of  the  exit-dues, 
conceded  to  them  important  privileges  in  the  purchase  of 
corn,  so  that  all  vessels  had  to  wait,  until  the  Athenians 
had  fully  laden  their  ships ; he  even  occasionally  in 
times  of  dearth  allowed  them  to  buy  considerable  stores  at 
a moderate  price.  In  general  he  attached  the  highest 
value  to  the  maintenance  of  fixed  and  well-ordered  rela- 
tions with  the  chief  market  for  the ' corn  of  the  Pontus, 
which  were  based  upon  a salutary  reciprocity  of  hospitable 
relations  of  traffic. 

With  Egypt  and  Cyprus  the  most  advantageous  con- 


138 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Persia. 


nexions  had  been  entered  into  by  Athens ; hut  in 
Egypt  and  either  country  she  had  left  her  allies  in  the 
Cyprus.  lurch  (vol.  iv.  p.  294).  As  towards  Persia, 
the  relations  of  the  Athenians  were  in  the  highest  de- 
gree uncertain  ; they  oscillated  between  a re- 
spectful attitude,  conceding  to  the  Great  King 
the  authority  of  a suzerain,  and  a contempt,  regarding  the 
empire  as  in  a condition  of  dissolution,  and  treating  it  as 
a state  in  the  case  of  which  it  was  of  no  moment  whatever, 
whether  the  obligations  assumed  towards  it  were  observed 
or  not.  The  highest  value  was  attached  to  the  conclusion 
of  treaties  of  peace  with  the  Great  King,  while  on  the 
other  hand  the  satraps  in  revolt  against  him  were  support- 
ed, as  if  no  knowledge  of  what  was  taking  place  in  the 
Archipelago  ever  reached  the  remote  court  of  Susa.  The 
entire  civic  community  loudly  applauded  the  defeat  of  the 
royal  army  by  Chares,  as  if  it  had  been  another  victory 
of  Marathon  ; and  when  hereupon  Artaxerxes  III.,  Ochus, 
complained,  this  sufficed  to  scare  the  Athenians  to  such  a 
degree,  that  they  withdrew  their  fleet  and  abandoned  all 
the  advantages  gained,  in  order  at  any  risk  to  avoid  being 
involved  in  a serious  quarrel  with  the  Great  King  (p.  121). 

But  the  most  important  of  all  foreign  rela- 
tions were  those  with  the  powers  on  the  Thra- 
cian Sea  and  on  the  Hellespont,  the  high-road  of  the 
Athenian  corn-supplies.  Nowhere  were  their  affairs  in- 
volved in  greater  difficulty  and  exposed  to  more  frequent 
changes  ; here  was  the  open  wound,  which  kept  the  city 
in  a perpetual  state  of  feverish  excitement,  and  consumed 
its  best  vital  power.  Here  everything  had  entered  into 
an  unfortunate  phase  ; and  the  dominion  which  had  been 
gained  at  the  coast  of  such  infinite  sacrifices,  it  was,  since 
the  fatal  expedition  of  Brasidas,  found  impossible  in  any 
way  to  restore.  Amphipolis,  solemnly  declared  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Athenians  by  Sparta,  Persia  and  Macedonia, 
defied  all  the  attacks  even  of  Iphicrates  and  Timotheus ; 


Thrace. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


139 


and  though  seemingly  the  Athenians  had  it  once  more  in 
their  hands,  it  was  again  further  from  them  than  ever 
before.  Similarly,  Olynthus  and  the  Chalcidian  cities 
were  able,  without  receiving  chastisement,  to  refuse  to  join 
the  Attic  Naval  confederation.  The  ancient  friendship  of 
the  Odrysas  (p.  15)  had  long  since  changed  into  bitter  en- 
mity ; and  bloody  feuds  were  carried  on  in  order  to  de- 
cide, whether  for  a time  the  influence  of  Athens,  or  that 
of  a native  dynast,  was  to  preponderate.  Neither  party 
was  decidedly  the  stronger  ; for  the  superiority  of  the  At- 
tic arms  was  far  outweighed  by  the  fact  of  the  extreme 
remoteness  of  the  scene  of  the  struggle,  as  well  as  by  the 
difficulties  caused  by  wind  and  weather ; and  the  Thracian 
princes  contrived  to  overcome  the  Athenians  with  their 
own  weapons,  and  to  make  the  talent  of  Attic  generals 
serve  the  purposes  of  dynastic  policy ; for  Cotys,  it  will  be 
remembered,  owed  his  position  of  power  to  Iphicrates,  and 
Cersobleptes  his  (since  the  year  359)  to  Charidemus.  But 
such  successes  as  were  actually  obtained,  the  Athenians 
owed  solely  to  the  feuds  which  broke  out  between  the 
Thracian  chiefs  ; and  it  was  again  only  in  this  way  that 
in  the  year  357  the  treaty  was  brought  about,  by  which 
Chares  once  more  recovered  the  Chersonnesus  for  Athens. 
Yet  even  now  the  tenure  of  it  remained  a very  insecure 
one  ; for  Cardia,  the  most  considerable  place  in  the  penin- 
sula of  which  its  citadel  was  the  key,  situate  on  the  isth- 
mus connecting  the  peninsula  with  the  mainland,  a town 
founded  by  Greeks  and  inhabited  by  a population  of  At- 
tic descent,  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Thracian  prince. 
And  concerning  all  treaties  with  him  this  alone  was 
known : that  he  kept  them  only  just  so  long  as  he  lacked 
the  power  to  free  himself  from  them.  There  was  abso- 
lutely no  guarantee  for  these  possessions,  which  Athens 
was  wholly  unable  to  renounce  without  seeing  the  bases 
of  her  prosperity  called  in  question,  unless  the  princes 
there  were  completely  overcome  and  deprived  of  the  pos- 


140 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


sibility  of  outstepping  the  limits  placed  upon  them  by 
treaty.  But  for  such  a method  of  conducting  war  the 
Athenians  were  wholly  deficient  in  both  courage  and  re- 
sources ; the  utmost  they  accomplished  were  naval  arma- 
ments, which  temporarily  restored  the  authority  of  Athens 
and  enforced  momentary  concessions.  But  if  it  was  im- 
possible to  overcome  the  chieftains  of  the  Thracian  coast, 
how  was  the  new  enemy  to  be  defied,  who  was  advancing 
from  the  interior,  and  who  combined  the  faithless  policy 
of  the  petty  barbarian  princes  with  a steadily  extending 
imperial  power,  the  nucleus  of  which  ivas  quite  beyond 
the  reach  of  attacks  on  the  part  of  the  Athenians  ? 

The  results  At  first  they  had  indulged  in  the  flattering 
°t  the  policy  delusion,  that  the  interests  of  the  Macedonian 
phon.  king  were  identical  with  those  of  Athens,  and 

that  he  would  be  of  good  service  against  Amphipolis, 
against  the  Chalcidian  cities,  and  against  the  Odrysse. 
But  by  his  occupation  of  Amphipolis  (p.  55)  Philip  had 
thrown  off  the  mask ; and  herewith  a new  foe  had  been 
added  to  the  list  of  those  who  endangered  the  possession 
of  the  colonies ; and  this  new  foe,  as  the  Athenians  were 
soon  obliged  to  confess  to  themselves,  was  the  most  danger- 
ous of  all. 

With  regard  to  the  relations  with  the  Greek  states,  the 
Naval  Confederation  had  notwithstanding  its  many  in- 
firmities yet  ensured  this  advantage : that  it  maintained  a 
connexion  between  Athens  and  the  Archipelago,  and  pre- 
vented the  downfall  of  the  ancient  traditions.  Athens 
might,  and  could  not  but,  conceive  herself  a Great  Power, 
when  the  deputies  came  to  the  city  from  Rhodes  and  from 
Cos,  from  Byzantium  and  from  Chios.  After  all,  there 
was  a possibility  of  this  connexion  being  firmly  established 
by  the  gradual  force  of  habit,  and  invested  with  a new 
importance  by  the  common  danger  which  beset  it.  But 
now  it  began  to  collapse  at  the  very  moment  when  the 
worst  danger  was  imminent,  when  Philip  was  revealing 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


141 


liis  designs  of  maritime  dominion.  Corcyra  had  already 
been  lost  at  an  earlier  date  (p.  Ill)  ; Athens  therefore 
only  retained  the  least  powerful  islands  ; a shadowy  rem- 
nant of  the  old  Federal  Council  continued  to  hold  its 
meetings  in  the  city,  and  about  forty-five  talents  (£11,000 
circ.')  of  federal  contributions  were  paid  in.  The  cowardly 
character  of  the  treaty  of  peace  materially  helped  thorough- 
ly to  undermine  the  authority  Of  Athens.  For  hitherto 
she  had  always  at  least  remained  a power  in  the  Afgean  ; 
and  for  this  reason  an  Attic  party  had  maintained  itself 
in  the  islands,  and  had  directed  their  constitutional  life  in 
harmony  with  Athens.  But  now  the  opposite  influences 
came  to  prevail,  and  in  the  most  important  cities  revolu- 
tionary movements  broke  out,  which  ended  either  in  the 
government  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  oligarchs,  or  in 
the  establishment  of  Tyrannical  rule.  The  Persians 
encouraged  these  revolutions  ; and  Maussollus  took  advan- 
tage of  them,  iu  order  to  subject  to  his  authority  and  to 
the  suzerainty  of  the  Great  King  the  islands  in  his  more 
immediate  vicinity,  in  particular  Cos  and  Rhodes.  In 
Chios  the  civic  community  and  the  oligarchical  party  con- 
tended with  alternating  success.  In  the  towns  of  Lesbos 
oligarchical  or  Tyrannical  governments  were  likewise 
established.  Thus  hostile  parties  and  hostile  powers 
gained  preponderance  in  the  islands,  and  estranged  them 
from  the  Athenians,  so  that  even  the  non-political  rela- 
tions suffered,  while  the  commercial  traffic  was  disturbed 
and  the  prosperity  of  the  citizens  damaged. 

This  was  the  result  brought  about  for  the  Athenians  by 
the  policy  of  Aristophon  ; although  the  conclusion  of 
peace  was  moved  in  opposition  to  him,  and  carried  by  a 
party  which  was  adverse  to  his,  and  which  asserted  a novel 
view  of  public  affairs.  For  up  to  this  time  the  Attic 
statesmen,  although  they  pursued  no  independent  or  con- 
sistent policy,  had  invariably  deemed  it  their  duty  to  up- 
hold the  power  of  their  native  city,  so  far  as  iu  them  lay. 


142 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Callistratus  had  indefatigably  struggled  against  the  hege- 
mony of  Thebes  ; and  Aristophon  had  sought  to  advance 
Athens  at  the  cost  of  Sparta,  and  had  shrunk  from  no  con- 
test for  the  maintenance  of  the  honor  of  the  city.  Both 
retained  something  of  the  moral  elevation  which  had  ac- 
companied the  new  birth  of  Athens ; they  never  left  out 
of  sight  the  thought  of  the  Hellenic  mission  of  the  city, 
and  incited  their  fellow-citizens  to  patriotic  exertions.* 

Tho  poUoy  But  now  men  came  forward,  who  acquired 
of  Eubuius.  influence  by  providing  for  nothing  but  the 
personal  comfort  of  the  Athenians,  and  by  setting  up  as 
the  programme  of  their  party  the  renunciation  of  all 
aims  of  a loftier  character  and  such  as  could  be  reached 
only  by  means  of  sacrifices.  All  the  troubles  through 
which  the  city  had  passed  since  the  Sicilian  expedition 
they  averred  to  be  the  result  of  visionary  projects  surpass- 
ing the  strength  of  the  commonwealth,  and  the  fruits  of 
the  craving  of  the  Athenians  to  be  a great  power.  It  was 
therefore,  they  said,  necessary  for  the  city  to  confine  itself 
to  its  most  immediate  tasks,  and  above  all  to  endeavor, 
while  maintaining  a well-ordered  economy  at  home  and 
peaceable  relations  towards  its  neighbors,  to  foster  trade 
and  civic  prosperity.  This  public  policy  resembled  the 
views  of  life  taken  by  a man,  who  withdraws  from  exten- 
sive concerns  involving  heavy  risks,  in  order  to  enjoy  the 
evening  of  his  life  in  comfortable  tranquillity.  The  great 
majority  of  the  citizens  were  well  satisfied  with  this  sys- 
tem ; they  by  no  means  intended  on  that  account  to  cease 
to  be  conscious  that  they  were  Athenians ; and  nothing 
was  more  welcome  to  them,  than  when  the  orators  nar- 
rated .to  them  the  deeds  of  their  great  ancestors,  while 
they  were  themselves  reposing  on  the  laurels  of  their  fore- 
fathers, and  not  disturbed  in  their  comfortable  life  by  any 
levies  of  troops  or  taxes. 

* As  to  the  dominion  on  the  Bosporus  : Boeckh,  Corp.  Inscr.  Gr.  ii.  p.  88.— 
Revenues  derived  by  Athens  from  the  Confederates:  Dem.  xviii.  234. 


Chap.  II.J 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


143 


The  spokesman  of  this  peace-policy  was  Eubulus,  of  the 
Attic  deme  of  Anaphlystus,  who  was  born  about  the  time 
when  Athens  was  liberating  herself  from  the  Spartan 
yoke.  He  had  introduced  himself  to  the  citizens  as  an 
orator,  and  they  took  pleasure  in  his  guileless  ways,  which 
were  of  a kind  naturally  to  awaken  confidence.  He  dis- 
played skill  in  business,  and  in  particular  a clearsighted- 
ness in  matters  of  finance,  which  enabled  him  to  lay  bare 
a variety  of  abuses  and  trangressions  committed  under  the 
administration  of  Aristophon  and  his  associates.  When 
hereupon  the  interference  of  Persia  threatened  endlessly 
to  extend  the  Social  War, — while  the  resources  of  Athens 
had  already  been  exhausted  at  its  commencement,  while 
the  generals  were  quarrelling  with  one  another,  and  there 
was  an  utter  absence  of  belief  in  a successful  issue, — Eubu- 
lus perceived  that  the  moment  had  arrived  for  him  to 
come  forth  from  his  more  restricted  sphere,  which  had 
merely  been  that  of  exercising  a control  over  the  finances, 
and  to  take  into  his  hands  the  great  question  of  the  day. 
It  is  true  that  the  career  of  an  Attic  statesman  could  not 
have  begun  more  shamefully,  than  by  his  insisting  upon 
the  conclusion,  under  existing  circumstances,  of  peace  at 
any  price,  upon  the  sacrifice  of  the  great  efforts  which  had 
been  made,  and  upon  an  absolute  renunciation  of  the  old 
maritime  dominion  of  Athens.  But  the  unblushing  open- 
ness with  which  he  subordinated  all  considerations  of 
honor  and  power  to  the  longing  for  peace,  gained  him  the 
hearts  of  the  citizens,  who  now  enjoyed  the  pleasant  sensa- 
tion of  hearing  their  most  secret  feelings  and  innermost 
wishes  defended  by  eloquent  lips  as  thoroughly  justifiable. 
They  therefore  gave  themselves  up  with  indefinite  kindli- 
ness to  their  Eubulus,  who  contrived  to  tranquillize  them 
as  to  the  losses  of  the  moment,  and  to  console  them  with 
the  prospect  of  better  times.  It  was,  he  declared,  the  im- 
prudent and  irritating  policy  of  Aristophon  and  Chares 
which  had  caused  the  recent  disasters : let  the  Athenians 


144 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


only  endeavor  to  put  tlieir  own  house  in  good  order ; for 
upon  a modest  domestic  life  were  based  the  true  welfare 
and  prosperity  of  a democratic  commonwealth. 

But  Eubulus  had  no  intention  of  bidding  his  fellow- 
citizens  remained  satisfied  with  mere  phrases.  He  earn- 
estly set  about  turning  the  benefits  of  the  peace  to  good 
account  for  his  city,  so  soon  as  an  opportunity  presented 
itself  for  the  purpose;  and  this  opportunity  he  found, 
when  immediately  after  the  retirement  of  Aristophon  he 
was  appointed  to  the  office  of  Treasurer  of  the  state  (vol. 
ii.  p.  504).  His  entire  system  of  policy,  it  should  be  re- 
membered, had  its  origin  in  the  management  of  the 
finances : in  this  department  he  was  at  home  ; with  refer- 
ence to  it  he  had  led  the  opposition,  and  was  acquainted 
with  all  the  defects  of  the  previous  administration  ; he 
could  therefore  energetically  address  himself  to  reforming 
it,  and  achieve  rapid  results.  At  the  close  of  the  first 
term  of  his  administration  he  enjoyed  the  triumph  of  being 
able  to  show  a not  inconsiderable  augmentation  of  the 
public  revenues. 

The  festj  Hereupon  it  could  not  fail  to  become  clear, 
v ai-mcmey.  -whether  the  object  of  Eubulus  really  was  the 
welfare  of  the  city.  In  that  case,  however  much  he  loved 
peace,  it  behooved  him  to  provide  for  unseen  cases  and  to 
collect  a fund,  while  without  such  a fund  the  city  must 
always  remain  impotent,  and  incapable  even  of  preserving 
a peace  worthy  of  trust.  But  to  this  he  gave  no  thought. 
He  desired  to  maintain  himself,  to  make  himself  indispen- 
sable, and  to  attach  the  jjeople  to  him.  He  accordingly 
proposed  the  distribution  of  the  surplus  of  the  first  year  of 
peace.  The  Dionysia  (probably  in  the  spring  of  353  B.  c.) 
were  celebrated  with  a merriment  long  denied  to  the  peo- 
ple ; even  the  poorest  indulged  to  his  heart’s  content  in 
unlimited  festive  enjoyment.  Henceforth  Eubulus  was 
omnipotent.  He  introduced  dependants  of  his  own  as  his 
successors  in  the  supreme  financial  office,  at  the  same  time, 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


145 


however,  diminishing  the  importance  of  this  post ; for  he 
was  powerful  enough  essentially  to  transform  the  whole 
system  of  the  Attic  financial  offices  in  accordance  with 
his  principles. 

Formerly  it  had  been  the  ordinary  practice  for  the  sur- 
plus sums  of  the  public  revenues  to  be  sunk  in  the  war- 
fund,  while  in  good  years  part  of  the  surplus  was  distribu- 
ted, in  order  to  make  up  to  the  poorer  citizens  their  en- 
trance-money on  the  days  of  theatrical  performances.  This 
was  the  Theoricon,  or  theatre-money,  an  institution  con- 
necting itself  with  the  noblest  tendencies  of  the  Periclean 
state  (vol.  ii.  p.  493),  but  more  than  any  other  exposed  to 
the  danger  of  degenerating.  The  theatre-money  became 
banqueting-money ; it  was  doubled,  and  trebled.  The 
Athenians  themselves  recognized  in  it  a serious  evil  beset- 
ting the  commonweal,  and  abolished  it  accordingly  ; but 
Agyrrhius  (vol.  iv.  p.  297)  re-introduced  it  as  a recognized 
integral  element  in  the  democracy,  and  therefore  in  the 
system  of  the  Attic  state.  But  it  had  at  least  never  been 
anything  more  than  a practice  occasionally  resorted  to, 
and  the  citizens  had  not  been  allowed  an  established 
claim  upon  it,  however  disagreeable  the  non-payment  of  it 
might  affect  them. 

Now  of  a sudden  entirely  new  principles  were  asserted. 
The  festival-moneys,  it  was  now  said,  are  the  most  impor- 
tant item  in  the  entire  budget : the  fund  devoted  to  them 
ought  to  be  an  entirely  independent  one,  with  a well-as- 
sured income.  The  officers  of  this  fund  ought  therefore 
not  only  to  have  instructions  to  distribute  the  moneys 
handed  over  to  them,  but,  in  order  that  the  payments  to 
their  fund  may  never  fall  short  of  its  due,  they  ought  to  be 
enabled  to  control  the  whole  system  of  public  receipts  and 
expenditure.  For  this  purpose  are  needed  men  enjoying 
public  confidence,  commissioned  by  the  civic  community, 
—if  it  chooses,  year  by  year.  Of  course  Eubulus  now  had 
a fixed  seat  at  his  board ; the  distributions  were  made 
1 


146 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII, 


more  copiously  than  ever  before,  and  he  was  regarded  as 
the  author  of  this  blissful  state  of  things. 

The  admin-  Herein  the  standjdoint  of  his  system  of 
Eub  Ills  °f  administration  announces  itself ; and  there  is 
01  evi  3— cx  e<lually  little  obscurity  as  to  its  inevitable 
33s)B  °‘  35+~  consequences.  A merry  life  for  the  people  is 
the  most  important  of  all  considerations  ; and 
to  procure  the  means  requisite  for  this  is  the  first  and  most 
serious  task  of  a conscientious  statesman.  It  is  as  if  in  a 
monarchy  the  principle  were  asserted,  that  the  income  of 
the  state  is  in  the  first  instance  designed  to  defray  the 
court-festivals,  and  court  hunting-parties,  and  other 
amusements  of  the  sovereign,  while  what  is  left  over  must 
suffice  for  the  requirements  of  the  commonwealth.  Only, 
of  course,  a principle  so  utterly  repugnant  to  the  essential 
idea  of  a state  is  but  rarely  put  forward  and  carried  out 
with  so  charmingly  simple  an  openness  as  it  was  by  Eubulus. 
Granted  that  the  festival  moneys,  constitute  the  revenues 
of  the  civic  community,  any  curtailment  of  these  moneys 
amounts  to  a crime  of  lese-majesty. , and  any  motion  tending 
in  this  direction  is,  so  to  speak,  equivalent  to  an  attempted 
act  of  violence  against  the  person  of  the  Demos.  Now, 
since  according  to  earlier  usage  the  surplus  of  the  year’s 
income  passed  into  the  war-fund,  it  became  necessary  to 
counteract  this  danger  by  anticipation ; and  a special  law 
was  therefore  passed,  attaching  the  penalty  of  death  to 
any  venturesome  attempt  to  propose  the  employment  of 
festival-moneys  for  purposes  of  war.  Thus  the  wise  appli- 
cation of  the  public  resources  was  made  penal  as  an  abuse 
of  popular  rights,  and  prudent  economy  as  an  offence 
against  them ; while  on  the  other  hand  luxury  was  recog- 
nized as  the  one  thing  needful.  In  attempting  completely 
to  realize  the  principle  of  democracy,  the  Athenians  de- 
stroyed its  fundamental  law,  viz.  freedom  of  speech ; for 
the  citizens  and  their  spokesmen  were  now  left  with  their 
hands  bound,  when  the  most  important  affairs  of  the  conn 


Chip.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


147 


monwealth  came  under  discussion.  Every  expenditure 
for  war-purposes  had  henceforth  to  be  defrayed  by  the  spe- 
cial imposition  of  a property-tax ; and  hereby  the  whole 
question,  even  if  it  happened  to  involve  the  preservation  or 
ruin  of  the  state,  was  from  the  very  outset  made  unpala- 
table to  the  citizens. 

Of  such  institutions  it  was  possible  to  carry  The  ,lPeay 
the  establishment ; whereas  formerly  every  ^Athenian 
orator  who  made  any  novel  proposal,  was 
eagerly  watched  with  a view  to  the  indictment  for  uncon- 
stitutional motions.  But  Eubulus  knew  how  to  strike 
chords  which  found  a ready  response  on  all  sides  ; he  based 
his  policy  upon  the  low  and  vulgar  inclinations  of  humani- 
ty, and  by  satisfying  these  estranged  his  fellow-citizens 
from  all  more  serious  endeavors.  The  grandeur  and 
loftiness  of  Attic  democracy  had  vanished,  while  all  the 
germs  of  the  pernicious  contained  in  it  were  fully  deve- 
loped. The  state  cherished  and  fostered  selfishness  instead 
of  overcoming  it.  A life  of  comfort  and  a craving  for 
amusement  were  encouraged  in  every  way,  and  the  inter- 
ests of  the  citizens  were  withdrawn  from  serious  affairs. 
Conversation  became  more  and  more  superficial  and  frivo- 
lous. Famous  hetceree  formed  the  chief  topic  of  the  town- 
talk  ; the  new  inventions  of  Thearion,  the  leading  pastry- 
cook in  Athens,  were  hailed  with  loud  applause ; and  the 
witty  sayings  which  had  been  uttered  at  jovial  banquets 
were  with  great  ardor  repeated  about  town.  The  manu- 
facture of  jokes  became  a recognized  proficiency,  above  all 
in  the  circle  of  the  so-called  “ Sixty,”  who  held  their  meet- 
ings in  the  Heracleum  near  the  Cynosarges.  King  Philip 
is  said  to  have  offered  a talent  for  a report  of  the  meetings 
of  this  society. 

Thus  life  went  on  in  the  joviality  characteristic  of  a 
petty  town,  and  the  people  became  more  and  more  en- 
feebled. No  counter-movement  took  place.  The  great 
mass  of  men  without  means  was  satisfied  by  the  festival- 


148 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


moneys,  and  the  well-to-do  were  contented  by  a peace- 
policy  which  kept  at  a distance  the  terror  of  the  property- 
tax.  The  democrats  saw  in  Eubulus  one  of  their  own  set 
at  the  head  of  affairs,  while  the  aristocratic  circles  were 
likewise  in  his  favor,  because  they  had  never  given  their 
support  to  the  maintenance  of  a maritime  dominion,  or  to 
the  pursuit  of  the  policy  of  a Great  Power,  on  the  part  of 
Athens.  And  thus  it  came  to  pass,  that  such  a man  as 
this  was  for  sixteen  years  able  to  direct  the  state  of 
Pericles.* 

In  the  earlier  times  it  was  possible  to  become  acquainted 
with  all  the  intellectual  tendencies  of  Athens,  by  realiz- 
ing to  oneself  its  pul  ) lie  life  in  its  various  relations.  F or 
everything  was  more  or  less  closely  connected  with  the 
state,  served  its  ends,  and  found  its  basis  and  nourishment 
in  it.  Such  was  the  case  with  plastic,  pictorial,  and  archi- 
tectural art,  with  poetry  in  all  its  branches,  with  the 
studies  of  the  philosopher,  the  historian,  the  astronomer, 
and  with  all  the  departments  of  science,  the  manifold 
variety  of  intellectual  life  forming  a single  whole,  as  we 
endeavored  to  show  it  did  in  the  Peri  clean  age.  Now 
things  had  changed ; and  it  would  be  in  the  highest  de- 
gree unjust,  were  a judgment  as  to  the  intellectual  life  of 
Athens  to  be  formed  on  the  basis  of  her  political  condi- 
tion in  the  times  of  Callistratus,  Aristophon  and  Eubulus  ; 
for  its  best  forces  had  been  estranged  from  the  state,  and 
the  noblest  tendencies  of  the  period  were  unconnected  with 
it.  It  is  therefore  of  all  the  more  importance  to  devote  a 
separate  survey  to  the  intellectual  life  of  Athens  in  Sci- 
ence and  Art. 

* Eubulus,  Treasurer  for  the  financial  term  beginning  with  01.  cvi.  3 
(Aphobetas  from  Ol.  evii.  3);  his  financial  law  dating  from  the  time  before 
the  Olynthian  War:  Scli'lfer,  u.  s.  i.  177, 185.  Eubulus  ehauged  the  Athenians 
into  Tarentines : Theop.  ap.  Harpoer.  s.  v.  Ei)j3ovAo5,  and  Athen.  166. — Among 
the  hefjerie  Nous  was  notorious  from  403  circ.  (Harp.;  Athen.). — Tliearion  : Plat. 
Gorgias,  518  b ; Athen.  112.  His  shop  “the  habitation  of  twists,”  in  Aristoph. 
Gerytades  (Fr.  Com.  ii.  1009). — The  “Sixty:”  Athen.  614;  Gottling,  Gee. 
AbhancU . i.  257. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


149 


Philosophy  might  most  readily  be  expected  Scientiifie 
to  have  acquired  a salutary  influence  upon  g^®atAth' 
the  whole  life  of  the  Athenians.  For  philos- 
ophy was  the  youngest  and  the  mightiest  movement  which 
had  seized  upon  the  minds  of  men.  An  incli-  Phi!oaophy 
nation  to  philosophical  contemplation  had 
been  an  Attic  characteristic ; and  the  tendency  of  the 
times  made  even  poets  moral  philosophers,  as  is  shown  in 
the  case  of  Euripides.  Moreover,  the  Socratic  philosophy 
designed  to  be  not  idle  speculation,  but  practical  wisdom 
for  the  conduct  of  life ; and  Socrates  demanded  from  his 
disciples  anything  but  seclusion  from  society ; rather,  he 
called  upon  them  to  take  a part  in  public  affairs.  Finally, 
we  also  remember,  how  the  death  of  Socrates  by  no  means 
put  an  end  to  his  influence  over  the  Athenians ; on  the 
contrary,  there  ensued  a thorough  reaction  (vol.  iv.  p. 
161) ; and  when  the  Sophist  Polycrates  put  forth  a 
pamphlet  in  which  he  endeavored  to  vindicate  the  con- 
demnation of  Socrates,  the  attempt  met  with  general  oppo- 
sition among  the  public,  and  was  refuted  by  several 
hands.* 

This  reaction  was  a remorseful  consciousness  of  a wrong 
committed,  creditable  to  the  kind-heartedness  of  the 
Athenians ; but  it  amounted  to  no  return  on  their  part 
from  the  course  of  conduct  which  they  had  hitherto  pur- 
sued. They  now  recognized  the  noble  martyr  as  one  of 
the  best  of  their  fellow-citizens,  they  paid  him  honors  and 
set  up  his  image  ; yet  this  recognition  was  not  deep  or  se- 
rious enough  to  impel  them  to  possess  themselves  of  the 
elements  of  good  offered  to  them  by  Socrates.  Accord- 
ingly, the  germs  of  a higher  life,  which  he  with  unweary- 
ing zeal  fostered  among  his  fellow-citizens,  attained  to  de- 

* Polyerates  the  Sophist:  Diog.  Laert.  ii.  38.  Suidas,  Defender  of  Basiris 
and  accuser  of  Socrates : Isoer.  xi.  4. — It  was  against  him  that  Lysias  wrote 
(Holscher,  V.  Ly$.  200),  and  that  Xenophon  too  composed  his  Memorabilia 
according  to  Cobet,  Mnem.  yii.  752,  who  appeals  to  Hermippus  ap.  Diog.  Laert. 
Thi3  is  assented  to  by  Th.  Bergk,  Gr.  Lilt.  292. 


150 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


velopment  only  in  a more  limited  association  of  men  ; and 
this  community  forms  within  the  popular  multitude  as  it 
were  a separate  race,  a new  generation  of  men,  owing  their 
spiritual  existence  to  Socrates,  and  finding  in  him  their 
common  centre. 

The  influ-  This  Socratic  group  was  not,  however,  an 
rates °fSoc'  exclusive  sect,  like  that  of  the  Pythagoreans; 

for  Socrates  was  at  no  time  the  head  of  a 
school  pledged  to  the  sayings  of  its  master.  His  teaching 
was  not  a seed  which,  wheresoever  it  finds  a ground  upon 
which  to  fall,  produces,  though  in  different  degrees  of  ex- 
cellence, the  same  kind  of  plant ; but  it  was  of  its  nature 
nothing  more  or  less  than  the  impulse  to  a human  life 
having  its  being  within,  and  independent  of  external 
influences,  to  a search  after  enduring  truth,  to  the  devel- 
opment of  a free  and  self-conscious  individuality.  For 
this  reason,  too,  the  influence  of  Socrates  was  not  restricted 
to  his  fellow-citizens.  In  his  time  the  points  of  contrast 
between  the  several  states  and  cities  had  in  general  lost 
much  of  their  former  distinctness ; the  Sophists  took  a 
pride  in  finding  themselves  at  home  everywhere,  and  the 
culture  spread  by  them  effaced  the  impress  of  the  differ- 
ent characters  of  the  several  tribes.  This  is  also  manifest 
from  the  flexible  natures  of  a Theramenes  and  an  Alci- 
biades,  who  was  able,  as  circumstances  demanded,  to  be  an 
Athenian,  Spartan,  Boeotian,  Ionian,  Thracian,  or  Persian. 
But  Socrates  desired  not  an  effacement  of  peculiarities  due 
to  birth,  but  a purification  of  them  ; he  wished  that  men 
should  rise  above  the  usages  and  views  of  the  narrower 
circles  of  their  homes,  to  that  which  was  Hellenic  and 
universally  human.  An  effort  in  this  direction  in  these 
times  pervaded  the  entire  people ; and  in  proportion  to 
the  moral  and  mental  superiority  of  any  individual  Greek, 
he  felt  himself  unsatisfied  by  the  life  of  any  particular 
state,  and  by  the  social  relations  in  which  he  was  placed  ; 
and  was  vividly  conscious  of  a craving  for  a higher  stand- 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


151 


point,  for  absolute  and  universally  valid  truth.  This 
craving  Socrates  met,  and  bis  influence  therefore  extended 
far  beyond  the  walls  of  Athens.  But  on  the  other  hand, 
its  benefits  were  pre-eminently  reaped  by  his  native  city, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  through  him  that  Athens  first,  became 
in  full  measure  the  seat  of  Hellenic  philosophy,  to  which 
end  it  had  been  consecrated  by  Pericles,  and  that  it 
attained  in  the  domain  of  intellectual  life  to  a primacy, 
which  far  outlasted  its  political  pre-eminence. 

From  all  sides  Hellenes  eager  for  know-  Foreign 
ledge  arrived,  in  order  to  imbibe  Socratic  of 

wisdom  at  its  source.  From  Thebes  came 
Simmias  and  Cebes  (vol.  iv.  p.  355) ; from  Megara  Eu- 
clides,  round  whom  the  orphaned  band  gath-  Euclides 
ered  after  the  death  of  its  master.  Having 
already  before  been  occupied  with  philosophic  studies,  he 
was  able  in  a very  high  degree  to  acknowledge  the  ser- 
vices which  Socrates  had  rendered  to  the  development  of 
a logically  consequent  method  of  thought.  Keen  dia- 
lectics were  his  element ; and  he  was  indefatigable  in  his 
endeavors  to  attack  all  conceptions,  views,  and  conclusions 
based  upon  sensual  perceptions.  Accordingly,  the  ethical 
side  of  the  Socratic  teaching  was  comparatively  disre- 
garded by  him,  and  still  more  so  by  his  successors,  who 
neglected  the  profounder  problems  of  philosophical  con- 
sciousness, and  sought  to  place  their  whole  strength  in  the 
eristic  art,  i.  e.  in  that  of  dialectic  contest.  The  formal 
side  preponderated  in  this  school ; and  this  was  why  it 
met  with  all  the  more  ready  a response  on  the  part  of 
those  who  had  no  wish  to  be  philosophers  proper,  but  who 
only  desired,  with  a view  to  general  culture  and  practical 
purposes,  to  exercise  their  thinking  powers,  and  to  learn 
the  art  of  convincing  argumentation.  In  this  Eubuiides 
direction  Eubulides  distinguished  himself,  a 
Milesian  by  birth,  who  lived  and  taught  at  Athens.  His 
was  a manly  character ; in  the  philosopher,  not  less  than 


152 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Phsedo. 


in  other  men,  he  demanded  patriotism  and  a love  of  liber- 
ty ; and  himself  adhered  to  the  democratic  party  at  Athens.* 
Elis  was  the  birthplace  of  Phsedo,  a youth 
of  a noble  house,  who  had  become  a prisoner 
during  the  war  (vol.  iv.  p.  204).  Socrates  became  ac- 
quainted with  him,  and  brought  about  his  liberation  on  the 
payment  of  a ransom.  He  found  in  Phsedo  a receptive 
mind,  which  gave  itself  up  to  him  with  absolute  devotion. 
To  Socrates  Phsedo  owed  his  salvation  from  external  and 
internal  unfreedom  ; and  with  faithful  zeal  he  cherished  in 
his  breast  the  germs  of  his  preserver’s  teaching.  To  the 
dialectical  side  of  it  he  likewise  addressed  himself  with 
predilection ; yet  he  seems  to  have  more  deeply  entered 
into  its  ethical  significance  than  Eubulides. 

. . ,.  A third  was  Aristippus,  whom  the  fame  of 

Socrates  had  attracted  to  Athens  from  remote 
Gyrene.  He  was  vividly  moved  by  the  teachings  of  the 
master,  but  never  fully  gave  himself  up  to  them.  He 
could  not  emancipate  himself  from  the  habits  of  the 
wealthy  commercial  city ; he  retained  a certain  want  of 
fixity  in  his  conduct  and  bearing,  and  had  about  him 
something  of  the  ways  of  the  Sophists.  In  his  philosophi- 
cal tendency  the  man  of  the  world  likewise  displays  him- 
self ; inasmuch  as  he  was  prejudiced  against  theoretical 
knowledge,  had  no  appreciation  for  dialectics,  and  re- 
garded philosophy  entirely  as  the  art  of  the  conduct  of 
life,  as  the  institution  of  man  in  the  way  of  attaining  to 
happiness.  In  reality,  he  said,  we  know  nothing  except 
that  which  has  reference  to  ourselves,  that  which  we  per- 
ceive as  occurring  in  ourselves.  In  this  alone  we  possess  a 
fixed  standard  for  the  desirable  and  the  good  ; for  all 
men  term  that  which  excites  a feeling  of  enjoyment  good, 
and  the  reverse  bad.  But  certain  distinctions  ought  to  be 
drawn : there  are  perceptions  of  enjoyment  of  several 


* Eubulides : Diog.  Laert.  ii.  108. 


Chap.  II. J 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


153 


kinds,  sensual  and  mental,  selfish  and  unselfish,  pure  un- 
disturbed sensations,  and  again  such  as  must  be  paid  for 
with  a greater  degree  of  discomfort.  Intelligence  is  there- 
fore necessary,  and  a many-sided  mental  culture,  in  order 
to  distinguish  those  enjoyments  which  are  salutary  from 
those  which  are  hurtful,  in  order  in  the  midst  of  enjoy- 
ment to  preserve  independence  of  mind,  in  order  to  be- 
come free  from  perverse  excitements,  which  disquiet  the 
soul,  from  envy  and  passion,  from  prejudices  and  chang- 
ing phases  of  feeling,  in  order  finally  to  be  able  to  bear 
even  wants  and  pain  with  equanimity.  Although,  there- 
fore, Aristippus  still  preserved  a connexion  between  his 
views  and  the  teachings  of  Socrates,  inasmuch  as  he  as- 
serted knowledge  to  be  indispensable  as  means  for  attain- 
ing to  a happy  life,  yet  this  connexion  was  of  a very  loose 
kind.  For  with  him  the  domain  of  knowledge  narrowed 
itself  into  the  perception  of  the  individual,  and  in  his  eyes 
virtue  was  essentially  nothing  more  or  less  than  modera- 
tion in  enjoyment.  It  was  difficult  to  sustain  a teaching 
of  this  kind  at  a moral  elevation ; it  coquetted  with  the 
lower  impulses  of  human  nature,  and  thus,  after  already 
Aristippus  had  contrived  to  reconcile  his  philosoqihy  with 
luxurious  worldly  enjoyment,  his  successors  in  the  Cyre- 
naic  school  went  further  and  further  on  the  dangerous 
path,  and  more  and  more  completely  renounced  the  So- 
cratic  impulse  towards  inquiry  and  towards  a serious  con- 
duct of  life. 

A different  course  was  pursued  by  Antis-  Amisttiencs 
thenes,  who  was  a native  of  Athens,  but  the 
son  of  a Thracian  mother.  In  his  case  it  was  pre- 
cisely the  grandeur  of  the  character  of  Socrates  which 
withdrew  him  from  the  Sophistical  tendency  and  from  the 
admiration  of  Gorgias,  and  which  impelled  him  to  consti- 
tute the  Socratic  idea  of  virtue  the  centre  of  all  his  efforts. 
He  therefore  agreed  with  Aristippus  in  this,  that  like  him 
he  regarded  knowledge  as  nothing  more  than  means  to  an 

7* 


154 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


end  ; in  his  view,  too,  philosophy  was  essentially  the  wise 
conduct  of  life  and  the  systematic  teaching  of  bliss  ; but 
on  the  other  hand,  he  decisively  rejected  all  happiness  of 
life  rooted  in  external  possessions  and  in  effeminate  sensa- 
tions ; and,  in  direct  contrast  with  the  refined  love  of  enjoy- 
ment urged  by  Aristippus,  Antisthenes  found  happiness  to 
lie  in  the  absolute  freedom  of  man  from  all  outward  posses- 
sions, in  virtue,  which  suffices  for  itself.  Virtue  is  the  sole 
and  perfect  happiness  of  man,  and  there  is  no  unhappiness 
except  in  evil.  Virtue  is  the  fruit  of  correct  intelligence ; 
but,  after  all,  with  Antisthenes  intelligence  is  essentially  the 
direction  of  the  will ; no  sooner  has  this  been  gained  than 
inquiry  loses  its  significance  ; so  that  for  him  the  idea  of  vir- 
tue had  little  definiteness  and  little  meaning.  His  practical 
maxims,  on  the  other  hand,  he  expressed  with  extreme  deci- 
sion and  distinctness ; declaring  self-indulgence  to  be  a 
thing,  not  merely  of  indifference  and  without  value,  but 
pernicious  and  hateful,  so  that  he  could  not  otherwise  con- 
ceive of  true  virtue,  than  in  the  form  of  voluntary  poverty, 
absolute  self-denial  and  resignation.  The  enjoyment  of  so- 
cial intercourse  and  of  all  the  charms  with  which  Attic 
esprit  had  contrived  so  abundantly  and  charmingly  to  en- 
dow the  life  of  the  city,  in  his  eyes  resembled  idol- worship ; 
and  so  emphatically  was  the  development  of  an  absolute- 
ly free  individuality  the  object  of  main  importance  to 
him,  that  even  the  community  of  state-life  seemed  to  him 
a preventive  restriction  of  it.  He  stood  in  no  other  re- 
lations with  the  world,  except  in  that  of  struggling  against 
it  and  endeavoring  to  save  individual  men  out  of  it.  For 
this  purpose  he  worked  with  extraordinary  zeal,  by  word 
of  mouth  and  by  writings,  up  to  an  advanced  period  of 
age ; and,  as  Aristippus  was  surpassed  by  his  pupils  in  the 
art  of  enjoyment,  so  was  Antisthenes  by  his  in  the  art  of 
Dionnes  res'Snat'<m-  Diogenes,  the  son  of  Hicesius,  of 
the  “dog.”  Sinope,  was  the  perfected  cynic — for  such  was 
the  name  given  to  the  followers  of  Antisthenes,  a name 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


155 


derived  from  his  place  of  teaching,  the  gymnasium  Cyno- 
sarges,  and  at  the  same  time  intended  to  point  at  their 
offensive  manner  of  life,  as  unworthy  of  a human  being. 
Hitherto  the  Athenians  had  been  accustomed  to  see  philo- 
sophic culture  united  to  prosperous  circumstances  and  re- 
fined manners  ; it  was  accounted  a possession  of  the  higher 
classes,  and  Socrates  himself  was,  notwithstanding  his  con- 
tempt for  all  externals,  seen  holding  intercourse  with  aris- 
tocratic circles.  The  philosophy  of  the  cynics  declared 
war  against  all  culture  of  superior  refinement ; and  Dio- 
genes lay  in  his  earthen  tub  in  front  of  the  Metroum  at 
Athens,  or  in  the  Croneum,  the  luxurious  suburb  of 
Corinth,  castigating  the  perversities  of  the  world  after  the 
fashion  of  a dirty  mendicant  friar,  and  entertaining  the 
jeering  crowd  by  his  originality. 

The  above  named  Socratic  philosophers  were  Thp  uh 
foreigners,  or,  at  all  events,  though  born  at  of™0e°a°esers 
Athens,  like  Antisthenes,  were  in  their  ten- 
dency strangers  to  the  state ; and  all  of  them  have  this 
characteristic  in  common:  that  it  was  only  particular 
sides  in  Socrates  which  were  followed  by  them.  The 
schools  of  Euclides  and  Phsedo  attached  themselves  above 
all  to  his  method,  while  the  Cyrenaics  and  Cynics  paid  no 
attention  to  the  theoretical  side  in  him,  broke  up  the  union 
between  knowledge  and  will,  the  establishment  of  which 
was  one  of  the  main  merits  of  Socrates,  and  virtually  con- 
verted philosophizing  into  action.  Every  one  of  these  four 
schools  was  accordingly  based  upon  a one-sided  view  of 
the  great  master ; and  it  was  after  all  the  genuine  Athe- 
nians who  were  best  adapted  for  understanding  Socrates  in 
his  totality. 

The  influence  of  Socrates  upon  his  immediate  fellow- 
countrymen  operated  in  various  ways.  In  the  case  of  some 
men  it  never  went  beyond  impulses  which  failed  to  have 
a permanent  result,  as  with  Critias  and  Alcibiades.  In 
the  case  of  others  there  arose  an  enduring  relation  of  an 


156 


[Book  VIL 


History  of  Greece. 

intimate  community  of  life,  which  to  Socrates  was  the  real 
joy  of  his  existence,  and  a source  of  blessings  to  his  friends, 
such  as  the  faithful  Crito,  and  again  Apollodorus  and 
Chserephon,  who  were  possessed  by  a deep  love  of  truth. 
Lastly,  neither  could  there  be  at  Athens  a lack  of  men 
of  whom  Socrates  took  so  complete  a hold,  that  they  could 
not  remain  satisfied  with  keeping  to  themselves  the  bene- 
fits received  by  them,  but  were  also  desirous  of  placing 
the  image  of  their  benefactor  before  the  eyes  of  those 
further  removed  from  him  and  of  posterity,  of  spreading 
his  teaching  in  wider  circles,  and  of  continuing  his  work 
after  his  death.  Such  attempts  were  made  in  various  ways. 
Thus  the  shoemaker  Simon,  in  whose  shop  the  old  sage  had 
been  a frequent  visitor,  wrote  down  from  remembrance 
the  conversations  which  had  specially  impressed  them- 
selves upon  his  memory;  while  -ZEschines,  the  son  of  Ly- 
sanias,  published  Socratic  dialogues  in  a more  independent 
form  and  with  a deeper  sense  of  their  meaning,  although 
his  conduct  of  life  by  no  means  redounded  to  the  honor  of 
his  master.  These  and  other  writings  of  the  same  kind 
are  lost ; on  the  other  hand,  we  can  with  perfect  clear- 
ness realize  to  ourselves  the  features  of  Xenophon,  the  son 
of  Gryllus,  as  a Socratic  writer, — the  only  genuine  follower 
of  Socrates  who  is  also  closely  connected  with  the  great 
public  events  of  the  times.* 

,,  , Honorably  trained  in  a family  of  considera- 

Xenophon;  J # J 

born  tion,  distinguished  in  person  and  of  noble 

(b!’o.X432)V11’  manners,  an  Attic  knight  of  aristocratic  ten- 
dencies, but  free  from  arrogance,  simple- 
hearted  and  pious,  and  full  of  a zealous  endeavor  to  attain 

* Simon  (SidAoyot  vkvtikoI,  Diog.  Laert.  ii.  100),  Hermann,  Plato , 419 ; 585— 
iEschines  the  Sphettian  (according  to  some,  next  to  Plato  the  most  impor- 
tant of  the  followers  of  Socrates),  Athen.  Oil ; cf.  Brandis,  Gesch.  d.  all.  Philos. 
ii.  70;  Zeller,  ii.  1,  170.  As  to  the  life  of  Xenophon,  Cobet,  N.  L.  535,  has 
demonstrated  the  impossibility  of  his  having  been  present  at  the  battle  of 
Helium;  and  many  indications  (notably  Anah.  iii.  1,  25:  ovSiv  npo^aoifapLai. 
ty)v  rj\uda.v ) justify  us  in  unhesitatingly  dating  his  birth,  with  Bergk,  in  431 
B.  c.  Cf.  Philol.  xviii.  247. 


Chap.  XI.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


157 


to  general  culture, — it  was  as  sucli  that  the  young  man 
came  into  contact  with  Socrates.  It  was  in  a deep  and 
living  spirit  that  he  recognized  the  value  of  the  man  as 
compared  with  the  Sophists  to  whom  he  had  hitherto 
given  ear;  and  he  became  his  faithful  disciple  and  inde- 
fatigable companion  in  his  walks  and  conversations.  And 
yet  Xenophon  could  not  permanently  find  satisfaction  in 
life  at  Athens  ; for  with  all  his  craving  for  instruction  he 
was  not  yet  created  by  nature  for  finding  in  scientific 
labors  the  calling  of  his  life  ; and  thus  it  seemed  to  him  a 
hint  from  Providence,  when  in  the  year  401  he  received 
from  his  friend,  the  Theban  Proxenus,  a letter  from 
Sardis,  which  depicted  the  court  at  that  place  (vol.  iv.  p. 
184)  in  brilliant  colors,  and  promised  him  an  introduc- 
tion to  Cyrus.  The  resolution  which  he  was  called  upon 
to  form  was  not  easy  for  an  Athenian ; for  it  will  be  re- 
membered how  no  man  done  had  more  harm  to  the  city 
than  Cyrus,  to  whom  a good  patriot  could  wish  nothing  but 
evil.  Instead  of  this,  Xenophon  was  to  devote  his  ser- 
vices to  him ! Socrates  made  no  secret  to  him  of  the 
doubtfulness  of  his  scheme,  but  had  no  reason  for  abso- 
lutely dissuading  him  from  it ; he  knew  Xenophon  to  be  a 
man  requiring  great  tasks,  if  his  talents  were  to  be  turned 
to  account ; and  for  such  no  oppporttmity  was  furnished  at 
Athens.  He  advised  him  to  apply  to  Delphi,  because  a 
determination  of  decisive  importance  for  his  whole  future 
life  was  in  question,  on  which  it  behooved  him  to  take  se- 
rious counsel  with  the  deity  and  with  his  own  conscience. 
But  Xenophon  anticipated  the  decision  of  the  deity,  by 
merely  inquiring  to  which  gods  he  ought  to  offer  sacrifice 
before  departing.  His  chivalrous  spirit  had  decided  for 
itself.  He  had  no  heart  for  the  Attic  democracy  ; his 
patriotism  was  a Hellenic  patriotism ; and  as  at  that  time 
the  hegemony  of  his  native  city  seemed  to  have  come  to 
an  end  forever,  he  thought  it  admissible  for  him  to  give 
himself  up  all  the  more  trustfully  to  his  predilection  for 


158 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Sparta,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  now  been  ac- 
knowledged by  Athens  itself  as  the  primary  state  of  the 
Hellenes  (vol.  iv.  p.  20),  and  for  the  friends  of  Sparta. 

Hig  ex  Thus  Xenophon,  when  probably  not  more 
rieiices  in  than  thirty  years  of  age,  entered  the  service 
of  Cyrus,  and  was  unexpectedly  called  upon 
to  perform  duties  of  high  importance  (vol.  iv.  p.  191),  in 
which  he  exhibited  so  much  efficiency,  that  his  fame  even 
radiated  back  upon  Athens.  And  yet  by  what  he  did  he 
incurred  the  loss  of  his  native  city ; for,  probably  about 
the  time  when  proceedings  against  all  anti-constitutional 
tendencies  were  resumed  at  Athens  (vol.  iv.  p.  153),  and 
when  Socrates  was  sentenced,  Xenophon  was  by  a popular 
decree  deprived  of  his  civic  rights  as  a partisan  of  Cyrus ; 
possibly  a diplomatic  consideration  for  the  wishes  of  the 
Persian  King  contributed  to  bring  about  this  decision. 
Hereupon  Xenophon  lived  as  a captain  of  mercenaries 
with  Thibron  (vol.  iv.  p.  188),  and  then  with  Agesilaus, 
returned  with  the  latter  to  his  native  land,  and  fought  at 
Coronea  against  the  Athenians.  Sparta  felt  itself  bound 
to  offer  so  faithful  an  adherent  an  acknowledgment  of 
gratitude,  and,  in  order  to  provide  him  with  a new  home, 
presented  him  with  a landed  property  at  Scillus,  a pretty 
spot,  hidden  between  wood-clad  heights  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Olympia,  in  a side  valley  of  the  Asopus,  and 
watered  by  the  rivulet,  abounding  in  fish,  of  the  Selinus. 
Here  he  devoted  the  proceeds  of  his  campaigns  to  the 
erection  of  the  sanctuaries  vowed  by  him  to  Artemis,  and 
divided  his  life  between  the  chase  and  science,  while  his 
sons  grew  up  in  Spartan  discipline.  The  war  between 
Arcadia  and  Elis,  (vol.  iv.  p.  492)  once  more  deprived 
him  of  a home  ; he  emigrated  to  Elis,  but  about  the  same 
time  also  again  entered  into  more  intimate  relations  with 
his  native  city,  since  the  latter  had  under  the  guidance  of 
Callistratus  taken  the  side  of  Sparta  against  Thebes.  His 
banishment  was  revoked  on  the  motion  of  Eubulus ; his 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


159 


son  Gryllus  died  the  death  of  a brave  cavalier  while 
serving  in  the  Attic  army  at  Mantinea ; and  Xenophon 
personally  in  the  last  year  of  his  life  (up  to  01.  cv.  3 ; B.  c. 
357,  circ.  ) exerted  himself  on  behalf  of  his  native  city, 
restored  to  him  after  so  many  experiences,  although  he 
continued  to  have  his  residence  at  Corinth. 

Xenophon’s  life  is  not  like  that  of  a phi-  Xeno  hon 
losopher  ; and  the  unquiet  impulse  of  ambi-  ®herph  • ^ 
tion  which  moved  him  seems  to  have  little  in 
common  with  the  frugal  spirit  of  Socrates.  And  yet  he 
is  one  of  the  most  faithful  followers  of  the  master  ; and 
after  campaigns  full  of  glory  we  find  him  in  the  period  of 
leisure  recurring  with  undiminished  veneration  to  the 
figure  of  his  beloved  teacher,  in  order  to  note  it  in  his 
Memorabilia,  and  to  purify  it  from  all  falsification.  It 
was,  however,  not  the  inquiring  philosopher,  whose  courses 
of  thought  he  was  anxious  to  unfold  and  to  carry  on,  but 
the  simple  man  of  the  people  and  teacher  of  the  people, 
who  was  in  his  eyes  a model  at  the  same  time  of  the 
highest  honesty,  wisdom  in  the  conduct  of  life,  and  piety. 
For,  notwithstanding  all  his  productivity  and  versatility, 
there  was  yet  upon  the  whole  a very  one-sided  tendency 
in  Xenophon.  Knowledge  itself  and  the  methods  of 
attaining  to  it  were  subjects  of  indifference  to  him  ; he 
merely  sought  results  useful  for  the  improvement  of  man. 
The  teaching  of  virtue  is  in  his  view  the  main  point ; and 
again,  he  essentially  regards  virtue  on  its  practical  side,  as 
the  condition  of  a happy  life,  because  without  it  nothing 
of  real  value  is  to  be  found  on  earth.  This  doctrine  he 
then  seeks  to  apply  to  all  conditions  of  life.  In  his 
CEconomicus  he  treats  the  whole  management  of  a house- 
hold, gives  precepts  for  the  state  of  marriage,  demands 
intellectual  culture  for  women,  a fair  treatment  for  slaves, 
and  the  right  use  of  property,  which  only  becomes  a 
thing  of  value  when  it  is  turned  to  a prudent  account. 
He  discusses  husbandry  in  its  connexion  with  the  breed- 


160 


[Book  VII. 


History  of  Greece. 

ing  of  cattle  and  with  the  chase.  Even  this  last  he  re- 
quires to  be  pursued  with  competent  knowledge,  in  order 
that  it  may  harden  the  young  citizen  ; in  the  same  way 
horsemanship  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  art ; and  for  the 
cavalry  of  the  city  he  requires  a commander  of  pre-emi- 
nent culture,  in  order  that  his  squadrons  may  be  a credit 
to  the  commonwealth.  Finally,  in  the  life  of  the  state 
the  utmost  disorder  and  confusion  will  according  to  his 
opinion  infallibly  prevail,  if  those  occupied  with  public 
affairs  lack  intellectual  preparation  and  training  in 
virtue. 

In  short,  all  the  relations  of  life,  which  already  the 
Sophists  had  treated  theoretically,  are  illustrated  by  Xeno- 
phon according  to  Socratic  principles;  his  writings  pre- 
sent an  applied  system  of  ethics  devoid  of  loftier  points  of 
view,  a moral  philosophy  of  a homely  sort,  which  within 
its  limit  exhibits  a sound  judgment  and  delicate  observa- 
tion. His  mind  was  always  intent  upon  details.  Thus  in 
practical  life  too  he  showed  himself  in  the  presence  of  the 
most  arduous  tasks  brave,  determined,  and  an  excellent 
leader  of  the  helpless  multitude  ; but  in  matters  of  general 
interest  he  displayed  uncertainty  and  want  of  independence, 
so  that  he  sought  in  characters  superior  to  his  own  the 
anchorage  which  he  was  unable  to  find  in  himself.  At  the 
same  time,  notwithstanding  his  great  receptivity  for  every- 
thing good,  he  was  so  much  in  want  of  a fixed  standard, 
that,  after  having  been  first  enchained  by  the  grandeur  of 
the  character  of  Socrates,  he  could  afterwards  give  himself 
up  to  Cyrus,  and  in  the  end  attach  himself  with  blind 
veneration  to  Agesilaus.  Xenophon  had  a soldier’s  na- 
ture, which  demanded  discipline  and  order;  but  on  the 
other  hand,  itself  felt  in  need  of  a commanding  authority. 
The  unstable  condition  of  things  at  Athens  confirmed  him 
in  his  conviction,  that  there  must  exist  one  will,  and  a per- 
sonage of  royal  pre-eminence,  where  a commonwealth  is 
to  prosper.  It  was  therefore  one  of  the  last  labors  of  his 


Chap.  II  ] 


161 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


life  to  sketch  in  his  Cyropcedia,  in  connexion  with  the 
figure  of  the  Elder  Cyrus,  the  idealizing  picture  of  a genu- 
ine king  and  founder  of  an  empire. 

Of  all  the  Attic  followers  of  Socrates,  Xeno-  Xenophon 
phon  and  Plato  might  he  supposed  to  have  and  Plat0- 
stood  in  the  nearest  connexion  with,  and  dependence 
upon,  one  another.  They  were  nearly  of  the  same  age ; 
their  position  in  society  was  the  same ; they  partook  of  the 
same  aversion  from  the  Sophists,  as  from  the  men  who  had 
ruined  the  Hellenic  people ; they  were  at  one  in  their  love 
for  their  master  and  in  their  zeal  for  laboring  at  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  work  of  his  life ; they  were  both  for  the 
same  reasons  dissatisfied  with  the  state  of  things  in  their 
native  city,  and  in  their  conception  of  the  tasks  of  Hellen- 
ic culture  had  both  no  hesitation  in  attaching  themselves 


to  eminent  personages  in  foreign  lands.  And  yet  it  is  im- 
possible, in  the  numerous  writings  Avhich  are  preserved 
from  the  hands  of  precisely  these  two  followers  of  Socrates, 
to  demonstrate  the  existence  of  any  trace  of  a more  inti- 
mate intercourse  between  them ; and  already  in  ancient 
times  it  was  sought  to  account  for  this  by  the  supposition 
of  unfriendly  relations  between  them.  There  is  however  no 
reason  for  assuming  any  other  motive  than  that  of  the  great 
difference  which,  notwithstanding  all  the  points  of  agree- 
ment in  them,  prevails  between  the  two  disciples  of  Socrates. 
Plato,  the  son  of  Ariston,  was  born  at 

7 s ’ Plato  the 

Athens  about  the  time  of  the  death  of  Peri-  ®on  of  Aris- 

ton. 

cles;  nor  can  any  man  be  said  to  have  more  . 

J m Ol.  lXXXVlll. 

thoroughly  appreciated  than  he  the  moral  1 ; oviii- 1 (B- 
° • i c.  427-348.J 

position  given  to  his  native  city  by  that  great 
statesman.  For  Plato  possessed  in  the  highest  degree  the 
Attic  spirit  of  an  eagerness  for  knowledge  and  a love  of 
art;  and  he  grew  up  in  excellent  bodily  and  mental 
training  as  the  son  of  a noble  house,  connected  by  descent 
with  Codrus  and  Solon.  But  he  was  in  his  whole  indi- 
viduality of  a delicately  framed  and  fragile  nature ; and 


162 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


as  in  Xenoplion  it  was  the  military  sense  of  order,  so  in 
Plato  it  was  the  idealistic  sense  of  measure  and  harmony, 
which  found  itself  repelled  by  the  ways  of  the  Attic 
democracy.  The  bitter  calamities  suffered  by  his  native 
city  confirmed  him  in  his  political  views,  without  his  being 
able,  like  his  relatives  Critias,  Charmides  and  others,  to 
expect  her  recovery  to  result  from  a complete  change  of 
the  constitution.  Pie  therefore  all  the  more  completely 
gave  himself  up  to  a life  of  contemplation,  to  which  he 
was  attracted  by  his  whole  nature,  and,  after  for  some 
time  hesitating  between  philosophy  and  poetry,  he  formed 
and  kept  the  happy  resolution  of  devoting  himself  to  that 
tendency,  which  in  those  days  possessed  the  most  vigor 
and  had  the  greatest  future  before  it.  This  decision  he 

His  owed  to  Socrates.  Through  Socrates,  Plato 
training.  was  emancipated  from  the  narrow-hearted 
party-life  which  poisoned  the  existence  of  the  community 
and  of  its  individual  members ; through  Socrates,  he  clear- 
ly realized  the  aim  of  his  endeavors ; for  the  sake  of  Socra- 
tes, degenerate  and  deeply-humbled  Athens  was  yet  dear 
to  him  above  all  other  things;  and  he  prized  as  the 
highest  blessing  of  his  life  the  nine  years  which  he  was 
allowed  to  spend  in  the  society  of  the  master. 

Now,  though  after  the  death  of  Socrates  Plato  quitted 
Athens,  this  was  not  the  result  of  indifference  or  hatred ; 
on  the  contrary,  he  loved  his  fellow-citizens,  and  enter- 
tained a high  opinion  of  their  capability  of  culture ; for 
let  an  Athenian,  he  said,  only  be  an  honest  man,  and  he 
will  generally  be  such  in  an  eminent  degree.  Moreover, 
Plato  was  far  removed  from  that  cosmopolitan  spirit 
which  shows  itself  e.  g.  in  Antisthenes  and  Aristippus  ; he 
adhered  to  the  belief  in  the  contrast  between  Hellenes  and 
barbarians.  But  he  was  the  first  Athenian  who  felt 
himself  in  full  measure  animated  by  the  impulse  towards 
uniting  in  his  consciousness  all  human  science,  and  tow- 
ards obtaining,  by  means  of  a personal  acquaintance  with 


Chap.  II. J 


163 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 

the  most  important  of  his  contemporaries  and  of  the 
tendencies  of  his  times,  the  freest  standpoint  possible  for 
contemplation  of  the  world.  He  could  not,  therefore,  like 
Socrates,  restrict  himself  to  the  streets  and  public  places 
of  Athens.  For  this  reason  he  went  to  Cyrene,  in  order 
to  cultivate  his  mind  by  intercourse  with  the  mathemati- 
cian Theodoras;  for  the  same  reason  he  sought  the 
instruction  of  the  Egyptian  priests  in  astronomical  science ; 
addressed  himself  in  Italy  to  the  schools  of  the  Pytha- 
goreans, and  entered  into  an  intimacy  with  Archytas. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  he  also  acquired  a knowledge  of 
Sicilian  affairs ; and  thus,  about  twelve  years  after  the 
death  of  Socrates,  he  returned  to  his  native  city,  in  order 
here  in  the  gardens  of  the  Academy  to  begin  the  life  of  a 
teacher,  which  he  continued  during  forty  years,  up  to  the 
close  of  his  life. 

Plato  is  the  single  follower  of  Socrates  who  Hig  teach_> 
remained  absolutely  true  to  the  master,  and  ins- 
who  at  the  same  time  deepened  and  developed  his  teach- 
ing in  every  direction,  and  broadened  it  into  a collective 
view  of  the  entire  moral  world. 

But  what  Plato  established  was  not  a scholastic  system 
of  doctrine ; for  philosophy  was  not  to  be  a special  branch 
of  knowledge ; — it  was  rather  a matter  of  universal  hu- 
man interest.  We  all,  so  he  thought,  live  amidst  the 
greatest  variety  of  conceptions ; and  the  question  is  whether 
they  are  just  or  erroneous,  and  whether  the  virtue,  which 
we  are  eager  to  practise,  is  merely  one  taught  to  us  by 
force  of  habit,  or  one  which  is  self-conscious,  free,  and 
based  upon  intelligence.  This  is  a question  of  vital  im- 
portance, which  forces  itself  with  an  inner  necessity  upon 
every  consciousness.  The  human  soul  finds  no  repose  in 
the  contemplation  of  outward  things  ; it  must  therefore 
possess  the  innate  power  of  divining  an  invisible  world ; 
before  its  earthly  life  began,  impressions  and  views  must 
have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  the  soul,  of  which  the  remem- 


164 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


brance  survives  iu  it  and  impels  it  to  seek  after  a higher 
life.  This  endeavor  manifests  itself  in  the  irresistible  at- 
traction exercised  upon  the  soul  by  the  Beautiful,  in  the 
longing  for  the  Perfect,  in  the  love  for  the  Divine. 
Herein  lies  the  productive  germ  of  a new  life.  But  while 
remaining  unregulated  and  left  to  itself,  this  impulse  fails 
to  reach  its  goal.  It  must  be  subjected  to  discipline ; and 
this  discipline  is  the  art  of  the  just  combination  of  ideas — 
the  Dialectic  art.  Out  of  its  union  with  the  enthusiastic 
impulse  of  the  human  soul  arises  the  true  philosophy,  the 
elevation,  progressing  step  by  step,  from  the  sensual  to  the 
spiritual,  from  conception  to  knowledge,  the  full  posses- 
sion of  which  is  the  privilege  of  the  deity. 

Whatsoever  is  sensual,  underlies  a continual  change ; it 
accordingly  has  no  full  reality,  it  is  a combination  of 
being  and  not  being,  while  that  which  really  is,  only  the 
possible  object  of  knowledge,  is  something  suprasensuaL 
The  visible  is  only  in  so  far  as  it  has  part  in  the  invisible 
Essences  ; these  are  that  which  alone  endures,  the  everlast- 
ing first  forms  and  first  causes  of  everything  which  is,  the 
‘ ideas  ’ whose  life  lies  in  a sphere  above  the  world.  There 
are  accordingly  as  many  ideas  as  there  are  definable 
species ; and  the  first  and  prevailing  one  among  them  is 
the  idea  of  the  Good,  the  final  cause  of  all  knowledge  and 
being,  the  intelligence  which  forms  the  world — in  a word, 
God. 

By  the  side  of  God  exists  the  corporeal,  without  any 
independent  being  of  its  own.  Through  God,  as  through 
Him  who  formed  the  world,  it  has  received  measure  and 
law,  the  soul  of  the  world  having  entered  into  the  bodily 
form.  By  means  of  this  soul  the  world  has  become  an 
animated  being,  as  man  has  become  such  through  the 
human  soul,  which  is  likewise  implanted  in  the  body, 
without  having  an  essential  connexion  with  it,  and  which 
only  by  its  return  into  incorporeal  life  returns  to  its  naim 
ral  condition. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


165 


Since  the  corporeal  clings  to  our  soul  like  a hurt  and  a 
disfigurement,  our  moral  aim  can  be  no  other  than  aversion 
and  purification  from  the  sensual,  participation  in  ideas, 
and  realization  of  them  in  -virtue  and  perfect  knowledge. 
Virtue  is  that  condition  of  the  soul  which  is  in  accordance 
with  nature  ; virtue  is  freedom  and  happiness  ; it  is  based 
upon  a clear  perception  of  that  which  is  absolutely  good, 
and  this  perception  produces  the  will ; virtue  appears,  as 
corresponding  to  the  several  forces  of  the  soul,  as  wisdom, 
as  valor,  as  prudence ; but  the  one  and  universal  virtue 
is  justice,  the  harmonious  accord  of  all  the  forces  of  the 
soul.  The  true  training  towards  such  a virtue  is  only 
possible  in  the  life  of  a community,  i.  e.  in  the  state,  which 
ought  to  be  an  image  of  a harmoniously  ordered  indivi- 
dual life  ; like  the  individual  life,  therefore,  the  state  must 
be  trained  by  philosophy;  and,  inasmuch  as  the  great 
mass  of  the  members  of  a state  cannot  be  philosophical, 
the  consciousness  of  the  true  state-community  of  life  must 
be  upheld  by  those  whose  calling  philosophy  is  ; and  only 
where  they  hold  sway,  can  the  true  state  be  realized. 

No  other  of  the  great  men  of  Greece  is  Itg 
brought  so  near  to  us  as  a living  man  as  Plato ; ^°fcfer 
and  in  his  mind  we  at  the  same  time  see 
reflected  the  entire  intellectual  life  of  his  nation.  He 
is  the  glorified  type  of  a Hellene,  the  perfect  Athenian. 
In  his  indefatigable  impulse  towards  knowledge  he  never 
satisfied  himself,  and  up  to  a late  age  of  life  never  ceased 
from  learning  ; for  this  reason,  even  as  an  old  man  he  had 
no  hesitation  in  altering  his  views,  and  e.  g.  in  recalling  his 
doctrine  as  to  the  central  position  of  the  world  in  the  sys- 
tem of  the  universe.  Notwithstanding  the  many-sidedness 
of  his  knowledge,  he  remained  true  to  the  national  con- 
sciousness of  the  Hellenic  people,  in  asserting  man  to  be 
akin  to  the  gods,  in  regarding  all  nature  as  pervaded  by 
divine  beings,  and  in  recognising  even  in  the  constella' 
lions  divine  life  and  divine  personages.  He  venerated  the 


166 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


popular  belief,  and  loved  to  take  favorite  figures  of  the 
popular  mythology  as  starting-points  of  his  teaching,  as 
e.  cj.  when  he  made  use  of  Glaucus,  rendered  unsightly  by 
shells  and  sea-weed,  to  give  a clear  picture  of  the  condition 
of  the  human  soul  disfigured  by  earthly  dross.  He  was 
zealous  on  behalf  of  the  traditional  forms  of  divine  wor- 
ship, full  of  veneration  for  the  Delphic  god  and  for  the 
mysterious  rites  of  Eleusis.  He  takes  his  stand  on  the 
basis  of  popular  consciousness,  when  he  celebrates  the  god 
Eros  as  the  author  of  the  higher  endeavors  of  the  human 
mind, — when  he  acknowledges  symmetry  and  beauty, 
together  with  truth,  to  be  the  three  sides  of  the  good. 
Nay,  however  much  in  his  dialectics  Plato  seeks  to  soar 
to  the  pure  idea,  to  the  formless  and  colorless  essence  of 
the  true,  he  yet  remains  the  genuine  child  of  his  nation, 
which  is  averse  from  formless  abstractions  and  from  pure 
concejitions  of  thought ; and  accordingly  he  regards  the 
supreme  truths  and  forces  as  ideas — i.  e.  as  forms,  as  lofty 
models,  which  human  things  seek  to  follow.  In  conso- 
nance with  the  popular  sentiment  Plato  j udges  concerning 
the  desirability  of  attaining  to  an  equal  balance  between 
physical  and  mental  training,  concerning  marriage,  in 
which  he  assigns  everything  of  importance  to  the  man, 
and  fails  to  do  justice  to  the  family  as  such  in  its  moral 
significance,  and  finally  also  concerning  the  state.  Only 
as  a member  of  the  state  man  becomes  fully  man.  For 
this  reason  ethics  necessarily  lose  themselves  in  politics  ; 
and  again  the  political  maxims  of  the  philosopher  are  no 
newly-invented  maxims,  but  connect  themselves  with  tra- 
ditions of  Old-Hellenic  public  law,  such  as  had  maintained 
themselves  in  Cretan  and  Spartan  institutions  (vol.  i. 
p.  196).  Among  these  are  the  superintendence  by  the 
state  of  children  from  the  day  of  their  birth,  the  leaving 
of  agriculture  and  of  trades  and  handicrafts  to  subordinate 
classes,  the  limitation  of  the  number  of  the  citizens,  the 
equality  of  landed  property,  and  the  placing  of  obstacles 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


167 


in  the  way  of  intercourse  with  other  communities.  At  the 
same  time  Plato  also  contrives  to  turn  to  account  in  his 
political  writings  a variety  of  Attic  and  democratic  insti- 
tutions. The  nation  of  the  Hellenes,  by  its  natural  men- 
tal gifts  destined  above  all  other  peoples  of  the  earth  to 
the  attainment  of  wisdom  and  virtue,  is  in  his  eyes  a 
great,  closely-connected  community  ; the  earlier  and  the 
later  generations  of  the  nation  likewise  form  a single 
whole,  to  which  its  knowledge  belongs  as  a common  posses- 
sion ; and  Plato  is  the  first  who  united  in  him-  p]ato  d 
self  the  thinking-  consciousness  of  the  nation,  his  Prede- 

o # 7 cessors. 

which  had  gradually  grown  into  maturity, 

from  the  Ionic  philosophers  with  their  system  of  nature 
down  to  his  own  Socratic  contemporaries.  From  all  of 
these  he  took  into  himself  the  productive  germs,  supple- 
menting the  one  by  the  other.  From  Heraclitus  he  took 
the  recognition  of  the  eternal  change  in  human  things,  but 
he  saved  from  the  consequences  of  this  view  the  doctrine 
of  true  being,  according  as  it  was  most  justly  established 
by  the  Eleatics.  This  being,  however,  he  could  not  con- 
sent to  regard  as  solidly  fixed  and  devoid  of  movement,  be- 
cause this  would  have  left  inexplicable  the  element  of  rea- 
son in  the  order  of  the  universe.  Therefore  he  had  resort 
to  the  ‘ Spirit  ’ of  Anaxagoras,  to  Him  who  orders  the  uni- 
verse ; but  the  mere  ordering  of  it  was  not  sufficient  for 
him,  and,  in  looking  around  for  other  forms,  in  which  it 
might  be  possible  for  the  relations  between  the  world  of 
being  and  the  world  of  phenomena  to  realize  themselves, 
he  followed  the  Pythagoreans,  by  assuming  mathematical 
laws,  according  to  which  these  operations  of  the  one  upon 
the  other  were  to  be  accomplished.  From  the  Pythago- 
reans he  likewise  borrowed  a variety  of  suggestions  for  his 
doctrines  of  immortality  and  of  the  state.  Everywhere  he 
was  able  to  perceive  those  elements  which  were  pro- 
ductive, to  put  aside  what  was  imperfect,  and  to  blend 
what  was  of  permanent  validity  into  a general  view  of  the 


168 


History  of  Gi'eece. 


[Book  VII. 


system  of  the  universe,  amounting  to  a perfect  expression 
of  the  matured  cousciousuess  of  the  nation,  such  as  lived 
only  in  his  mind.  Finally,  the  diction  of  Plato  is  another 
manifest  testimony  showing  how  popular  the  great  think- 
er remained,  and  how  lovingly  he  cherished  and  developed 
every  possession  belonging  to  his  nation. 

Prose-writ-  APic  prose  had  unfolded  its  growth  at  a 
Piato0f°re  l3'  ^65),  and  it  was  for  a 

strikingly  long  time  that  at  Athens  rhythmic 
speech  was  subjected  to  artistic  treatment,  while  prose  was 
only  regarded  as  an  instrument  for  ordinary  intercourse 
and  for  the  settlement  of  business  matters.  Prose  composi- 
tion only  began,  when  the  life  of  the  state  had  fully  de- 
veloped itself,  so  that  it  was  unable  to  keep  pace  with  the 
rapid  unfolding  of  the  popular  mind,  and  quite  incapable 
of  responding  to  the  abundance  of  the  materials  of 
thought.  It  is  quite  perceptible  in  Thucydides,  how  he  is 
wrestling  with  a still  unwieldy  language,  in  order  to  ob- 
tain from  it  expressions  exactly  rendering  his  meaning. 
We  are  irresistibly  attracted  by  the  unwearying  force  of 
muscular  tension,  whence  his  diction  derives  the  same 
character  of  manliness  and  seriousness  which  is  born  by 
the  whole  age  of  Pericles ; but  that  diction  at  the  same 
time  lacks  the  just  proportion  between  form  and  meaning, 
and  is  therefore  frequently  awkward,  unpleasing,  and  ob- 
scure. 

Soon  a change  took  place.  About  the  time  when  the 
active  energy  of  the  Athenians  began  to  grow  faint,  the 
love  of  an  intellectual  exchange  of  ideas  and  of  communi- 
cation by  word  of  mouth  and  by  writing  on  all  subjects  of 
thought  became  intensified  in  them  ; the  influence  of  the 
Sophists  contributed  its  share,  and  that  which  the  Athe- 
nians of  the  old  school  lamented  as  a decay,  indubitably 
amounted  to  a progress  for  general  culture.  The  lan- 
guage became  more  flexible  and  facile  of  movement ; the 
intentional  brevity  of  expression  in  writing  was  no  longer 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policij  of  Athens. 


169 


adhered  to  ; and  convenient  intelligibility  was  established 
as  the  primary  condition  of  a pleasing  diction.  Thus,  es- 
pecially in  the  higher  circles  of  society,  where  the  abuses  of 
language  common  in  the  market-place  and  on  the  orators’ 
tribunes  were  avoided,  a refined  Atticism  developed  itself, 
of  which  the  writings  of  Xenophon  bear  the  clear  impress. 
It  would  not  be  easy  to  name  two  other  authors  who, 
while  belonging  to  the  same  city,  to  the  same  department 
of  literature,  and  all  but  to  the  same  age,  wrote  so  differ- 
ently from  one  another  as  Xenophon  and  Thucydides ! 
The  latter  could  never  be  fully  appreciated  except  by  a 
comparatively  small  number  of  readers ; Xenophon,  on 
the  other  hand,  by  the  light  flow  of  his  diction,  and  by  the 
transparency  and  perspicuity  of  his  mode  of  expression, 
attained  to  the  fame  of  a model  writer,  and  the  Athenians 
honored  him,  although  he  was  an  aristocrat  and  a La- 
conizer,  as  the  genuine  representative  of  their  style  of 
composition.  It  was  well  adapted  for  general  acceptance 
and  imitation ; and  since  Attic  as  a dialect  too  occupied  a 
kind  of  mediating  position,  which  made  it  possible  for 
Greeks  of  the  most  varying  origin  easily  to  accommodate 
themselves  to  it,  there  developed  itself  in  Attic  prose  a 
form  of  literary  diction  which  attained  to  universal  cur- 
rency.* 

But  in  addition  a peculiar  and  genuinely  The  popu_ 
Attic  form  of  prose  composition  developed  it-  'py^rt  crfUie 
self  in  the  dialogue.  With  a people  quick  of  losues- 
thought  even  reflection  and  the  forming  of  resolutions  in  the 
mind  are  prone  to  assume  the  form  of  a conversation  con- 
ducted by  the  soul  with  itself ; and  of  this  we  find  many 

* As  to  the  Attic  dialect,  cf.  vol.  ii.  p.  566,  Note.  It  is  the  least  consistent 
of  Greek  dialects  and  the  most  varied  in  its  sounds ; and  was  therefore  pre- 
eminently fitted  for  harmonizing  the  dialects  on  the  hither  and  on  the 
farther  side  of  the  sea.  It  presents  many  analogous  elements,  particularly 
in  its  popular  form,  to  the  speech  of  the  mainland;  e.g.  it  shares  with  the 
Doric  the  long  a,  with  the  Doric  and  the  iEolie  the  t for  cr  (Tijres,  ■njnepov), 
with  the  iEolie  the  tt. 

8 


170 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


instances  in  the  Greek  poets.  So  immediate  with  the 
Greeks  was  the  connexion  between  speech  and  thought; 
and  it  was  therefore  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  na- 
tional character,  that  philosophical  inquiry  should  likewise 
clothe  itself  in  a dialogue  form,  in  which  the  one  interlo- 
cutor aids  the  other  in  disentangling  the  conflicting  ideas 
and  leading  them  to  definite  issues.  Socrates  regarded  this 
office  as  a duty  incumbent  upon  a citizen;  he  was  unable 
to  remain  apathetic  and  inactive,  when  he  found  his  Athe- 
nians in  an  unworthy  condition  of  ignorance  and  unclear- 
ness with  regal’d  to  the  most  important  questions  of  life ; 
he  could  not  but  do  what  in  him  lay  to  remedy  this  con- 
dition. And  this  he  did  as  a genuine  Athenian,  not  by 
expounding  the  results  of  his  research  in  a finished  syste- 
matic form,  but  by  constituting  all  more  important  pro- 
blems subjects  of  conversation,  and  discussiug  them  by 
lively  question  and  answer  in  the  streets  and  public  places. 
Thus  he  conferred  an  entirely  new  significance  upon  the 
Attic  love  of  talk,  and  at  the  same  time  thereby  rendered 
the  greatest  service  to  the  language  and  literature  of  his 
people.  For  in  their  writings,  which  were  to  carry  on  the 
personal  influence  of  the  master,  his  pupils  could  not 
abandon  the  form  which  was  so  peculiarly  characteristic 
of  his  teaching.  Accordingly,  the  Dialogues  of  Plato  are 
actually  pictures  drawn  from  nature.  Socrates  constitutes 
their  centre,  their  moral  unity.  Every  Platonic  discus- 
sion is  a joint  search  after  truth  under  the  guidance  of 
Socrates,  who  with  considerate  gentleness  enters  into  every 
opinion,  with  delicate  irony  participates  in  the  errors,  and 
alone  retains  in  his  hand  the  thread  which  seems  often  to 
be  lost,  and  which  yet  at  the  end  makes  its  appearance 
again,  and  leads  to  the  desired  goal.  The  Dialogues  of 
Plato  are  not,  however,  mere  copies.  It  was  by  the  force 
of  his  own  intellect  that  he  developed  the  method  of  teach- 
ing which  had  grown  out  of  Attic  life,  and  shaped  it  into 
an  artistic  form,  so  intimately  intertwined  with  his  philo- 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


171 


sophy,  that  it  is  quite  impossible  to  separate  it  from  the 
latter.  By  means  of  his  poetic  endowment  he  created 
dramatic  works  of  art,  which  naturally  divide  themselves 
into  several  acts ; a charming  introduction,  in  which  the 
scenery  of  the  particular  dialogue  is  sketched,  usually 
preceding  the  successive  entrances  of  the  several  interlo- 
cutors, a fresh  turn  in  the  conversation  always  beginning 
with  the  appearance  of  each  of  them.  The  speakers  are 
historic  personages,  well  known  men  of  the  times,  in  whom 
the  various  tendencies  of  intellectual  life  are  reflected  ; 
Athenians  of  every  rank  and  degree  of  culture,  in  the  life- 
like depiction  of  whom  Plato  rivals  the  comic  poets. 

One  is  easily  inclined  to  consider  this  form  of  philo- 
sophical instruction,  this  thorough  shaking-  and  breaking- 
up  of  an  exposition  into  a mere  series  of  questions  and 
answers,  not  only  inconvenient  and  burdensome,  but  also 
radically  unsuited  to  the  end  in  view.  But  those  who 
enter  more  deeply  into  the  spirit  of  these  Dialogues  will, 
after  all,  find  themselves  obliged  to  allow  that  in  them  not 
only  was  a method  handed  down  by  the  master  retained 
from  motives  of  piety  and  skilfully  developed,  but  that  it 
connects  itself  most  closely  with  the  essential  nature  of 
the  Platonic  philosophy, — a philosophy  which  demands 
not  only  to  be  listened  to  and  approved  of,  but  also  to  be 
participated  in  as  an  actual  experience  of  life  ; which,  in 
short,  lays  claim  to  the  entire  man.  It  needs  a form  of 
communication,  comprehending  in  it  the  enforcement 
of  independent  reflection,  and  securing  the  ultimate  result 
by  bringing  about  an  express  common  agreement  on  all 
the  several  points  in  the  path  leading  to  that  end.  It  was 
doubly  necessary  to  have  this  security  in  the  case  of  in- 
quiries commencing  with  the  Socratic  standpoint  of  not- 
knowing,  and  in  view  of  the  condition  of  vagueness,  which 
beset  the  consciousness  of  most  of  the  Athenians,  and  no- 
tably of  those  trained  by  Sophistry.  They  were  every- 
where absolutely  without  fixed,  without  acknowledged 


172 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  V1L 


positions;  everywhere,  therefore,  it  was  necessary  to  begin 
at  the  bottom,  in  order  to  gain  a secure  basis.  This  ex- 
plains the  inexhaustible  abundance  and  variety  of  Pla- 
tonic questionings,  which  never  for  a moment  allow  the 
hearer  to  go  astray  with  his  thoughts,  or  to  allow  his  co- 
operating participation  in  the  inquiry  to  grow  slack. 

Hereby,  then,  a species  of  literature  was  founded,  which 
more  than  any  other  deserves  to  be  called  national.  For 
inasmuch  as  the  Hellenes  were  naturally  to  a certain  de- 
gree averse  from  the  use  of  writing,  in  which  living  speech 
seemed  to  them  to  grow  stiff  and  cold,  it  was  a genuine 
triumph  of  the  Greek  mind,  that  a successful  attempt 
should  have  been  made  to  overcome  this  contrast,  to  cause 
the  disturbing  means  employed  to  be  forgotten,  and  to 
diffuse  over  the  dead  written  letter  the  full  charm,  fresh- 
ness, and  vital  warmth  of  a personal  conversation.  Every 
inquiry  is  an  ideal  dialogue,  which  repeats  itself  to  every 
attentive  reader ; it  flexibly  accommodates  itself  with 
perfect  directness  to  all  turns  of  thought  and  to  all  phases 
of  the  mind  ; written  speech  springs  forth  like  the  speech 
of  the  tongue  from  the  inmost  recesses  of  the  soul ; and 
the  masterly  skill  with  which  Plato  succeeded  in  devel- 
oping this  species  of  Attic  prose  out  of  the  popular  man- 
ner in  which  Socrates  carried  on  his  conversations,  and  in 
elevating  it  into  an  artistic  form,  perfect  in  itself,  attests 
most  clearly  how  firmly  he  took  his  stand  on  the  basis  of 
popular  life,  as  a genuine  Hellene  and  Athenian. 

Plato’s  At  the  same  time,  the  standpoint  of  Plato 

standpoint  was  [u  ap  directions  a loftier  one  than  that 

above  his 

people.  0f  pis  people  and  of  his  contemporaries.  For 
he  not  only,  like  Xenophon,  applied  the  demands  of 
Socratic  ethics  to  the  various  relations  of  life  in  which  the 
Greeks  moved,  but  he  from  the  first,  in  his  thoughts  and 
demands  passed  beyond  the  data  of  existing  relations,  nay, 
beyond  the  whole  visible  world.  For  by  his  origin 
and  destiny  man  belongs  to  an  order  of  things  which  is 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


173 


above  and  beyond  the  earth ; and  from  this  standpoint 
Plato  necessarily  finds  himself  in  manifold  opposition  to 
the  ordinary  views  of  his  people.  He  is  obliged  to  de- 
mand a renunciation  of  the  sensual,  which  renunciation 
was  utterly  repugnant  to  the  conceptions  of  the  Greeks  ; 
and  in  much  which  to  them  seemed  permitted  and  natu- 
ral, he  cannot  but  find  aberration,  and  tendencies  leading 
away  from  the  Divine.  He  extols  Eros,  but  it  is  only  a 
refined  and  pure  love  of  which  he  approves ; he  sees  in 
beauty  an  image  of  the  Divine,  but  he  reduces  the  idea 
of  the  Beautiful  to  that  of  the  Good,  and  attaches  to  the 
latter  in  all  spheres  of  life  a totally  different  conception 
and  significance.  If  the  Deity  is  pure  goodness,  it  follows 
that  the  views  as  to  the  envy  entertained  by  the  Deity 
must  be  unconditionally  rejected ; and  equally  unallowa- 
ble is  it  for  man  to  fancy  that  he  can  obtain  Its  favors 
by  sacrifices,  dedicatory  gifts,  and  other  works.  Further- 
more, if  man  desires  to  be  really  good,  he  must  renounce 
all  impure  inclinations,  he  must  not  wish  to  return  evil 
for  evil,  or  to  hate  his  enemy. 

In  these  points,  therefore,  Plato  passes  far  beyond  that 
which  was  comprehended  in  the  moral  consciousness  of 
his  nation ; herein  he  stands  like  a prophet  above  his 
times  and  his  people ; and  what  he  demands  is  not  merely 
an  amendment  of  the  existing  world  in  this  or  that  direc- 
tion, but  an  essentially  new  world.  And  in  proportion  as 
Plato  in  his  ideal  demands  rose  above  the  data  of  the  cir- 
cumstances and  principles  around  him,  it  became  impossi- 
ble to  expect  that  he  would  exercise  a transforming  influ- 
ence upon  the  great  body  of  the  people.  He  The 
was  by  his  whole  nature  far  more  aristocratic  p/a°0wers  of 
than  Socrates,  the  simple  man  of  the  people ; 
and  his  teachings  and  aims  could  only  become  the  posses- 
sion of  a circle  of  elect,  capable  of  comprehending  in  their 
general  connexion  the  doctrines  put  forth  by  their  master 
in  the  grove  of  Academus,  and  of  developing  them 


174 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


further.  It  is  true  that  Plato’s  personal  qualities  gave  to 
him  such  a pre-eminence,  that  he  could  not  fail  to  make  a 
deep  impression  upon  all  who  possessed  receptivity  for  in- 
tellectual greatness ; and  thus  we  find,  even  outside  the 
philosophers  of  the  Academy,  a number  of  noteworthy  men 
of  the  times,  such  as  Chabrias,  Phocion,  and  Timotheus, 
who  were,  for  a longer  period  or  temporarily,  subject  to  the 
influence  of  Plato  ; though  we  are  unfortunately  unable  to 
demonstrate  more  closely  the  nature  and  the  significance 
of  this  influence. 

The  best-known  among;  all  the  Athenians 

Isocrates.  © 

„ who  were  personally  connected  with  Plato,  and 
01.  lxxxvi.l;  1 J 

5r8)(B’ 0,436  w^°  maP  deluded  among  the  followers  of 
Socrates  in  the  less  restricted  sense  of  the  term, 
is  Isocrates,  a man  who  during  the  course  of  nearly  an  en- 
tire century  (436-338  b.  c.)  was  a sympathetic  witness  of 
the  experiences  of  his  native  city  from  the  most  splendid 
height  of  its  power  to  the  downfall  of  its  independence. 
As  a youth  of  much  promise,  he  was  introduced  into  the 
circle  of  Socrates,  and  aroused  the  attention  of  the  great 
student  of  men.  Pie  was  gifted  by  nature  with  a tendency 
to  the  ideal,  and  with  a receptivity  for  the  truly  good  ; 
for  this  reason,  too,  he  felt  himself  attracted  by  Socrates, 
without,  however,  any  productive  relation  of  personal  in- 
tercourse growing  up  between  them.  Isocrates  was  not 
deeply  enough  seized  by  the  impulse  towards  truth  to  be 
inwardly  transformed  by  it ; he  remained  a child  of  his 
age,  and  sought  to  labor  and  to  shine  by  his  gifts  after  a 
fashion  corresponding  to  its  tastes.  His  talents  lay  chiefly 
in  the  direction  of  form  ; and  for  this  reason  not  quiet 
inquiry,  but  the  art  of  oratory,  was  the  domain  where  he 
could  satisfy  himself.  But  since  for  the  profession  of  a 
popular  orator  he  lacked  the  necessary  confidence,  as  well 
as  sufficient  physical  strength  and  presence  of  mind,  he 
found  it  necessary  in  his  public  career  to  fall  back  upon 
written  speech  ; and  after  having  for  a time  occupied  him- 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


175 


self  with  forensic  orations,  he  recognized  his  real  calling 
in  expounding  to  the  educated  public  in  addresses 
and  writings  his  views  concerning  the  affairs  of  his  na- 
tive city  and  country.  This  he  did  as  a warm  and  honest 
patriot,  in  whose  eyes  Athens  was  the  intellectual  centre 
of  Hellas.  But  he  lamented  the  existing  condition  of  the 
city ; his  thoughts  lived  in  the  past ; he  was  full  of  enthu- 
siasm for  the  Athens  of  the  Persian  wars  and  for  the  con- 
stitution of  Clisthenes  ; and  perceived  no  other  safety  for 
Athens  except  a return  to  the  ancient  institutions.  His 
patriotism  is  not,  however,  confined  to  his  native  city ; he 
regards  as  the  greatest  of  evils  the  civil  wars,  by  which  he 
has  seen  Athens  ruined ; above  all,  he  desires  to  see  the 
Hellenes  re-united  as  a people  of  brothers ; and  inasmuch 
as  he  is  aware  of  no  other  means  towards  such  an  end  be- 
sides a common  national  war  against  Persia,  which  he  be- 
lieves now  to  have  a better  prospect  of  brilliant  success 
than  at  any  previous  time,  his  political  efforts  are  essen- 
tially directed  towards  bringing  about  such  a war ; in 
which  endeavor  his  Hellenic  patriotism  to  such  a degree 
outweighs  that  of  the  mere  Athenian,  that  he  welcomes 
any  leadership,  under  which  the  wished-for  war  may  be 
realized.  He  rests  his  hopes  upon  Archidamus,  the  heroic 
son  of  Agesilaus  (vol.  iv.  p.  481),  upon  Dionysius,  upon 
the  Thessalian  Tyrants,  and  finally  upon  king  Philip. 
Isocrates  was  not  the  kind  of  man  to  subject  questions  of 
the  policy  of  the  day  to  a keen  and  effective  discussion  in 
his  political  orations  ; there  was  nothing  fresh  or  produc- 
tive in  his  ideas,  which  invariably  moved  about  in  the 
same  tracks.  With  weakly  sentimentality  he  longs  for  the 
return  of  what  has  irrecoverably  passed  away  ; with  short- 
sighted simplicity  he  expects  outward  events  to  bring 
about  a brilliant  future,  but  he  never  summons  his  fellow- 
citizens  to  energetic  self-help,  or  excites  their  sense  of 
honor.  He  rather  desires  the  renunciation  of  all  efforts 
irreconcilable  with  his  ideal  of  a universal  peace,  and 


176 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


with  a moderation  dominating  over  all  public  relations ; 
his  views  accordingly  thoroughly  agree  with  those  of  Eu- 
bulus ; for  which  reason  in  his  oration  concerning  the  Peace 
(b.  c.  355),  he  demanded  that  all  confederates  who 
objected  to  continuing  in  the  League  should  be  allowed  to 
leave  it;  in  fact,  Athens  was  to  exhibit  a modest  self- 
restraint,  and  to  renounce  her  cravings  after  the  position 
of  a great  power.  It  is  true  that  the  same  Isocrates  was 
also  the  associate  of  Timotheus  (p.  94),  and  the  panegyrist 
of  Conon,  and  of  his  victory  achieved  in  conjunction  with 
Persia  over  Hellenes  ; but  such  contradictions  are  by  no 
means  astonishing  in  a policy  of  mere  sentiment,  not  clear- 
ly understanding  its  own  objects,  and  lost  in  the  vagueness 
of  its  own  course. 

Nor  indeed  could  it  have  been  possible,  except  in  a 
period  of  exhaustion  and  fatigued  relaxation  of  energy  in 
Attic  public  life,  that  such  a man  as  Isocrates  should  have 
gained  so  important  an  influence  upon  his  contemporaries. 
He  owed  it  in  the  first  instance  to  his  personal  character, 
the  moral  dignity  and  gentle  earnestness  of  which  must 
have  exercised  a kindly  effect  upon  those  around  him, 
such  as  the  youthful  Timotheus,  who,  being  originally  in- 
clined to  luxury,  is  said  to  have  been  led  by  the  example 
of  Isocrates  to  a well-ordered  and  serious  course  of  life. 
Again,  he  undoubtedly  possessed  eminent  gifts  as  a 
teacher,  which  enabled  him,  first  at  Chios,  and  afterwards 
at  Athens,  to  gather  around  him  a brilliant  circle  of 
young  men.  He  was  their  fatherly  friend  and  adviser ; 
he  impelled  them  to  turn  their  natural  gifts  to  a useful 
account,  partly  as  statesmen,  as  in  the  case  of  Timotheus, 
Eunomus  (vol.  iv.  p.  298)  and  others,  partly  as  men  of 
learning,  and  authors.  And  yet,  notwithstanding  all  his 
merits  and  his  fame,  which  was  spread  through  the  whole 
Hellenic  world,  he  was  not  a man  equal  to  the  highest  de- 
mands of  his  age.  He  desired  to  mediate  between  public 
life  and  philosophy  ; but  this  mediation  was  of  an  unfor- 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


177 


tunate  kind  in  either  direction.  For  statesmanship  he 
lacked  a free  eye  and  a courageous  heart,  while  true  sci- 
ence was  denied  by  him  when  he  made  it  the  handmaid 
of  practical  wTants.  He  had  opened  his  school  with  a 
programme  directed  against  the  Sophists,  and  yet  it  was 
to  their  standpoint  he  too  recurred,  when  he  set  up  an 
artistically  skilful  versatility  in  speech  and  thought  as  the 
highest  end  of  instruction.  The  applause  of  the  multi- 
tude, which  liked  that  species  of  philosophy  best  which  it 
most  readily  understood,  made  him  vaiu  and  self-con- 
ceited like  the  Sophists,  so  that  he  eagerly  denounced  all 
inquiry  of  a more  searching  sort  as  unnecessary  refining, 
and  at  the  utmost  conceded  to  it  the  value  of  serving  as  a 
preliminary  training  for  the  art  taught  by  himself.  Thus 
Isocrates,  in  life  as  in  science,  was  opposed  to  the  en- 
deavors of  the  best  among  his  contemporaries ; he 
estranged  the  young  generation  from  true  philosophy,  by 
giving  currency  under  its  name  to  a superficial  and  hollow 
rhetorical  training ; from  being  an  adherent  of  Socratic 
science  he  became  an  opponent  of  it,  and  made  it  shallow 
in  the  same  degree  in  which  Plato  deepened  it. 

The  real  services  of  Isocrates  lie  in  the  domain  of  the 
art  of  oratory.  This  was  the  art,  which  more  than  any 
other  was  intertwined  in  its  growth  with  the  natural 
genius  of  the  Athenians  and  with  their  constitution  ; and 
accordingly  every  progress  of  Attic  culture  was  at  the 
same  time  a new  step  in  the  development  of  oratory. 

Originally  oratory  was  no  artistic  acquire-  Att. 
ment,  but  a power  of  natural  growth,  without  tory- 
which  it  was  impossible  to  conceive  of  a man  of  intellec- 
tual mark  in  the  community.  In  proportion  as  the  affairs 
of  public  life  became  more  complicated,  the  demands 
rose ; a special  preparation  seemed  necessary  for  political 
and  forensic  speeches,  and  schools  were  formed,  which 
provided  theoretical  instruction  for  the  purpose.  This 

8* 


178 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VI L 


toot  place  under  the  influence  of  Sophistry,  whose  efforts 
were  in  no  department  more  in  accordance  with  the  times 
and  more  successful  than  in  that  of  rhetoric.  In  this  de- 
partment the  Sophists  labored  with  more  thoroughness 
than  elsewhere  ; and  notably  Protagoras  entered  as  a se- 
rious inquirer  into  the  subject  of  the  nature  of  language, 
in  order  to  establish  a correct  method  for  its  employment. 
Sicilian  oratory,  which  attained  to  its  highest  perfection 
through  Gorgias  (vol.  iii.  pp.  264,  265),  likewise  attached 
itself  most  closely  to  Sophistry ; for  it  too  regarded  ora- 
tory as  essentially  nothing  else  than  the  mastery  over  the 
employment  of  all  means  which  can  serve  to  produce  a 
decided  conviction  in  the  listener. 

This  new  art  met  with  the  readiest  response  at  Athens, 
where  Antiphon  (vol.  ii.  p.  569)  had  been  the  founder  of 
scientific  rhetoric.  Thus,  e.  g.  Agathon  (vol.  iv.  p.  92) 
was  entirely  under  the  influence  of  Gorgias;  the  same 
master  was  followed  by  Polus  of  Agrigentum,  Thrasyma- 
chus  of  Chalcedon,  and  Alcidamas  of  Elsea,  who  sought 
each  after  his  own  fashion  to  develop  the  art  of  Gorgias. 

Thmsvma-  Thrasymachus  in  particular  endeavored  to 
eii us.  moderate  the  poetical  bombast  in  the  peculiar 

manner  of  the  Sicilian  orator,  aud  to  approximate  it  to 
the  language  of  ordinary  conversation.  But  at  the  same 
time  he  attended  in  his  prose  diction  to  the  fall  of  the 
syllables,  rounded  off  each  sentence  into  an  artificially- 
constructed  period,  and  went  so  far  in  intentional  arti- 
ficiality, that  certain  combinations  of  feet,  especially  the 
third  Pseon  (uo — w),  play  a great  part  in  his  build  of  sen- 
tences.* 

The  art  of  This  tendency,  then,  Isocrates  likewise  fol- 
isoerates.  lowed  ; while  at  the  same  time  there  can  be 
no  doubt  but  that  he  aimed  at  a higher  goal  than  the 

* Thrasymachus  the  predecessor  of  Isocrates  in  the  rhythmical  construc- 
tion of  periods:  Aristot.  Ehet.  183;  Cic.  Orator,  c.  52;  cf.  Hermann,  de 
Tlirasymaclio,  10. 


Chap.  II.] 


179 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 

rhetors  of  the  Sicilian  school.  As  might  be  expected  from 
an  opponent  of  Sophistry,  he  desired  not  to  prove  the 
power  of  persuasion  by  applying  it  to  any  and  every  kind 
of  material,  but  only  to  concern  himself  with  select  sub- 
jects, and  only  to  bring  forward  such  ideas  as  were  worthy 
of  being  taken  to  heart ; he  refused  recognition  to  any 
art,  which  was  not  sustained  by  moral  earnestness  and 
productive  of  noble  resolves.  These  indeed  were  echoes 
of  his  Socratic  tendency  ; but  he  gradually  more  and  more 
lost  the  habit  of  giving  a deeper  moral  significance  to  his 
labors ; and  while  Plato  was  establishing  a philosophical 
foundation  for  the  essential  nature  of  true  eloquence,  and 
deducing  it  from  love,  which  is  unable  to  retain  for  itself 
the  treasure  of  knowledge  secured  by  it,  and  is  bound 
to  enable  others  also  to  enjoy  it  in  the  most  appropriate 
form, — Isocrates  on  the  other  hand  fell  back  more  and 
more  upon  a formal  system  of  technicalities,  and  devoted 
all  his  efforts  to  the  perfection  of  style.  And  in  this  di- 
rection, with  the  support  of  a quite  peculiar  natural  en- 
dowment, he  in  truth  achieved  results  of  very  great  impor- 
tance, and  novel  of  their  kind  ; for  although  he  had  been 
preceded  by  Thrasymachus  in  the  perfection  of  the  con- 
struction of  sentences,  it  was  he  who  first  contrived  with 
full  masterly  skill  to  exhibit  the  period,  which  compre- 
hends a thought  in  all  its  ramifications  with  clearness  and 
immediate  perspicuity  in  a well-ordered  frame.  He  builds 
up  his  sentences  with  the  art  of  an  architect,  who  calcu- 
lates with  precision  upon  pressure  and  counter-pressure, 
so  that  no  joint  is  missing,  while  each  is  fitted  into  its 
proper  place,  and  no  word  can  be  changed,  without  the 
effect  of  the  whole  being  impaired.  By  means  of  an 
agreeable  distribution  of  accents,  together  with  a pleasing 
copiousness  and  rhythmical  symmetry,  his  orations  create 
the  impression  of  music,  which  exercised  a great  charm 
upon  the  receptive  ear  of  the  Greeks ; whatever  disturbed 
the  evenness  of  flow,  even  the  mere  occurrence  of  a col- 


180 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


lisiou  of  vowels  in  two  words  following  upon  one  another, 
Avas  most  carefully  avoided  in  his  compositions.  They 
afforded  an  artistic  enjoyment,  while  at  the  same  time 
they  exercised  an  edifying  effect  by  the  noble  character  of 
their  contents,  and  by  means  of  their  admirable  arrange- 
ment and  logical  consistency  in  a high  degree  satisfied  the 
educated  listener.  In  this  branch  of  artistic  oratory  Iso- 
crates was  the  acknowledged  master ; but  at  the  same 
time  his  orations  betrayed  their  artificiality : they  were 
not  works  Avhich  had  freshly  sprung  from  the  mind,  but 
anxiously  elaborated  model  specimens,  Avhich  had  been 
again  and  again  subjected  to  the  file,  and  Avhich,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  prolix  amplitude  in  the  development  of 
their  ideas,  became  in  the  end  fatiguing ; the  breath  of 
the  living  word  was  no  longer  perceptible.  It  was  against 
this  point  that  the  rhetor  Alcidamas  (p-  178)  in  particu- 
lar directed  his  attacks,  which  contrasted  as  true  oratory 
with  the  literary  eloquence  of  Isocrates  the  genuinely 
original  vigor  of  a Gorgias,  who,  as  Alcidamas  said,  could 
almost  extemporaneously  find  the  right  word.  Isocrates 
was  in  point  of  fact  an  artist  in  diction,  a stylist,  and  only 
in  outward  form  an  orator. 

Practical  The  real  oratory  of  the  Athenians  connected 
oratory.  itself  closely  with  the  tasks  of  actual  life,  as 
they  offered  themselves  in  the  law-courts  and  in  the  popu- 
lar assembly.  Here  it  could  take  for  its  model  neither 
the  pomp  of  the  style  of  Gorgias,  nor  the  artistically-con- 
structed periods  of  Isocrates  ; for  the  ample  and  self-satis- 
fied manner  of  the  artistic  orators  was  not  in  its  proper 
place,  when  the  point  at  issue  Avas  to  treat  a given  case 
according  to  the  facts  at  issue,  and  in  the  short  time 
allowed  concisely  to  combine  that  Avhich  Avas  adapted  for 
determining  the  decision  of  the  civic  assembly  or  of  the 
jury.  Such  was  the  oratorical  art  of  Andocides  (vol.  iv. 
p.  275);  in  the  same  kind  the  highly-gifted  Critias  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  his  abundance  of  ideas.  But  this 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


181 


Attic  oratory  reached  its  fullest  development,  and  the 
most  abundant  evidence  of  it  remains,  in  the  works  of 
Lysias  (vol.  ii.  p.  537  ; vol.  iii.  p.  152),  who  is  likewise  by 
the  experiences  of  his  life  so  intimately  associated  with  the 
internal  and  external  history  of  Athens.  He  was  the  son 
of  Cephalus,  the  friend  of  Pericles  (vol.  ii.  p.  546),  and 
was  of  the  same  age  as  Isocrates.  After  the  death  of  his 
father  he  lived  at  Thurii,  where  he  enjoyed  the  instruction 
of  Tisias  (vol.  ii.  p.  537)  ; about  the  year  411  b.  c.  he  re- 
turned to  Athens,  where  he  resided  with  his  brother  Pole- 
marchus  as  a well-to-do  alien  under  the  protection  of  the 
state,  and  as  a loyal  adherent  of  the  constitution.  On  this 
account  they  were  persecuted  by  the  Thirty  ; Polemarchus 
was  put  to  death  ; Lysias  fled  to  Megara,  supported  from 
his  own  resources  the  liberation  of  Athens  (vol.  iv.  p.  53), 
and  as  the  avenger  of  his  brother’s  death  publicly  indicted 
Eratosthenes  (vol.  iv.  p.  152).  At  a subsequent  period  he 
again  took  part  in  public  affairs  (vol.  iv.  p.  303),  and  with 
inflexible  consistency  remained  a warm  patriot,  although, 
for  all  that  he  had  done  and  suffered  as  such,  he  was  not 
even  rewarded  by  the  civic  franchise.  But  he  now 
applied  himself  entirely  to  forensic  oratory,  which  at 
Athens  came  more  and  more  into  the  foreground,  and 
which  was  also  the  principal  subject  treated  in  the  books 
of  instruction.  Under  the  salutary  discipline  of  a practi- 
cal profession  Lysias  put  aside  whatever  had  formerly 
clung  to  him  of  artificiality  and  Sophistic  mannerism ; he 
emancipated  himself  from  all  useless  ornament,  and  wrote 
his  speeches  in  so  straightforward  and  simple  a style,  that 
they  became  perfect  models  of  the  natural  grace  of  Attic 
prose.  He  moreover  possessed  a peculiar  gift,  which  very 
probably  was  due  to  his  Sicilian  blood  (vol.  iii.  p.  248), 
viz.  the  power  of  seizing  with  admirable  force  the  charac- 
teristic points,  according  to  age  and  social  class,  in  the 
particular  personages  whose  suits  he  conducted,  and  of 
thus  making  his  speeches  dramatic  sketches  of  actual  life. 


182 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


ISiEUS. 


The  two  species  of  practical  oratory  separated  them- 
selves more  and  more  sharply  from  one  another.  As  pop- 
ular orators  the  party -leaders  Leodamas  and  Aristophon 
(p.  88),  and  above  all  Callistratus,  obtained  distinction  ; 
in  the  department  of  forensic  oratory  it  was  achieved  by 
Isssus  of  Chalcis,  who  was  possibly  induced  to 
emigrate  to  Athens  by  the  revolt  of  Euboea 
in  the  year  411  (vol.  iii.  p.  483).  At  Athens  he  devoted 
his  time  to  philosophical  studies,  and  connected  himself 
with  Plato ; but,  following  the  same  impulse  which  di- 
verted so  many  Hellenes  of  this  period  from  philosophy  to 
oratory,  he  too  became  a writer  of  speeches,  like  Lysias, 
and  in  the  same  spirit  as  he,  although  failing  to  compass 
the  graceful  charm  in  which  Lysias  causes  us  to  forget  all 
the  art  underlying  it.  On  the  other  hand  he  surpasses  Ly- 
sias in  vigor  of  thought  and  incisiveness  of  argumenta- 
tion.* 

The  history  of  oratory  leads  directly  into  the  adjoining 
domain  of  the  sciences.  For  all  the  remarkable  orators 
were  at  the  same  time  men  of  theory,  and  composed  scien- 
Tiie  litera-  manuals  for  the  disciples  of  their  art,  as 
tm'e  , was  done  by  Isocrates,  Isseus,  Thrasymachus 
and  others.  In  general  this  was  the  great 
service  rendered  by  Sophistry,  from  which  the  rhetorical 
art  had  likewise,  as  will  be  remembered,  derived  its  ori- 
gin ; that  it  gave  an  impulse  to  scientific  reflection  in  all 
departments.  And  in  proportion  as  this  tendency  averted 


* Plato’s  doctrine  concerning  oratory  in  Part  II.  of  the  Phoeclnis:  von 
Stein,  Plalonismus,  i.  106.  Polemical  efforts  of  Alcidamas  against  written  and 
epidaictic  speeches  and  praise  of  avToaxeSioL(eiv : Vahlen,  der  Rhetor  Alkidamas , 
1861,  p.  21.  The  genuineness  of  Ale.  irepl  7-009  yp.  A.  ypaijiovTiov  is 
defended  by  Sprengel  and  Vahlen.  In  any  ease  the  oration  is  composed  in 
the  spirit  of  Alcidamas.  Lysias  failed  to  receive  the  Athenian  citizenship, 
as  Thrasybulus  had  proposed : Archinus  Kara  ©pa a.  ira. pa.v6p.Mv.  Oral.  Ait  ed. 
Did.  ii.  249  ; cf.  Perd.  Schultz,  Demosth.,  I860,  p.  13. — Isseus,  ’AOrjratos  to  yeVos, 
was  a native  of  Chalcis ; hence  according  to  Sehomann  (and  Meier)  one  of 
the  cleruchi  in  Chalcis.  Contra  Liebmann  de  vita  Iscei,  p.  3.  The  hypothesis 
of  Sehomann  seems,  however,  to  be  the  simplest  and  the  most  acceptable. 


Culp.  II,] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


183 


itself  from  speculative  philosophy  it  turned  its  attention  to 
political  and  historical  subjects,  and  in  these  produced  a 
literary  activity  of  a very  mobile  and  varied  character. 

Literary  intercourse  had  already  during  the  Peloponne- 
sian War  (vol.  iv.  p.  96)  come  to  flourish  very  vigorously. 
There  existed  a distinct  class  of  writers  and  booksellers, 
who  supplied  the  Attic  book-market  with  cheap  wares  ; 
the  works  of  Anaxagoras,  e.  g.,  were  to  be  bought  at 
Athens  for  a drachm.  Moreover,  a lively  trade  in  books 
was  carried  on  beyond  the  seas  into  the  colonies  ; and 
Hermodorus,  the  son  of  Plato,  circulated  the  Dialogues  of 
his  master,  while  the  latter  was  yet  living.  The  rapidity 
and  facility  in  the  spread  of  writings  are  best  seen  from 
the  fact,  that  this  method  was  employed  for  working  upon 
the  public  in  the  interest  of  a party.  Such  party-publica- 
tions appeared  already  during  the  great  war ; they  were 
either  outpourings  of  vehement  passion,  such  as  the  so- 
called  ‘Invectives’  of  Antiphon,  or  programmes  in  brief  of 
particular  parties,  which  were  published  in  order  to  create 
an  effect,  and  to  seek  sympathizers  even  in  wider  and  more 
distant  circles.  A pamphlet  of  this  description  was  the 
address  of  Andocides  ‘ to  his  political  friends’  which  dates 
from  the  crisis  of  Attic  party-life  after  420  b.  c.  Of  a 
cognate  kind  are  the  memoranda  preserved  under  the 
name  of  Xenophon,  the  essay  on  the  Athenian  Polity  (vol. 
iv.  p.  21)  and  that  on  the  Revenues.  The  last-named  be- 
longs to  the  times  of  Eubulus  ; it  recommends  an  adminis- 
tration of  the  state  which  carefully  turns  to  account  all 
the  resources  of  the  country,  and  under  the  protection  of  a 
happy  peace  fosters  commerce,  handicrafts,  and  art. 
These  are  the  same  views  as  those  upon  which  is  based  the 
oration  of  Isocrates  concerning  the  Peace.  The  influence 
exercised  by  Isocrates  himself  rests  upon  the  significance 
which  the  exchange  of  ideas  in  writing  had  gained  in  his 
age  ; his  orations  and  letters  were  pamphlets  on  the  events 
of  the  times.  In  the  same  way  Thrasymachus  put  forth 


184 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


his  oration  for  the  Larisceans,  as  it  would  appear,  in  an 
anti-Macedonian  sense.  Alcidamas,  again,  treated  politi- 
cal questions  of  the  day,  notably  in  his  Messenian  Oration, 
in  which  he  supported  with  his  authority  the  recognition 
of  Messenia,  the  work  of  Thebes,  whose  statesmen  he  was 
able  thoroughly  to  appreciate.  In  this  instance  we  there- 
fore have  a written  oration  and  counter-oration,  in  other 
words  a literary  controversy.  For  at  the  same  time  Iso- 
crates published  his  Archidamus,  in  which  he  calls  upon 
the  Spartans  steadfastly  to  refuse  the  recognition  of  Mes- 
senia.* 

To  such  a degree  the  literature  of  the  political  pamph- 
let at  that  time  flourished.  But  the  writers  did  not  con- 
fine themselves  to  the  events  and  questions  of  the  day 
which  admitted  of  being  treated  in  flying  sheets ; after 
rhetoric  had  once  applied  itself  to  historical  subjects,  the 
attempt  could  not  but  be  made,  to  prove  the  art  of  com- 
position also  in  greater  efforts  of  the  same  kind. 

Rhetoric  The  combination  of  rhetoric  and  history  was 
and  history.  no  new  idea.  F or  inasmuch  as  by  the  labors 
of  the  rhetoricians  Attic  speech  had  been  first  prepared 
and  trained  for  all  higher  demands,  how  could  those  who 
set  themselves  the  arduous  task  of  depicting  human  life  in 
the  State  and  in  society,  remain  strangers  to  this  progress 
on  the  part  of  the  exercise  of  language  and  thought  ? Thus 
already  Thucydides  learnt  something  from  Antiphon  and 

Xenophon  ^ie  Sophists.  Thus  Xenophon  again  is  as  a 
historian  under  the  influence  of  rhetoric ; to 
the  greatest  extent,  it  is  true,  in  the  work  in  -which  he  is 
least  of  a historic  writer,  viz.  in  the  Cyropccdia.  It  is  the 


* Aoyounv  ‘Ep/xoSwpos  e/x7ropeueTai.  Cic.  ad  Att.  xiii.  20. — Antiphon’s  AoiSopCai: 
Sauppe,  ad  Fragm.  Or.  Att.  144. — Androcides,  iu  tu  np'os  rou?  eratpovs:  Kireh- 
hoff,  Hermes , i.  5. — ‘Xenophon,’  nepl  npoaobiov,  composed  after  01.  cvi.  2 
(Bergk,  Griech.  Lilt.  393;  Oncken,  Isocr.  und  Alcid.  96,  where  the  agreement 
with  Isocr.  Symm.  is  demonstrated).  Thrasym.  vnep  Aapuratov  (’ApxeAaw 
6ov\evaop.€v  vE\\rjve<:  6 rreg  fiapfidpcp ;)  Fragm.  Or.  ii.  245.  Alcid.  Aoyos  Meararjvi.- 
olko p.  316;  cf.  Schafer,  i.  100,  4;  Vahlen,  5. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


185 


most  fully  elaborated  of  his  writings,  but  its  weakness  is 
the  inner  untruth,  that  under  the  image  of  Cyrus  and  of 
the  Persian  monarchy  certain  ideal  conceptions  of  state- 
government  and  of  phases  of  national  life  are  put  forward. 
Xenophon  deserves  most  respect,  where  he  with  simple 
fidelity  relates  his  actual  experiences,  whether  out  of  his 
own  military  life  or  out  of  the  life  of  Socrates.  But  in 
undertaking  to  continue  Thucydides,  he  assumed  a task 
far  beyond  his  powers.  At  the  beginning  of  the  work  the 
influence  of  his  predecessor  is  still  observable,  as  sustain- 
ing him  ; but  this  only  makes  it  the  more  apparent,  in  the 
course  of  his  Hellenic  History,  how  he  lacks  independence 
of  judgment,  freedom  of  view,  and  intellectual  force. 

Through  Isocrates  an  entirely  new  combination  was  es- 
tablished between  rhetoric  and  history.  It  is  true  that 
in  this  department  also  he  had  little  interest  for  serious  re- 
search ; but  he  at  the  same  time  recognized  the  necessity 
of  not  merely  fatiguing  his  pupils  with  stylistic  exercises, 
but  also  directing  their  attention  to  subjects  which  might 
interest  them  by  their  facts.  For  his  art,  we  remember, 
was  to  be  the  centre  and  flower  of  all  superior  culture,  and 
it  in  any  cases  stood  incomparably  nearer  to  the  task  of  the 
historian  than  did  the  forensic  rhetoric  of  Antiphon  aud 
the  Sophists.  Nor  could  the  frequent  recurrence  to  his- 
tory fail  to  lead  to  an  endeavor  to  apply  a connected 
treatment  to  history  itself,  in  particular  to  that  of  the  stu- 
dent’s own  city,  out  of  whose  past  so  many  edifying  exam- 
ples were  held  up  to  contemporary  eyes  ; and  it  was  a 
triumph  for  the  rhetorical  art,  to  succeed  in  discovering 
a pleasing  side  even  in  the  least  flexible  and  driest  sub- 
jects, and  in  rendering  large  masses  of  materials  perspicu- 
ous by  means  of  methodical  arrangement.  Thus  UUf,  areh_ 
there  arose  out  of  the  history  and  archseo-  tBOl?sy,  ?nd 
logy  of  Athens  a special  department  of  learned  t01T- 
literature,  in  which  a pupil  of  Isocrates,  An-  Androtion. 
drotion,  distinguished  himself.  At  an  advanced  age  he 


186 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


withdrew  from  the  busy  life  of  an  orator  and  states- 
man, and  at  Megara  wrote  his  Atthis,  in  which  he 
pursued  the  history  of  Athens  from  its  first  beginnings 
down  to  his  own  times,  paying  special  attention  to  the 
constitution.  Contemporaneously  Pharodemus  composed 
an  Atthis ; and  even  before  these  two,  such  a work  was 
written  by  Clidemus,  who  had  lived  early  enough  to  be  a 
witness  of  the  Sicilian  Expedition,  and  who  was  accounted 
the  founder  proper  of  the  literature  of  Atthides.  But  the 
historical  studies  which  had  their  origin  in  the  rhetorical 
school  extended  far  beyond  the  range  of  Athens  ; and  Iso- 
crates as  a teacher  rendered  no  service  greater  than  that 
of  inciting  two  of  his  most  gifted  pupils,  Theopompus  and 
Ephorus,  to  labor  in  the  field  of  universal  history.* 

Theopom-  Theopompus  of  Chios  was  a man  of  a fiery 
pus.  and  ambitious  mind.  He  accordingly  devoted 

himself  with  full  ardor  to  oratory,  in  which  he  attained  to 
such  mastery,  that  at  the  celebration  of  the  obsequies  of 
Mausollus  (01.  cvii.  1 ; B.  c.  355)  he  gained  the  prize  in 
panegyrical  eloquence.  It  is  consequently  all  the  more 
deserving  of  acknowledgment,  that  by  the  advice  of  his 
teacher,  who  probably  considered  a serious  and  connected 
system  of  work  specially  desirable  for  the  unquiet  spirit 
of  Theopompus,  the  latter  devoted  himself  entirely  to 
science,  and  spent  his  means  upon  travelling  through  the 
wildest  variety  of  countries,  becoming  acquainted  with  the 
most  remarkable  persons,  and  acquiring  a clear  judgment 
concerning  both  the  past  and  the  present.  He  wrote 
Greek  history  down  to  the  battle  of  Cnidus,  at  which  point 
he  broke  off  and  commenced  a new  and  historical  work, 
because  he  had  meanwhile  reached  a new  standpoint. 
This  new  work  he  called  Philippics,  because  he  was  arriv- 


* Androtion:  Suidas  ; Zosimus,  Idfe  of  Isocrates,  257,  Westermann;  Plut.  de 
exilio,  605 ; Schafer,  i.  351.  KAei'&jiaos,  according  to  Pausanias  the  earliest 
writer  of  an  Atthis,  survived  to  the  times  of  Demosthenes.  Cf.  Boeckh, 
Seewesen,  182. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


187 


ing  at  the  conviction,  that  the  age  of  petty  states  had 
passed  away,  and  that  the  king  of  Macedonia  would 
henceforth  be  the  centre  of  Hellenic  history  itself.  After 
the  manner  of  Herodotus,  to  whom  he  felt  akin  as  an  Io- 
nian and  to  whom  he  had  dedicated  his  earliest  writings,  he 
arranged  his  work  like  a great  picture  of  the  world,  with 
numerous  retrospects  of  earlier  affairs  and  with  constant 
attention  to  political  and  social  institutions.  Thus  he 
placed  side  by  side  the  various  democracies,  compared 
with  one  another  the  civic  communities  of  Tarentum  and 
of  Athens,  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter,  and  in  a 
special  section  gave  a review  of  the  Attic  popular  orators, 
among  whom  he  blamed  Callistratus  for  his  luxuriousness, 
but  judged  Eubulus  yet  far  more  severely  as  leader  of  the 
state.  The  wide  range  of  his  view,  which  -was  that  of  a 
historian  of  civilization,  further  shows  itself  in  the  fact, 
that  he  did  not  neglect  the  territorial  products  and  works 
of  art  of  remoter  lands,  and  was  the  first  to  direct  the  at- 
tention of  the  Hellenes  across  the  seas  as  far  as  the  Ro- 
man world.  Everywhere  he  displayed  a serious  love  of 
truth,  as  well  as  an  absolute  independence  of  judgment ; 
and  by  means  of  the  impartial  rigor  with  which  he  casti- 
gated the  faults  of  kings  and  of  demagogues  alike,  and 
judged  all  the  corruptions  of  the  times,  gave  to  his  narra- 
tive an  ethical  character  in  the  spirit  of  Isocrates.  In  his 
style  too  he  shared  the  clearness  and  dignity  of  his 
teacher,  whom  he  followed  in  trivial  points,  such  as  the 
avoidance  of  the  Hiatus;  but  in  those  parts  of  his  works 
which  were  fuller  of  movement  he  exhibited  a superiority 
in  vigor  and  pathos.* 

Ephorus  of  Cyme  was  not  so  brilliantly  en-  ^ , 

J Ephorus. 

dowed  by  nature ; he  had  a good  share  of 

iEolic  phlegm  ; but  his  power  of  endurance  and  his  quali- 

* As  contributions  to  a just  appreciation  of  Theopompus,  cf.  Boeekh, 
PM.  Ec.  of  Ath.,  vol.  i.  p.  390  [E.  Tr.] ; Mure,  Grit.  Bist.  y.  520.  Erroneous 
judgment  of  Polybius,  viii.  13. 


188 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


fications  for  learned  research  were  proportionately  greater. 
He  diligently  followed  up  the  most  ancient  popular  tradi- 
tions and  the  documents,  and  with  unwearying  applica- 
tion completed  a work,  such  as  few  men  before  him  had 
designed,  a universal  history  of  the  Greek  nation,  which 
he  continued  through  a period  of  more  than  seven  centu- 
ries. He  was  an  adept  at  methodically  commanding  his 
materials,  contrived,  at  all  events  in  their  main  bodies,  to 
separate  legend  and  history,  and  was  the  first  to  establish 
as  the  commencement  of  the  latter  the  Dorian  migration  ; 
he  knew  how  to  develop  with  a delicate  perception  the 
geographical  configuration  of  the  different  countries,  and 
inquired  with  special  zeal  into  the  foundation  of  cities  be- 
yond the  seas.  At  the  same  time  he  was  elevated  above 
the  party-divisions  which  broke  up  the  Greek  nation  ; he 
was  able  to  do  full  justice  to  the  greatness  of  Thebes,  and 
his  civic  patriotism  was  extremely  harmless,  inasmuch  as 
it  only  seduced  him,  when  in  the  course  of  all  too  many 
pages  there  had  been  no  opportunity  for  speaking  of  his 
native  city,  into  allowing  himself  the  gratification  of  at  all 
events  inserting  the  words : ‘ About  this  time  the  Cy- 
mseans  remained  quiet.’* 

ctesias  While  Theopompus  and  Ephorus  were  en- 

tPersian  larging  the  knowledge  of  national  history  and 

History.)  deepening  it,  Ctesias  of  Cnidus,  who  sojourned 
from  415  to  398  b.  c.  as  royal  body-physician  at  the  Per- 
sian court  and  also  took  part  in  affairs  of  state  (vol.  iv.  p. 
220),  founded  a science  of  oriental  history.  He  was  the 
first  Greek  to  whom  the  archives  of  the  Persian  empire 
were  opened  ; but  the  gains  derived  from  them  by  him 
failed  to  correspond  to  the  demands  of  serious  science. 
He  lacked  a sincere  love  of  truth  ; his  vanity  made  him 
desire  to  produce  at  once  a work  of  grandeur  and  com- 
pleteness, but  in  the  attempt  he  permitted  himself  the 

* Ephorus : Mure,  »,  s.  539 ; Niebuhr,  Lectures  on  Anc.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  240 
[E.  Tr.J. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


189 


most  arbitrary  proceedings ; even  in  the  points  having  ref- 
erence to  Perso-Greek  history,  which  there  was  no  reason 
for  his  not  knowing  accurately,  he  proved  himself  utterly 
untrustworthy ; and  in  those  departments  of  his  work, 
where  no  watch  could  be  kept  over  him,  notably  in  Assy- 
rian and  Indian  archaeology,  he  constructed  a thoroughly 
mendacious  system  of  figures  and  facts,  whereby  he  crimi- 
nally deluded  his  contemporaries  and  subsequent  genera- 
tions down  to  the  most  recent  times.  This  was  the  wrong 
path,  to  which  the  Sophistic  culture  of  the  age  conducted, 
which  had  no  respect  for  facts  and  sought  in  a frivolous 
fashion  to  satisfy  the  craving  for  knowledge  which  had 
been  excited  in  every  direction.* 

The  great  desire  which  in  these  times  pre-  History 
vailed  for  an  encyclopaedic  knowledge  is  like-  |,^lolo 
wise  evident  from  the  attempts  made  to  found 
a learned  philology.  It  no  longer  sufficed  to  be  simply 
acquainted  with  the  classics,  and  to  be  able  to  recite  their 
works  in  the  manner  of  an  educated  man.  The  Sophists 
took  well-known  passages  from  the  poets  as  the  starting- 
points  of  their  conversations,  examined  them  in  form  and 
meaning,  and  this  moreover  frequently  only  in  order  to 
assert  their  own  superior  standpoint,  and  to  demonstrate  a 
false  use  of  words  or  want  of  correct  judgment  in  the  an- 
cient masters.  But  more  serious  studies  were  also  pur- 
sued ; and  in  particular  a special  class  of  scholars  arose, 
w7ho  made  the  exegesis  of  Homer  their  regular  calling. 
Thasos  and  Lampsacus  were  the  localities  where  these 
studies  flourished.  Thasos  was  the  birthplace  of  Hippias, 
who  endeavoured  to  set  forth  a thoroughly  emendated  text 
of  the  poet,  and  of  Stesimbrotus,  who  lived  chiefly  at 
Athens  (vol.  ii.  p.  557),  and  who,  together  with  the  Lamp- 
sacene  Metrodorus,  was  in  the  times  of  Plato  accounted 
the  ablest  commentator  on  the  epos.  J>ut  exegesis  already 


* Ctesias  makes  use  of  the  Su/>0epa t fiaaikucal.  Diod.  ii.  32. 


190 


History  of  Greece. 


iBook.  VII. 


at  an  early  date  went  astray,  allegorical  interpretations 
being  applied  and  a physical  meaning  put  into  the  epic 
myths.  In  this  department  too  Ephorus  exhibited  greater 
sobriety,  who  compiled  the  local  traditions  concerning 
Homer,  and  became  the  real  authority  for  the  view,  that 
the  poet  was  born  at  Smyrna  of  Cymsean  parents.* 

Progress  of  Among  the  physical  sciences,  medicine  in 
Medicine,  particular  entered  into  the  most  intimate  rela- 
tions with  general  culture.  For  after  medicine  bad 
formerly  been  cultivated  in  the  priestly  schools  of  the 
Asclepiadse,  and  had  remained  a technical  craft  based 
upon  hereditary  experience,  a connexion  was  at  a later 
date  established  between  it  and  the  gymnastic  art.  It 
was  sought  to  fix  the  rules  of  a scientific  promotion  of 
health  ; inquiry  was  made  into  the  influence  of  the  vari- 
ous nutriments  and  ways  of  life ; and  thus  a new  art  was 
created,  which  had  reference,  not  to  the  treatment  of  par- 
ticular diseases,  but  rather  to  the  invigoration  and  pre- 
servation of  the  human  organism  as  a whole.  The  real 
founder  of  the  school  was  Herodicus  of  Selymbria,  whose 
reforms  belong  to  the  period  before  Plato.  According  to 
his  system  researches  were  carried  on  at  Athens  by  Acu- 
menus  and  his  son  Eryximachus,  who  belonged  to  the  most 
intimate  circle  of  the  associates  of  Socrates,  and  were  very 
well  known  to  the  Athenians  by  their  precepts  as  to 
appropriate  exercise  in  the  open  air  and  similar  subjects. 
This  side  of  medicine,  which  had  been  set  in  motion  by 
Hippo-  Sophists,  was  connected  with  the  earlier 

crates.  mode  of  practice  by  Hippocrates,  the  Ascle- 
piade  of  Cos  (vol.  iii.  p.  69).  He  was  possessed  of  the 
ancient  family  tradition,  and  diligently  collected  what  in- 
formation was  to  be  gained  from  the  inscriptions  on  the 
votive  tablets  placed  in  the  sanctuaries  of  Asclepius  by 
those  who  had  recovered  from  illness  .concerning  the  pro- 


* Homeric  philology : Sengebusch,  Homer.  Diss,  i.  205.  Metrodorus  : Plat. 
Ion,  530  o. ; Diog.  Laiirt.  ii.  11. 


Ciiap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


191 


cess  of  their  cures  ; but^  he  emancipated  the  medical  art 
from  the  sphere  of  the  institutions  of  the  temples  ; and  by 
means  of  travels  acquired  a new  and  wide  range  of  obser- 
vations and  experiences.  He  became  a pupil  of  Herodi- 
cus,  of  Gorgias,  of  Democritus  of  Abdera ; and  it  was  he 
who  hereupon  first  founded  a science  of  medicine,  which 
stood  fully  on  the  level  of  the  scientific  life  of  the  nation, 
and  indeed  in  some  respects  passed  beyond  it.  For  he 
succeeded,  more  than  any  other  man,  in  uniting  the 
salutary  impulses  which  proceeded  from  Sophistry,  in 
order  to  introduce  methodical  reflection  into  every  depart- 
ment of  life,  to  the  most  conscientious  inquiry  into  facts 
and  to  the  purest  love  of  truth.  In  his  writings  concern- 
ing diseases  and  remedies,  as  well  as  in  his  researches 
concerning  the  human  organism  and  the  influence  of 
climate,  atmosphere,  winds,  &c.,  he  proved  himself  a true 
philosopher,  a predecessor  of  Aristotle;  for  instead  of  ad- 
hering to  a dry  empiricism,  he  sought  for  laws.  He 
combined  the  progress  of  the  new  age  with  the  good  ele- 
ments of  the  old,  inasmuch  as  he  understood  how 
thoroughly  to  view  his  calling  on  its  moral  side,  and 
established  the  virtues  of  reverence  for  the  gods,  unsel- 
fishness, discretion  and  love  of  his  neighbor,  as  the  first 
requisites  in  the  Hellenic  physician.  Finally  he’  also 
knew  how  to  preserve  to  his  calling  the  character  of  a 
liberal  art ; for  while  among  the  Egyptians  there  existed 
medical  systems  legally  authorized,  to  which  every  prac- 
tising physician  had  unconditionally  to  submit,  the  art  of 
Hippocrates  was  one  which  was  independent  of  the  letter, 
and  in  the  practice  of  which  no  man  was  to  be  responsible 
to  any  authority  but  his  own  conscience. 

Thus  many  men  of  real  intellectual  ability  ^ , 

J J Eudoxus 

among  the  younger  generation  of  physicians  of  Cnidus, 
likewise  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Hippo-  evi.‘2\B.'c.’ 
crates,  giving  diligent  attention  to  philosophy  40v", 
and  satisfying  their  desire  for  knowledge  in  distant  travel. 


192 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Among  these  Eudoxus  journeyed  in  the  company  of  the 
Cnidian  physician  Chrysippus,  who  was  at  the  same  time 
his  pupil  in  philosophy,  to  Egypt,  and  in  that  of  the  phy- 
sician Theomedon  to  Athens.  Eudoxus  himself  is  among 
all  the  contemporaries  of  Plato  the  personage,  in  whom 
the  many-sidedness  of  the  culture  of  the  age  mirrors  itself 
most  distinctly ; he  was  a mathematician,  an  astronomer 
and  a physician,  a philosopher,  a politician  and  a geogra- 
pher ; in  him  were  combined  the  sciences  of  the  Ease  and 
of  the  West,  and  the  Hellenic  culture,  as  it  had  matured 
itself  in  Asia,  at  Athens,  and  in  Italy.  Born  and  trained 
at  Cnidus,  he  journeyed  in  the  twenty -fourth  year  of  his  age 
to  Athens,  then  among  the  Egyptians,  of  whose  astronomi- 
cal science  he  availed  himself  to  give  a superior  perfection 
to  the  odaeteris  of  Cleostratus  (vol.  ii.  p.  562),  and  finally 
in  Magna  Grsecia,  where  he  studied  geometry  under 
Archytas  and  medicine  under  the  Locrian  Philistion.  Af- 
ter these  years  of  travel,  in  themselves  rich  in  scientific 
results,  he  founded  at  Cyzicus  a school,  which  stood  at  its 
full  height  about  the  year  368.  Hereupon  he  came  with 
many  of  his  pupils  to  Athens,  and  there  formed  a union 
of  friendship  with  Plato,  so  that  he  also  followed  the  latter 
to  Syracuse,  when  he  repaired  to  the  court  of  Dionysius 
the  younger,  where  for  a short  time  the  Platonic  circle 
was  assembled.  This  was  about  the  time  of  the  battle  of 
Mantinea.  Two  years  after  this  we  find  Eudoxus  in  his 
native  city  of  Cnidus,  where,  as  the  man  in  whom  his  fel- 
low-citizens reposed  their  confidence,  he  regulated  their 
constitution ; he  also  visited  the  court  of  Maussollus  ; and 
finally  at  the  age  of  fifty-three  closed  a life  full  of  interest 
and  usefulness,  leaving  traces  of  his  labors  behind  him  in 
the  most  various  fields  of  science,  and  notably  in  geometry 
and  astronomy.  For  whereas  his  predecessors  had  only 
directed  their  observations  to  the  rising  and  setting  of  stars 
important  for  the  practical  wants  of  the  mariner  and  the 
husbandman,  or  had  like  the  Ionic  and  Pythagorean  philo- 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


193 


so  pliers  set  up  vague  theories  concerning  the  heavenly  bo- 
dies, Eudoxus,  agreeing  on  this  head  with  Plato,  founded 
the  first  astronomy  worthy  of  the  name  upon  the  basis  of 
mathematical  researches, — an  astronomy  which  even  with 
the  meagre  means  at  its  disposal  addressed  itself  to  com- 
prehending the  movements  of  the  planets.  And  to  the 
Athenians  he  rendered  a special  service,  by  regulating 
their  civil  year,  and  materially  improving  the  Attic  calen- 
dar* through  the  introduction  of  the  rising  of  Sirius  as  its 
chief  epoch,  without  at  the  same  time  destroying  its  tradi- 
tional and  popular  system.* 

When  so  wide-spread  an  activity  prevailed  Th  . 
in  all  the  departments  of  philosophy,  of  rhet-  dialect  the 
oric,  of  history  and  of  natural  science,  lan-  Greek  cui-_ 

J m \ tare  and  sci- 

guage  could  of  course  not  fail  to  receive  a enee- 
many-sided  development.  With  the  exception  of  Hippo- 
crates, all  the  authors  wrote  in  the  Attic  dialect ; it  be- 
came the  organ  of  Greek  science,  the  general  means  of 
communication  among  all  educated  men.  That  very  lan- 
guage, which  to  Thucydides  was  still  so  brittle  a material, 
which  he  could  only  with  much  labor  force  to  lend  itself 
to  his  ideas,  had  now  become  so  flexible,  as  to  admit  of 
being  poured  like  a liquid  metal  into  any  mould.  In  it 
moves  the  style  of  Gorgias  with  all  its  pomp  ; itr  bends  to 
the  smooth  periods  constructed  by  Isocrates  ; under  the 


* Herodicus  of  Selymbria,  in  the  period  before  the  Peloponnesian  war, 
discoverer  of  a methodical  system  of  dialectics : cf.  Sprengel,  Gesch.  der 
Armeikunde,  by  Rosenbaum,  i.  307.  Aeumenus  and  Eryximaehus  (nepinaTOL 
Kara.  T0t>5  oSous) : Plat.  Pfuedr.  268  ; Sympos.  176 ; Protag.  315.— Hippocrates  in 
connexion  with  Herodicus,  Gorgias,  Democritus  : Sprengel,  330.  The  libe- 
ral artot  Hippocrates  as  contrasted  with  the  iarpeveLv  Kara  ypdp.fj.aTa,  Aristot. 
Polit.  87,  8.  Medicine  and  philosophy : Boeckh,  Sonnenkreise,  142,  149.  Trav- 
els of  Eudoxus:  ib.  110.  seq. — Cleostratus,  according  to  Censorinus  (p.  37, 
Hultsch)  the  inventor,  certainly  one  of  the  first  elaborators,  of  the  Octeeleris ; 
cf.  E.  Muller  s.  v.  1 Annus,'  in  Pau ly,  Bealencyclopadie,  i.2,  1005,  seq. — Eudoxus 
gave  to  the  octaeteris  the  form  of  a period  of  160  years.  Morning-rising  of 
Sirius,  July  23d.  Inasmuch  as  Eudoxus  retained  the  old  vavp-gviai,  his 
epoch-year  is  probably  one  in  which  the  new  moon  after  the  longest  day 
occurred  somewhere  near  that  date,  i.  e.  the  year  381  or  373  b.  c. 

9 


194 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


artist-hand  of  Plato  it  reflects  the  perfect  charm  of  culti- 
vated conversation  ; it  becomes  the  expression  of  histo- 
rical exposition,  both  in  the  simple  manner  of  Xenophon 
and  in  the  more  highly  colored  rhetorical  style  of  Theo- 
pompus  ; finally,  in  the  orations  of  Lysias  and  Isseus  it 
combines  the  utmost  skilfulness  both  of  narrative  and  of 
contending  argumentation  -with  simplicity  of  expression 
and  terse  brevity.  It  is  thus  that  in  these  very  decades, 
when  the  ancient  State  of  the  Athenians  was  perishing 
and  when  their  poetic  art  was  slowly  fading  away,  Attic 
prose  developed  itself  with  youthful  vigor,  and  reached 
that  perfection  in  which  it  served  Demosthenes  for  com- 
municating to  the  state  itself  a new  elevation. 


Poet  at  Por  art  the  age  was  not  favorable.  Poetry, 
Athens.  as  ft  had  flourished  at  Athens,  presumes  a 
healthy  condition  of  public  life,  a happy  and  secure  posi- 
tion as  belonging  to  the  State.  It  could  not  prosper,  if 
men  felt  unsatisfied  with  that  which  had  been  handed 
down  to  them,  and  were  morally  and  mentally  in  an  un- 
settled condition.  The  dominant  tendency  towards  the 
cultivation  of  the  reasoning  powers  and  towards  the  ex- 
tension of  knowledge  drove  into  the  background  the  en- 
joyment of  poetry,  and  in  it  the  deepest  requirements  of 
all  more  generous  natures  found  no  satisfaction.  It  was 
not  agreeable  entertainment  nor  the  idle  play  of  fancy 
which  they  desired ; the  mythology  in  which  the  poets 
lived  was  repugnant  to  them ; they  sought  after  a truth 
which  the  popular  region  was  unable  to  offer  to  them, 
after  pledges  of  an  inner  happiness,  capable  of  outlasting 
the  decay  of  the  states,  after  eternal  possessions,  the  acqui- 
sition of  which  might  improve  and  heal  the  individual  as 
well  as  society.  F or  this  reason  the  greatest  poetic  genius 
of  the  age  devoted  himself  entirely  to  philosophy ; and 
again  Isocrates  has  esteem  to  spare  for  the  poets,  only  in 
so  far  as  useful  and  edifying  maxims  of  morality  are  to  be 


. Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


195 


found  in  their  works.  The  rest  was  considered  dangerous. 
How  great  was  the  revulsion  in  the  relations  of  men  of 
culture  to  poetry,  and  what  contradictions  pervaded  the 
consciousness  of  the  people,  when  even  sayings  of  iEschy- 
lus  were  deemed  so  immoral,  that  it  was  thought  necessary 
to  keep  them  away  from  the  ear  of  youth  ! Such  e.  g.  was 
Plato’s  judgment  concerning  the  maxim  of  the  poet : ‘ The 
occasion  is  provided  by  the  Deity  itself,  when  It  designed 
utterly  to  ruin  a race.’ 

And  yet  there  was  not  wanting  in  the  people  Epofj 
a lively  sympathy  for  the  treasures  of  ancient 
poetry.  The  rhapsodes  were  to  be  seen,  in  the  solemn 
vesture  of  their  long  robes,  reciting  in  the  midst  of 
devout  circles  of  hearers  in  the  public  places  the  Home- 
ric poems.  The  art  of  recitation  flourished  greatly ; and 
with  this  art  were  also  combined  performances  based  upon 
the  power  of  memory.  It  was  a much-admired  accom- 
plishment for  a man  to  know  by  heart  the  entire  Iliad  and 
Odyssey,  and  to  be  ready  to  fall  in  at  any  point  of  the  de- 
clamation. Youths  of  noble  houses  too,  such  as  Nicera- 
tus,  the  son  of  Nicias,  we  find  skilled  in  these  arts,  and 
constantly  in  the  company  of  the  rhapsodes.  But  in  gene- 
ral the  esteem  in  which  these  persons  were  held  was  on 
the  decrease,  and  although  individuals  among  them  ap- 
peared in  public  much  to  their  own  satisfaction  as  late  as 
the  time  of  Plato,  as  e.  g.  Ion  of  Ephesus,  yet  men  grew 
tired  of  their  hollow  pathos,  and  looked  down  with  con- 
tempt upon  the  wandering  mountebanks.  Of  new  crea- 
tions in  the  department  of  the  epos  the  Perseis  of  Choeri- 
lus  (vol.  iv.  p.  166)  alone,  already  on  account  of  its  sub- 
ject, met  with  recognition  at  Athens.*  Drama 

In  the  drama  there  was  great  liveliness  of 


* Plato  v.  Republ.  380;  cf.  Stark,  Niobe,  38,  92.  Power  of  memory  (cf.  G. 
Curtius  on  the  aytov  viroj3o\rj<;  in  Berichte  der  Sachs  Ges.  der  Wissensch.  1866,  p. 
153)  in  the  instance  of  Niceratus  : Xen.  Symp.  4;  cf.  Cobet,  Prosop.  Xen.  70, 
Concerning  the  rhapsodes,  cf.  Plato’s  Ion. 


196 


Histonj  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


movement.  In  this  department,  as  is  so  often  the  case  in 
periods  of  an  aftergrowth,  it  became  fashionable  for  the 
young  men,  who  could  not  accommodate  their  tastes  to 
more  serious  studies,  to  try  their  powers  as  poets.  Plato 
himself  is  said,  after  having  burnt  his  juvenile  epics, 
to  have  had  a dramatic  tetralogy  read  for  acting,  when  he 
found  himself  awakened  to  higher  efforts  by  Socrates,  and 
hereupon  devoted  this  product  of  his  poetic  dilettantism 
with  equal  pitilessness  to  destruction.  Other  men  of  the  time 
exhibited  less  severity  against  themselves,  and  in  particu- 
lar in  the  Attic  poet  families  (vol.  iv.  p.  89),  there  was  no 
lack  of  writers  of  talent,  who  supplied  the  stage  with  new 
plays.  But  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  furnish  creations 
of  their  own  of  original  value  and  of  really  important  con- 
tents ; the  esteem  in  which  the  tragic  poets  were  held  de- 
creased, while  in  some  measure  the  actors  were  more  high- 
ly valued,  and  pre-eminently  secured  to  themselves  the  in- 
terest of  the  public.  Their  art  freed  itself  from  its  depen- 
dence upon  the  poets ; they  formed  a distinct  class,  which 
possessed  its  own  institutions  and  held  its  own  meetings. 
They  associated  themselves  with  one  another  in  special 
groups,  which  were  wont  to  appear  on  the  stage  in  the 
same  plays,  with  the  protagonist  at  their  head,  and  the 
performers  of  the  second  and  third  parts  subordinated  to 
him.  Those  among  them  who  had  secured  public  favor 
held  a very  brilliant  position  ; they  received  high  pay 
out  of  the  public  treasury,  obtained  large  fees  on  their  tra- 
vels, said  to  have  arisen  as  high  as  a talent  (243£  15s.) 
for  single  performances,  and  were  moreover  distinguished 
by  prizes  of  victory.  Actors  of  proved  merit  took  the 
place  of  the  poets  in  the  conducting  of  performances,  and 
were  left  free  by  the  authorities  as  to  the  choice  of  pieces 
and  the  distribution  of  parts.  With  the  texts  of  the  poets 
too  they  dealt  as  they  liked,  and  permitted  themselves  al- 
terations, which  might  serve  to  display  their  own  talents 
in  a more  brilliant  light.  At  the  same  time  the  comic  and 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


197 


the  tragic  artists  separated  from  one  another  as  two  dis- 
tinct classes  ; and  the  latter  acquired  a quite  special  im- 
portance, by  intervening  in  the  study  of  oratory  and  being 
much  sought  after  as  tutors  to  the  young  rhetors.  They 
were  accounted  the  true  models  for  the  cultivation  of  the 
voice  and  of  recitation  ; their  art  was  itself  an  oratory  pro- 
ceeding by  bodily  exposition ; and  as  the  art  of  oratory  had 
its  proper  home  at  Athens,  so  the  actors’  art  in  its  new  de- 
velopment was  likewise  essentially  Attic.  In  Athens  Saty- 
rus,  Neoptolemus  and  Andronicus  worked  and  shone,  who 
stood  at  the  height  of  their  fame  in  the  times  of  Demos- 
thenes.* 

Comedy  suffered  less  from  the  effects  of  the  T , 
circumstances  of  the  times  unfavorable  to  comedy, 
poetry,  than  tragedy.  For  comedy  was  naturally  more 
flexible  ; it  was  not  bound  down  to  a fixed  range  of  sub- 
jects, and  was  better  able  to  accommodate  itself  to  the 
changes  of  taste.  It  gave  up  what  could  no  longer  be  re- 
tained, above  all,  the  chorus  (vol.  iv.  p.  125)  ; this  was 
the  element  in  comedy  by  which  it  had  most  fully  proved 
itself  to  be  an  art  rooted  in  public  life.  Herewith  it 
gradually  changed  its  entire  character.  The  poets  no 
longer  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  conflict  of  the  parties  ; 
they  no  longer  seized  upon  subjects  of  the  same  grandeur 
and  boldness ; their  joyous  freshness  was  dried  up,  their 
diction  came  to  approach  the  language  of  ordinary  con- 
versation, their  fervor  of  imagination  grew  feebler,  as  be- 
came an  age  in  which  reason  predominated,  and  in  which 
the  general  public  could  no  longer  be  expected  to  elevate 
itself  into  ideal  regions.  The  poets  accordingly  descended 
into  the  petty  everyday  life  of  the  population,  and  here 
sought  for  the  motives  of  pleasing  productions,  which 

* Prominence  of  the  actors  (Aristot.  Rhet.  iii.  I.,  p.  Ill,  11 : fiei^ov  &vva.vTai 
vuv  riov  TrotTjTiou  oi  vnoKpiraC)  and  ^opoSiSa ovcaAoi : Helbig,  Zeitschr.  fur  Gymn. 
1862.  p.  101  seq.;  Boeckh,  Trag.  Or.  Brine.  108.  Korn,  de  publ.  JEsch.  Soph.  Eur. 
fab.  exemplari  (cf.  Rhein.  Mus.  xix.  130),  actors  of  the  age  of  Demosthenes  in 
the  inscription  vnep  tu>v  Trepi  tov  A l6vv<tov  re\i/t.TU)V , Phllol.  xxiv.  538. 


198 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


rounded  themselves  off  into  cheerful  pictures  of  society, 
in  scenes  loosely  connected  with  one  another  and  seasoned 
by  love-adventures.  At  the  same  time  it  was  in  accord- 
ance with  the  philosophic  impulse  belonging  to  the  age, 
that  not  individual  personages,  but  general  types  of  char- 
acter were  represented,  which  repeated  themselves  in  men 
of  the  same  species ; thus  there  were  brought  on  the  stage 
the  usurer,  the  gamester,  the  parasite,  and  again  the  dandy 
virtuoso,  the  cunning  slave,  the  clumsy  peasant,  the 
heavy  guardian,  the  braggart  soldier,  the  fiery  lover,  the 
philosophers,  physicians,  cooks,  &c.  They  appeared  under 
fictitious  names,  which  thereby  acquired  a universal  sig- 
nificance ; or  again  historical  names  were  taken,  and  va- 
cillation was  depicted  in  Theramenes,  misanthropy  in 
Timon,  and  superstition  in  Lampon.  At  the  same  time, 
however,  living  personages  were  brought  forward,  poets 
whose  queer  phrases  Avere  mocked,  statesmen  whose  excit- 
ing speeches  were  derided,  philosophers,  who  were  put  on 
the  stage  with  their  eccentricities,  now  as  cynics  and  Py- 
thagoreans, who  perversely  refused  the  gifts  of  the  gods  and 
in  voluntary  self-abasement  creep  about  poor,  dirty,  and 
discontented,  pitiable  fools,  now  as  the  fine  gentlemen  of 
the  Academy,  who  make  a point  of  appearing  with  trim 
hair  and  in  choice  apparel.  Special  attention  was  be- 
stowed upon  Plato  himself  and  the  reforms  proposed  by 
him,  and  his  doctrines  as  to  the  community  of  property, 
as  to  the  emancipation  of  women,  Ac.,  furnished  the  most 
desirable  materials  for  amusement.  But  in  fact  fun  was 
made  of  all  the  philosophers  in  a body,  and  they  were 
laughed  at  as  time-killers  and  brain-sick  pedants  with  their 
eternal  questionings  as  to  the  real  essence  of  all  things, 
were  it  only  of  a cucumber.  This  was  done  with  merry 
whimsicality  and  Avith  delicate  irony,  but  in  a harmless 
fashion  and  without  much  keenness  of  attack  ; for  the  art, 
feebler  than  of  old,  covered  all  its  productions  with  the 
varnish  of  a smooth  politeness,  which  avoided  all  conflicts 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


199 


of  a more  serious  kind.  There  was  no  intention  of 
changing  men  or  of  improving  them ; even  their  follies 
were  taken  to  task  without  any  real  earnestness ; the 
public  was  entertained  with  those  matters  of  which  in  the 
times  of  Eubulus  it  best  liked  to  hear.  Exquisite  banquets 
were  described  most  perspicuously  with  the  utmost  display 
of  culinary  learning,  and  again  splendid  wedding-feasts, 
such  as  that  of  Iphicrates,  when  he  was  courting  the 
northern  princess  Ip.  Ill),  and  when  in  the  market-place 
of  the  royal  city,  “ which  was  covered  with  purple  ta- 
pestry as  far  on  high  as  the  Great  Bear,  many  thousands 
of  unkempt,  butter-swallowing  Thracians  were  assembled 
at  the  banquet,  at  which  the  flesh-pots  were  larger  than 
cisterns,  and  the  soup  was  served  in  a tureen  of  pure  gold 
by  father-in-law  Cotys  with  His  Majesty’s  own  royal 
hands,” — and  similar  diverting  anecdotes  of  the  day. 
The  higher  enjoyments  of  Attic  social  life  were  likewise 
turned  to  account  by  comedy ; the  charm  of  fine  conversa- 
tion, in  which  wit  and  humor  displayed  themselves,  and 
notably  the  riddles  in  verse,  which  were  a favorite  amuse- 
ment in  social  meetings  at  Athens,  also  played  a great  part 
on  the  stage.  Fiually  it  was  likewise  a favorite  theme  of  the 
latter  species  of  comedy  to  review  the  stories  Travesty 
of  mythology  in  the  spirit  of  the  age  ; which 
was  done  either  in  a very  cold-blooded  way,  by  attempting 
to  explain  them  according  to  the  standard  of  healthy 
common-sense,  e.  g.  to  interpret  the  turning  of  Niobe  into 
stone  as  an  expression  for  speechless  stupefaction,  or  by 
making  merry  over  the  old  myths  and  entertaining  the 
public  with  burlesque  representations  of  Cronus,  dining  on 
his  children,  of  marvellous  divine  births,  of  the  Seven 
against  Thebes  and  other  Heroes,  who  were  seen  seated  on 
the  form  at  school,  reading  books  and  going  through  all 
the  ordinary  experiences  of  common  life.  These  travesties 
developed  into  a distinct  species  of  public  amusement  at 
Athens,  in  which  even  competitive  contests  were  instituted, 


200 


History  of  Greece. 


[Boob  VII. 


like  those  in  tragedy  and  comedy,  in  the  dithyrambus 
and  in  rhapsodic  recitations.  A beginning  had  already 
been  made  in  this  direction  daring  the  Peloponnesian 
War,  and  Hegemon  of  Thasos  is  mentioned  as  the  first 
who  produced  at  Athens  parodies  of  the  Homeric  myths 
concerning  the  gods.  It  is  stated,  that  the  public  was 
amusing  itself  with  his  Gigantomachia  on  the  day  when 
the  tidings  of  the  Sicilian  disaster  reached  the  city. 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  later  comedy  as  it  flour- 
ished at  full  height,  with  its  subsidiary  species,  parody, 
from  the  close  of  the  Peloponnesian  War  down  to  the  time 
of  Alexander.  Antiphanes,  Alexis,  Eubulus,  Anaxan- 
drides  distinguished  themselves  in  it ; about  sixty  authors 
are  mentioned,  with  more  than  eight  hundred  plays. 
Among  these  authors  were  genuine  Athenians,  such  as  the 
decendants  of  Aristophanes,  and  foreigners  from  Rhodes, 
Thurii,  Sinope,  &c.  But  the  foreigners  too  were  thorough- 
ly transformed  into  Athenians ; the  varied  life  of  the  city, 
where  men  of  all  kinds  of  origin,  even  Egyptians  and 
Babylonians,  were  to  be  found,  mirrored  itself  in  the 
productions  of  the  stage ; and  therefore  Antiphanes  could 
excuse  himself  before  the  Macedonian  king,  who  was  un- 
able duly  to  appreciate  one  of  his  comedies,  by  saying 
that  it  was  indeed  necessary  to  be  thoroughly  at  home  in 
Athenian  society,  to  have  taken  part  in  Attic  picnics,  and 
to  have  received  and  given  blows  in  quarrels  about 
amours,  if  one  wished  to  find  Attic  comedy  thoroughly  to 
his  taste.* 

The  fine  With  regard,  lastly,  to  Fine  Art,  the  flour- 

arts.  ishing  condition  which  it  enjoyed  in  the  city 

of  Pericles  (vol.  ii.  p.  596  seq.)  was  unable  to  survive  the 
decay  of  that  city  itself.  A public  art,  such  as  the  Attic, 

* Comedy  and  Plato:  Alex.  op.  Athen.  226;  ef.  Becker,  Charicles,  p.  405 
[E.  Tr.].  Iphicrates : Meineke,  ill.  182 ; Rehdantz,  30.  Riddles:  Meineke, 
Hist.  Orit.  277 ; Paul,  de  Symposii  aenigmatis,  2 ; 0.  Ribbeek,  Mittlere  u.  Neuere 
Comiidie,  1857,  p.  19.—  Parodies : Schrader  in  Rhein.  Mus.  xx.  186— Antiphanes 
and  King  Alexander ; Athen.  555. 


Chap.  II.J 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


201 


presumes  a prosperous  commonwealth,  peace,  and  an 
abundant  flow  of  public  resources.  The  civic  community 
must  be  internally  united  and  animated  by  a free  spirit, 
if  it  is  to  love  what  is  beautiful  and  to  esteem  the  condign 
cultivation  of  art  a point  of  honor  on  the  part  of  the  State. 
Finally,  there  must  be  in  existence  men  enjoying  the  con- 
fidence of  the  public,  to  whom  full  powers  are  accorded 
even  for  longer  periods  of  time.  All  these  presumptions 
were  wanting  in  the  case  of  Athens.  The  civic  communi- 
ty was  disintegrated  by  party-divisions ; the  ideal  tenden- 
cies were  neglected ; passing  agitations  controlled  the 
phases  of  public  feeling ; the  foreign  policy  of  the  State 
was  capricious,  vacillating  and  unsuccessful, — how  then 
could  the  arts  have  found  a favorable  soil  ? The  age  of 
great  and  corrected  creations  had  passed  away,  without 
hope  of  return,  with  the  death  of  Pericles. 

But  art  itself  did  not  perish.  In  general,  where  the 
Fine  Arts  have  ever  found  a vigorous  and  popular  deve- 
lopment, they  possess  a certain  independence  as  towards 
the  life  of  a community ; they  have  a more  fixed  tradition 
than  music  and  poetry.  Indeed,  they  are  even  capable 
of  receiving  new  impulses  from  such  a crisis  as  that  which 
occurred  in  Attic  society  after  Pericles,  and  of  appropria- 
ting through  its  agency  fresh  germs  of  life,  which 
fruitfully  develop  themselves.  For  the  lofty  calm  which 
characterized  the  works  of  Phidias,  and  which  could  easily 
pass  into  sameness,  was  substituted  a greater  degree  of  va- 
riety ; the  artists  were  more  daring,  they  designed  with 
greater  boldness,  they  placed  their  figures  in  clearer  relief 
in  comparison  with  the  repose  of  the  balance  formerly 
maintained,  and  sought  to  preserve  the  most  transitory 
movement.  As  to  bodily  movement,  it  is  true  „ , 

J Sculpture. 

that  already  the  JEginetaus  and  Myron  (vol.  and^arehitee- 
ii.  p.  602)  had  achieved  what  was  possible ; 
but  intellectual  life  had  in  their  time  not  yet  vindicated  to 
itself  its  rights  ; the  countenances  appeared  cold  and  indif- 

9* 


202 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


ferent ; the  noble  simplicity  in  the  works  of  statuary  on 
the  Parthenon  no  longer  satisfied  the  younger  generation, 
which  was  full  of  inner  agitation  and  eager  for  excitement, 
and  which  demanded  novel  attractions,  if  it  was  to  take 
interest  in  the  creations  of  art.  The  transition  to  this 
later  style  is  already  very  perceptible  in  the  frieze  of  the 
temple  of  Apollo,  which  Ictinus,  the  architect  of  the  Par- 
thenon, erected  for  the  Phigaleans  at  Bassse.  Here  it  is 
already  impossible  to  mistake  in  the  groups  of  the  contests 
of  Amazons  and  Centaurs  a greater  degree  of  unquiet,  a 
heightened  vehemence  of  movement,  showing  itself  in  the 
flutter  of  the  drapery,  and  an  accumulation  of  motives  of 
effect  displaying  an  intention  of  creating  it.  These  exam- 
ples of  relieved  work  already  have  a relation  towards  the 
frieze  of  the  Parthenon,  similar  to  that  between  the  diction 
of  Euripides  and  the  grand  style  of  Sophocles.  The  influ- 
ence of  the  stage  hereupon  operated  in  causing  plastic  art 
likewise  to  attempt  to  give  expression  to  emotional  life  ; 
the  more  ancient  circle  of  the  figures  of  the  gods  was 
therefore  passed,  and  a predilection  was  shown  towards 
those  spheres  of  ideas,  where  opportunity  was  offered  for 
effectively  representing  the  various  movements  of  the  life 
of  the  soul.  In  Aphrodite  was  shown  the  power  of  love, 
in  Dionysus  the  bliss  of  intoxication  ; entirely  new  tasks 
presented  themselves,  when  it  was  endeavored  with  psy- 
chologically delicate  distinctions  to  express  the  whole 
serial  succession  of  human  sensations,  pain,  longing,  ten- 
derness, ecstasy,  madness.  Man  now  for  the  first  time  be- 
came in  full  measure  the  subject  of  artistic  treatment,  i.  e. 
man  as  he  existed  in  those  times,  in  which  the  ancient  dis-. 
cipline  had  vanished,  the  bonds  of  family  had  been 
loosened,  and  the  power  of  passion  had  been  set  free. 
Sophistry  sharpened  the  insight  into  the  characters  and 
temperaments  of  men  ; for  even  famous  situations  in- 
vented by  individual  Sophists,  such  as  the  “ Judgment  of 
Heracles  ” (vol.  iv-  p.  140),  were  imitated  by  plastic  art. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


203 


Rhetoric  likewise  led  in  the  direction  of  the  treatment 
of  emotions,  as  did  the  later  style  of  music  and 
the  dithyramb  ; everywhere  we  see  prevailing  a tendency 
towards  the  impassioned,  which  put  an  end  to  the  reserva- 
tion of  the  earlier  times,  and  called  forth  greater  freedom 
of  movement. 

In  architecture,  too,  the  age  of  rhetoric  combmar 
manifested  itself.  Simplicity  no  longer  suf-  tion  of  both- 
feed ; a greater  wealth  of  ornament,  novel  and  more  tell- 
iuo-  motives  of  effect,  were  demanded.  This  direction  was 
particularly  followed  by  a contemporary  of  Ictinus,  Calli- 
machus, a man  possessing  all  the  many-sidedness  and  ardor 
of  a genuine  Athenian,  but  not  the  calm  and  the  self-con- 
fidence which  characterized  the  great  temple-architects  of 
Pericles.  Under  the  full  influence  of  the  spirit  of  the  age, 
he  strove  after  novelty,  and  desire  to  outvie  all  his  prede- 
cessors ; but  he  found  no  satisfaction  in  the  endeavor  ; for 
he  lacked  the  true  creative  power,  and  therefore  also  the 
joyous  self-confidence  of  an  artist  of  true  genius.  But  in 
inventive  skilfulness  as  an  architect,  sculptor,  and  me- 
chanician he  surpassed  all.  The  much-admired  palm-tree 
•of  bronze  was  his  work,  which  was  erected  over  the  eternal 
lamp  in  the  temple  of  Athene  Polias,  and  which  served  to 
conduct  the  smoke  of  the  flame  out  of  the  sanctuary ; he, 
again,  invented  the  stone  drill,  in  order  by  means  of  it  to 
add  to  the  treatment  of  marble  a delicacy  of  execution 
previously  unknown ; lastly,  it  was  he  who  made  the  dis- 
covery, which  led  to  many  important  results,  of  giving  an 
entirely  new  formation  to  the  capital  of  the  pillar  of  the 
temple,  by  placing  on  the  shaft  of  the  column  a basket- 
shaped calix  of  acanthus-leaves,  thus  transmuting  with  a 
surprising  effect  the  severe,  serious  forms  of  the  earlier 
style  of  architecture.  This  invention  met  with  extraordi- 
nary applause,  because  it  perfectly  corresponded  to  the 
craving  for  change  and  fulness.  It  soon  became  an  acqui- 
sition of  Hellenic  art ; and  the  first  temple,  where  the 


204 


History  of  Gh’eece. 


[Book  VII. 


three  orders  of  columns  were  demonstrably  applied,  was  that 
of  Athene  at  Tegea,  erected  after  the  burning-down  of  its 
predecessor  (01.  xcvi.  2 ; b.  c.  395), — the  most  glorious 
work  accomplished  in  Greece  after  the  Parthenon.  On 
the  outside  it  was  Ionic,  like  the  Old- Attic  temple  of 
Athene,  inside  it  was  Doric,  and  in  the  upper  story  Corin- 
thian— for  this  name  was  given  to  the  new  style  of  Calli- 
machus, who  was  said  to  have  borrowed  his  idea  from  a 
Corinthian  sepulchral  pillar.  As  the  Phigaleans  had  sent 
for  Ictinus,  and  the  Eleans  for  Phidias,  so  the  Tegeatse 
had  summoned  Scopas  from  Athens.  It  was  his  good  for- 
tune to  be  able  to  construct,  still  in  the  manner  of  the 
earlier  period,  a great  sacred  edifice  of  national  signifi- 
cance ; for  the  sacred  authority  of  Athene  Alea  was  recog- 
nized beyond  the  boundaries  of  Tegea  and  Arcadia. 
Scopas  adorned  the  pediments  of  this  temple  with  large 
groups  of  statues,  the  subject  of  which  was  taken  from  the 
popular  legends  of  the  Calydonian  chase,  and  of  the  con- 
tests of  the  Arcadian  Hero  Telephus.  Praxiteles  himself 
contributed  works  for  architectural  purposes ; he  enriched 
the  pediments  of  the  Heracleum  at  Thebes  with  composi- 
tions representing  the  labors  of  Heracles  (vol.  iv.  p.  521). 
But  in  general  the  intimate  connexion  between  sculpture 
and  architecture  was  relaxed,  just  as  music  and  poetry, 
and  the  drama  and  the  histrionic  art,  had  separated  from 
one  another.  All  the  arts  strove  after  independence,  in 
order  that  each  might  develop  its  own  special  proficiency 
with  all  the  more  splendor ; and  in  particular  plastic  art, 
with  its  tendency  towards  expressing  the  life  of  the  soul, 
could  not  fail  to  deem  any  subordination  to  architectural 
purposes  oppressive.* 

Among  the  masters  of  sculpture  it  was  Alcamenes  (vol. 


* The.  judgment  of  Heracles:  Weleker,  A.  DenJcm..  iii.  310;  Overbeek  in 
Berichte  d.  h.  Sachs  Ges.  d.  Wissensch.  1865,  46.  Callimachus:  Brunn,  Geschichte 
d.  Griech.  Kilmtler , i.  2-51 ; Lohde,  Archiiektonik  der  Hellenen,  40.  Temple  at  Te- 
gea : Curtius,  PeUiponncsos,  i.  265.  , 


Chap.  II.l 


205 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 

iv.  p.  521 ; vol.  iii.  p.  45)  who  kept  alive  the  school  of 
Phidias.  To  the  same  school  belonged  Cephisodotus,  upon 
whom  was  imposed  the  noble  task  of  celebrating  the  vic- 
tory of  Conon  by  a bronze  statue  of  Athene  and  a magni- 
ficent altar  to  Zeus  the  Preserver  in  the  Pireeeus*  After 
this  there  was  a lack  of  occasions  and  of  inclination  for 
the  execution  of  public  sculptures  ; and  the  Attic  artists, 
in  particular  those  who  had  immigrated  from  abroad, 
readily  obeyed  any  summons  holding  out  to  them  the  pros- 
pect of  the  work  they  desired  in  other  parts  of  Greece. 
Thus  already  Aristander,  who  was  a member  of  the  Pa- 
rian colony  of  artists  at  Athens  (vol.  ii.  p.  638),  labored 
for  the  glorification  of  the  victories  of  Sparta,  and  wrought 
for  one  of  the  Amyclsean  tripods  (vol.  iv.  p.  170)  the  figure 
of  the  female  lyre-player,  which  represented  the  city  of 
Sparta.  We  have  a yet  more  palpable  in-  Works  of 
stance  of  the  migratory  life  of  the  artists  of  Scopas. 
that  age  in  Scopas,  who  was  probably  a son  B-  cci').392'348’  ’> 
of  Aristander.  He  returned  from  Tegea  to 
Athens,  where  he  lived  and  worked  during  the  period, 
when  the  power  of  the  city  took  a new  rise  in  the  second 
Naval  Confederation ; then,  about  the  time  of  the  Social 
War,  he  went  to  Asia,  where  he  was  employed  in  adorn- 
ing sanctuaries  of  high  consideration  at  Ephesus,  Cnidus, 
&c.,  and  notably  at  Halicarnassus  created  works  in  honor 
of  the  dynasty  there. 

Scopas,  the  man  of  the  greatest  genius  among  the  re- 
presentatives of  the  New- Attic  school,  combined  in  him- 
self all  the  attainments  of  the  older  masters ; in  his  repre- 
sentation of  Asclepius,  as  a type  of  youthful  beauty  and 
health,  he  followed  the  artistic  tendency  of  Polycletus;  he 
chiselled  Hermse  according  to  Attic  taste  in  ideal  perfec- 
tion, and  was  able  to  animate  the  marble  as  Phidias  had 
animated  it.  But  he  went  far  beyond  all  previous  endea- 
vors. He  wrought  a Bacchante,  such  as  Euripides  had 

* Cephisodotus:  Brunn,  u.  s.  i.  269. 


206 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


represented  upon  the  stage,  in  a state  of  utter  ecstasy,  with 
her  head  thrown  back  and  her  curls  fluttering  in  the  air ; 
all  the  pulses  of  living  excitement  seemed  to  be  beating  in 
the  marble.  On  the  other  hand,  he  represented,  in  his 
Apollo  playing  on  the  cither,  the  mild  power  of  the  en- 
thusiasm inspired  by  the  Music  art ; a movement  of  lofty 
ardor  pervaded  the  grand  figure  from  the  sole  of  the  foot 
to  the  flowing  hair ; the  body  was  nothing  less  than  the 
glorified  organ  of  a blissful  enthusiasm.  Most  remarkable 
of  all  was  the  transformation  of  Aphrodite.  Already  the 
more  ancient  style  of  art  had  conceived  of  her  as  the  god- 
dess of  beauty,  and  had  therefore  represented  the  upper 
part  of  the  body  without  drapery.  Thus  she  appears  in 
the  statue  of  Milo,  which  still  displays  a serious,  Pallas- 
like  character,  and  the  lofty  dignity  of  a work  from  the 
school  of  Phidias.  The  mythological  connexion  between 
the  goddess  and  the  element  of  water  led  the  artists  a step 
further.  Was  not  this  the  time  when  the  famous  Phryne 
of  Thespke  ventured  at  a festival  in  Eleusis  to  rise  from 
the  sea  as  Aphrodite  Anadyomene  ? Thus  the  sculptors 
now  likewise  undertook  to  let  all  drapery  fall,  and  to  re- 
present the  goddess  of  love  in  the  fully  revealed  perfection 
of  form.  At  the  same  time  artists  such  as  Scopas  and 
Praxiteles  still  faithfully  adhered  to  the  principles  of  true 
art;  their  purpose  was  not  to  seduce  and  stimulate,  nor 
was  the  goddess  in  their  hands  converted  into  a bold  he- 
tcera;  they  represented  her  as  modest  and.  chaste,  as 
frightened  and  timid  even  in  the  solitude  of  the  bath  ; but 
the  goddess  became  a woman,  the  deity  which  inspired 
love  became  a being  which  felt  and  needed  it,  just  as  in 
Apollo  the  Music  enthusiasm,  and  in  Dionysus  the  Bac- 
chic, were  represented. 

d of  The  extent  to  vdiich,  even  in  this  period, 

Praxiteles.  Greek  art  developed  itself  according  to  defi- 
B‘ cir308"886’  n^e  ^aws>  veiT  clearly  manifest  from  the 
fact  that  the  two  contemporaries,  Scopas  and 


Chap.  XX.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


207 


Praxiteles,  notwithstanding  all  the  difference  in  their  re- 
spective tendencies,  yet  so  fully  agreed,  that  the  works  of 
the  one  were  frequently  mistaken  for  those  of  the  other, 
and  that  it  is  consequently  also  impossible  to  consider  the 
two  artists  separately.  Praxiteles,  probably  the  son  of 
Cephisodotus  (p.  204),  was  an  Athenian  by  bii’th ; he  was 
of  more  settled  habits  than  Scopas,  less  comprehensive  in 
his  artistic  laboi’s,  but  in  his  own  way  even  rnoi'e  highly 
esteemed.  The  material  used  by  him  was  likewise  chiefly 
marble,  and  his  art  was  most  masterly  in  the  execution  of 
the  heads,  in  which  he  knew  how  to  give  reality  to  the 
mysterious  action  and  reaction  upon  one  another  of  body 
and  soul.  He  was  therefore  thoroughly  in  his  own  sphere 
when  he  wrought  a figure  of  Eros,  whom  he  represented 
as  a boy  growing  towards  maturity,  standing  with  his  head 
dreamily  bent  down,  as  lost  in  the  thoughts  which,  as  yet 
not  understood  by  himself,  pass  through  his  soul.  In 
general,  the  art  of  this  age  displayed  a great  predilection 
for  the  soft  and  tender  foi’ms  of  early  youth,  contrasting 
herein  with  earlier  times,  when  the  gymnastic  art  flourished, 
and  when  the  artists  had  before  their  eyes  the  human 
figures  developed  in  the  palaestra;  and  swelling  with  vigor. 
Apollo,  too,  was  represented  in  a boyish  form,  and  the  an- 
cient god  Dionysus  was  converted  into  a youth  of  effemi- 
nate presence,  in  whose  eye  languishing  desire  and  the 
state  of  bliss  produced  by  wine  found  expression.  But, 
lest  the  dignity  of  the  god  should  be  lost,  he  was  sur- 
rounded with  a following  of  Satyrs  and  Msenads,  in  whom 
the  power  of  Dionysus  revealed  itself.  The  Satyrs,  too, 
were  treated  as  youthful  and  ideal  figures ; they  served  to 
express  in  an  extremely  pleasing  way,  a simple  devotion 
to  natural  life,  an  easy  dreamy  existence  in  wood  and  field, 
while  in  the  female  companions  of  the  god  all  the  phases 
and  degrees  of  Bacchic  ecstasy  were  called  into  life.  Thus 
a whole  world  of  figures  ai'ose,  in  which  a freshness  of  life 
displayed  itself  in  a perfect  natural  simplicity,  wholly  un- 


208 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


dreamt  of  by  the  more  solemn  and  serious  art  of  the  ear- 
lier age.  A joyous  rout  of  this  kind,  such  as  had  formed 
itself  around  Dionysus,  Scopas  also  transplanted  to  the  sea, 
combining  the  Nereids  and  Tritons  with  dolphins,  sea- 
horses, and  other  fabulous  animals  into  a grand  proces- 
sion, by  which,  as  it  would  seem,  the  re-union  of  Thetis 
with  Achilles  was  celebrated,  and  the  homage  of  the  deep 
was  offered  to  her  beautiful  son.  Here  the  loftiest  poetry 
had  been  breathed  into  stone,  and  an  opportunity  had 
been  offered  to  the  artist  of  attesting  at  once  the  richest 
wealth  of  imagination  and  the  most  accurate  knowledge 
of  the  forms  of  nature.  Already  the  ancients  considered 
the  group  of  Niobe  and  her  children  as  the  highest  effort 
of  this  school,  without  knowing  to  which  of  the  two  artists 
it  was  to  be  ascribed.  In  this  work  a mighty  doom  from 
on  high  is  represented,  but  in  such  a manner  that  we  see, 
not  how  it  is  sent,  but  only  how  it  is  met, — met  by  the 
mother,  who  is  alone  guilty,  and  by  her  blooming  progeny : 
a doom,  instigated  by  the  greatness  of  soul  and  active  love 
of  the  sufferers ; a tragedy  in  marble,  which,  in  spite  of  all 
the  confusion  of  woe,  yet  forms  a whole  in  itself,  and  de- 
rives a certain  calm  from  the  circumstance  that  the  com- 
position is  arranged  in  rhythmical  order,  like  the  group 
of  a pediment. 

Leoehares  ®y  die  side  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles 
wrought  Leoehares.  He  produced  a series  of 
public  monuments  in  the  manner  of  the  earlier  masters,  a 
Zeus  on  the  Acropolis,  a group  of  Zeus  and  the  Demos  of 
Athens  in  the  Pirseeus,  and  a statue  of  Apollo  in  the  Attic 
market  place.  But  he  also  worked  completely  in  the 
spirit  of  the  later  school,  as  is  notably  shown  in  the  in- 
stance of  his  most  famous  creation,  his  Ganymede,  a 
production  in  which  the  inert  mass  of  the  stone  seemed  to 
have  been  absolutely  conquered  ; for  thus  was  the  boy 
seen  passing  aloft,  carefully  and  firmly  borne  by  the  eagle, 
not  as  a captive  prey,  but  as  one  longingly  striving  heav- 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


209 


enwards  •,  while  another  celebrated  group  of  Leochares,  a 
slave-dealer  by  the  side  of  a cunning  slave,  thoroughly 
corresponds  to  the  character  of  the  later  comedy.* 

It  is  likewise  characteristic  of  the  practice  Groups 
of  the  art  of  this  age,  that  frequently  a work  “4tP°£ 
of  the  later  epoch  was  set  up  by  the  side  of  statuary, 
one  of  the  earlier,  in  order,  as  it  were,  to  repeat  the  same 
idea  in  a style  according  with  the  times.  Thus  the  Apollo 
of  Leochares,  and  the  Artemis  Brauronia  of  Praxiteles, 
were  placed  by  the  side  of  earlier  statues  of  the  same  di- 
vinities. Thus,  again  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  “ Venerable 
Goddesses  ” (i.  e.  of  the  Erinyes)  at  Athens,  the  sculpture 
of  Calamis  stood  between  two  by  Scopas.  The  age  was 
altogether  one  of  a new  and  highly  ingenious  composition 
of  groups,  not  merely  such  personages  being,  in  accor- 
dance with  earlier  practice,  combined  as  participated  in  a 
common  action,  in  the  capacity  of  witnesses  or  co-opera- 
ting agents,  but  the  essential  character  of  a divine  individ- 
uality being  illustrated  by  surrounding  the  central  figure 
with  subsidiary  figures,  as,  e.  g.,  that  of  Zeus  the  Preserver 
was  associated  with  those  of  Asclepius  and  Hygeia ; and 
what  a degree  of  delicacy  of  conception  is  it  not  permissi- 
ble to  assume  when  we  hear  that  Scopas  in  the  sanctuary 
of  Aphrodite  at  Megara  gave  visible  expression  to  the 
essential  nature  of  this  deity  by  means  of  three  statues  of 
Eros  (Love),  Potlios  (Desire),  and  Himeros  (Longing)  ! 
The  group  resembled  a triad  developing  itself  out  of  a 
key-note.  Finally,  it  was  a task  of  the  art  of  this  age, 
with  its  tendency  to  psychological  delicacy,  to  represent 
personages  of  note  in  faithful  accordance  with  their  char- 
acters. This  task  was  twofold.  Either  the  object  was  to 
represent  famous  Hellenes  in  the  grand  monumental 
style,  e.  g.  the  masters  of  tragedy  in  the  theatre  ; or  to 

* Urlielis,  Stcnpas'  Leben  und  WerTce , 1863.  Venus  of  Milo:  Urliehs,  122. 
“ Leochares  mangonem  et  puerura  subdolse  et  fueatse  vernilitatis,”  the 
reading  in  Plin.  BUt.  Nat.  xxxiv.  17,  which  I follow  Urliehs  in  preferring. 


210 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


produce  the  likeness  of  contemporaries  after  a fashion 
more  corresponding  to  ordinary  life,  so  as  to  preserve  their 
memory  in  the  circle  of  their  friends.  Thus  the  statue  of 
Isocrates  by  Leochares  was  a monument  of  the  pious 
reverence  of  Timotheus ; thus  Silanion  formed  his  figure 
of  Plato,  seated  in  an  attitude  of  bending  forward,  engaged 
at  his  ease  in  deep  converse  ivith  his  friends,  a work  taken 
from  life,  and  a valued  remembrance  for  all  Plato’s  grate- 
ful pupils.  In  these  compositions,  too,  is  to  be  recognized 
the  tendency  of  the  age  towards  the  general  and  the  typi- 
cal, as  we  found  it  in  comedy.  There  was  a fondness  for 
representing  such  persons  as  might  typify  a species  of  men. 
Thus  the  portrait  which  Silanion  made  of  Apollodorus 
(probably  the  odd  disciple  of  Socrates)  (vol.  iv.  p.  131) 
wras  such  that  it  might  at  the  same  time  be  regarded  as  a 
type  of  indignation,  and  of  self-tormenting  discontent. 

The  creations  of  the  Attic  artists  were  sought  even  in 
remote  regions.  Euclides,  a sculptor  belonging  to  the 
circle  of  Plato’s  acquaintances,  wrought  temple-composi- 
tions for  Bura,  which  was  rebuilt  after  it  had  been  swal- 
lowed up  in  the  earth  (vol.  iv.  p.  435),  and  for  JEgira  in 
Achaia.  The  works  of  Leochares  found  their  way  to 
Syracuse,  and  the  same  artist  afterwards  likewise 
journeyed  with  Scopas,  Bryaxis,  and  Timotheus  to  Hali- 
carnassus, where  Mausollos  had  entered  upon  an  Attic 
course  of  policy,  had  founded  an  Attic  maritime  dominion 
and  a flourishing  Attic  art-life,  and  where  a monument 
was  erected  in  his  honor,  in  the  production  of  which  the 
Attic  artists  emulated  one  another  under  the  guidance  of 
Scopas.* 

Paintin'*  The  art  of  painting  is  even  less  dependent 
than  that  of  sculpture  upon  the  condition  of 

* Groups  of  more  ancient  and  more  recent  statues  of  divinities : 0.  Jahn, 
Zeus  Polieus  in  Nuove  Memorie , p.  22.  Figure  of  Plato : 0.  Jahn,  Darslell.  Gh'iech. 
Dichter,  1SG1,  719.  Apollodorus  (“non  homo,  sed  iraeundia”),  Plin.  Hist.  Nat. 
xxxiv.  21 ; M.  Hertz,  de  Ajpollodoro  slatuario  et  phil.  (Breslau),  1867. — Mauso- 
leum: Philol.  xxi.  453. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


211 


public  affairs  ; and,  although  it  had  attained  to  a certain 
perfection  through  Polygnotus,  which  in  its  way  has  never 
been  surpassed  (vol.  ii.  p.  597),  yet  it  was  precisely  to  this 
art  that  totally  new  courses  were  still  open.  It  had 
hitherto  remained  essentially  an  art  of  design,  in  which 
plastic  forms  prevailed.  Nor  had  it  in  truth  yet  attained 
to  a consciousness  of  its  special  artistic  resources,  in  par- 
ticular of  the  magic  effect  of  light  and  color,  of  the  supe- 
rior degree  of  freedom  which  it  owes  to  its  more  uncorpo- 
real  means  of  representation,  and  of  its  capability  of  more 
directly  seizing  upon,  and  making  visible,  the  spiritual 
element  in  man.  These  sides  painting  had  hitherto  left 
undeveloped  ; it  was  not  till  now  that  the  time  for  effect- 
ing this  had  arrived  ; and  the  whole  tendency  of  tne  age 
was  in  a high  degree  favorable  to  such  a progressive  de- 
velopment of  the  ancient  pictorial  art.  Apoliodorus  of 
Athens,  who  established  his  fame  towards  the  close  of  the 
Great  War,  was  the  first  who  contrived  to  give  a new 
charm  to  his  pictures  by  means  of  light  and  shade,  and 
whose  use  of  color  created  a remarkable  effect.  He  en- 
tered upon  this  new  course  with  timidity,  and  was  immedi- 
ately far  surpassed  by  Zeuxis  of  Heraclea,  the  acknow- 
ledged master  of  illusive  effect  and  color.  But  that  this 
art  was  not  allowed  to  lose  itself  in  sensual  effects,  is 
proved  by  the  examples  of  Parrhasius  of  Ephesus,  an 
artist  of  genius  who  contrived  to  represent  the  Demos  of 
Athens  in  such  a way  that  all  the  Avhimsical  qualities  of 
the  original  were  thought  to  be  recognizable  in  the  por- 
trait ; and  of  Timanthes  of  Cythnus,  who  in  his  picture  of 
the  sacrifice  of  Iphigenia  was  able  admirably  to  indicate 
the  various  kinds  and  degrees  of  sympathy  in  the  several 
personages  depicted  as  present. 

The  witty  mockery  of  events  of  the  day,  which  at  this 
time  flourished  more  than  ever  among  the  Athenians  (p. 
147),  likewise  found  expression  in  painting,  as  is  proved 
by  a famous  picture  of  Timotheus.  For  inasmuch  as  the 


212 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


victorious  general  was  modest  enough  to  ascribe  all  his 
successes  to  Fortune,  he  was  taken  by  his  word,  and  de- 
picted  as  slumbering  in  his  general’s  tent,  while  the  god- 
dess Tyche  hovered  over  his  head,  and  in  a long  trailing 
net  dragged  after  her,  like  a haul  of  sea-fish,  the  confed- 
erate cities  which  Timotheus  had  secured.* 

The  painters  Athens  was  even  less  able  to  retain  within 
her  walls  than  the  sculptors.  Distinct  schools  were  formed 
at  Thebes  (vol.  iv.  p.  520),  and  at  Sicyon.  The  Sicyonic 
school  perfected  the  technical  part  of  the  art ; it  ventured 
ujion  grand  historical  subjects,  as  e.  g.  in  Euphranor’s 
picture  of  the  battle  of  Mantinea,  or  speaking  more  pre- 
cisely, of  the  cavalry  skirmish,  so  honorable  to  Athens, 
which  preceded  the  battle — (vol.  iv.  p.  507) — a picture 
which  was  accordingly  set  up  in  the  Attic  Ceramicus.f 
Finally,  this  school  also  sought  to  establish  a productive 
connexion  between  the  art  of  painting  and  scientific,  in 
particular  mathematical,  studies.  After  these  endeavors 
had  combined  themselves  with  the  perfection  of  color,  of 
which  Asia  Minor  was  the  home,  there  finally  arose  in  the 
times  of  Alexander  that  development  of  painting,  which 
it  was  possible  to  regard  as  the  highest  effort  of  national 
art,  viz.  the  works  of  Apelles. 

_ . ,.  The  degree  to  which  the  Athenians  took 

pottery.  part  in  these  several  developments  of  art  is 
only  recognizable  from  their  pottery.  For  the  painting 
on  pottery  was  not  merely  a preliminary  school  for  higher 
art,  and  one  of  great  importance  (for  on  clay  the  Hellenes 
learnt  to  paint  with  rapidity  and  certainty,  while  such 
materials  of  art  as  afford  more  facility  for  effacing  and 
correcting  are  apt  to  accustom  artists  to  a timid  and  irres- 
olute manner  of  composition),  but  it  also  accompanied 
the  pictorial  art  through  all  its  stages,  inasmuch  as  even 
on  so  humble  a material  and  on  surfaces  so  inconvenient, 


* Painting  of  Timotheus : iElian.  Ver.  Hist.  xiii.  43 ; cf.  Rehdantz,  188. 
f Euphranor:  Schafer,  Demosthenes,  iii.2 11. 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


213 


the  Greeks  'with  indefatigable  diligence  sought  to  produce 
representations  full  of  life  and  significance. 

It  is  true  that  vase-painting  was  more  capable  of  repro- 
ducing the  grand  simplicity  of  the  style  of  Polygnotus 
than  of  following  the  advances  of  the  subsequent  age, 
which  were  based  upon  the  effects  of  color.  Yet  it  is  very 
clearly  to  be  perceived  how  the  severe  and  hard  outlines 
gradually  became  fluid,  how  a greater  freedom  of  grouping 
makes  its  appearance,  how  the  countenances  become 
more  expressive,  and  the  motions  less  forced.  In  con- 
nexion with  the  entire  artistic  development  of  the  age  we 
recognize  a tendency  towards  sensual  beauty,  an  inclina- 
tion towards  the  delicate  and  the  effeminate.  Dionysus 
with  his  companions,  Aphrodite  and  Eros,  Apollo  with 
the  Muses,  and  cognate  circles,  in  which  Scopas  and 
Praxiteles  preferred  to  move,  come  into  the  foreground. 
Social  life  is,  after  the  manner  of  the  later  comedy,  repre- 
sented with  its  enjoyments  in  charming  pictures.  Alle- 
gorical figures  appear,  either  accompanying  divinities, 
wThose  individualities  they  supplement  and  illustrate,  e.  g. 
Peitho,  Himeros  and  Pathos  by  the  side  of  Aphrodite,  or 
again  as  independent  beings,  who  owe  their  origin  to  an 
age  of  reflection  and  abstraction,  e.  g.  Plutos  or  Wealth, 
Chrysos  or  Gold,  Paidia  or  Merriment,  Eudaimonia  or 
Comfortable  Prosperity,  Pandaisia  or  the  Pleasure  of  the 
Table,  &c.  Seriousness  of  meaning  is  less  taken  thought 
of ; and  less  care  Is  bestowed  upon  the  drawing  ; we  per- 
ceive a striving  after  pretty  and  unusual  shapes  in  the 
vases,  for  a mixed  variety  in  the  figures,  for  fanciful  cos- 
tumes and  more  brilliant  ornamentation.  The  ancient 
black  and  red  no  longer  suffices ; the  painting  is  done  on 
a ground  of  white  chalk,  various  colors  are  employed,  and 
gold  is  laid  on,  in  order  to  give  a novel  attraction  to  the 
vases.  Thus  it  is  possible  even  in  these  trivial  remains 
of  antiquity  to  recognize  the  change  of  taste,  the  transi- 
tion from  simplicity  to  artificiality,  from  that  which  im- 


214 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


plies  its  own  meaning  to  that  which  is  outwardly  brilliant, 
from  ancient  faith  to  the  Sophistic  treatment  of  ethical 
conceptions.  But  this  period  of  transition  was  a period 
of  many-sided  imjoulse  for  art,  and  imposed  upon  it  tasks 
which  strengthened  it  for  ulterior  developments.* 

„ .,  Thus  Athens  in  fact  still  remained  the 

Culture 

focus  of  a many-sided  and  luxuriantly  flou- 
rishing intellectual  life.  In  spite  of  the  com- 
petition, which  on  the  one  side  was  attempted  by  Syracuse 
under  Dionysius,  on  the  other  by  Halicarnassus  under  the 
Carian  dynasts,  Athens  was  still  the  intellectual  capital 
of  the  Hellenes,  the  solitary  spot  where  there  existed  from 
of  old  an  uninterrupted  development,  a constant  progress, 
and  an  abundance  of  the  most  generous  forces.  No  new 
accession  of  culture  became  the  common  property  of  the 
nation  until  it  had  asserted  itself  at  Athens ; and  from 
Athens  were  summoned  the  men  by  whose  admission  other 
cities  were  to  participate  in  the  fame  which  attached  to 
the  cultivation  of  science  and  art.  Nor  can  it  be  denied 
that  the  decay  of  of  the  ancient  religiosity  and  code  of 
manners  gave  a mighty  impulse  towards  obtaining,  by 
means  of  independent  inquiry,  a new  certainty  of  life  and 
thought ; and  again  that  the  relaxation  of  ancient  usages, 
the  freer  movement  of  ideas,  and  the  more  passionate  ex- 
citement of  the  minds  of  men  likewise  redounded  to  the 
advantage  of  the  arts,  and  qualified  them  for  achieve- 
ments, which  in  the  times  of  greater  simplicity,  tran- 
quillity, and  moderation  would  never  have  been  brought 
to  pass.  But  intellectual  life  at  Athens  was  no  longer  the 
life  of  the  community  ; and  the  unity  of  a healthy  organ- 
ism, where  all  forces  served  one  final  object,  had  been  lost. 
From  a scientific  point  of  view  Sophistry  had  been  over- 
come; but  the  process  of  analysis  and  decomposition, 


* Gold-ornamentation  (sparingly  used  already  in  vases  of  a more  ancient 
date  : Heydemann,  Hiujpersis , 10) : 0.  Jahn,  Bernalte  Vasen  mil.  GohlschmucJc,  26. 


Chap.  IX.] 


215 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 

winch  it  had  commenced,  continued  without  abatement ; 
and  Socrates  himself  had  only  contributed  to  widen  the 
rift  which  ran  through  human  society.  His  stand-point, 
although  it  in  many  ways  attached  itself  to  the  primitive 
wisdom  of  the  temples,  after  all  contrasted  with  every- 
thing which  had  preceded  it ; he  owed  everything  to  his 
own  meditations,  and  throughout  insisted  upon  the  inner 
tasks  of  life,  upon  the  conscience  of  the  individual,  and 
upon  his  relation  to  the  divinity.  Morality  separated 
itself  from  civic  virtue,  and  the  human  individual  sepa- 
rated himself  from  the  state.  There  now  existed  two 
kinds  of  men : thinkers  and  non-thinkers.  The  latter 
swim  with  the  stream,  and  sink  deeper  and  deeper,  since 
whatever  could  have  offered  them  an  anchorage  has  lost 
its  strength ; the  former  constitute  an  intellectual  aristo- 
cracy, they  regard  themselves  in  the  light  of  a higher  or- 
ganism as  compared  with  all  other  mortals.  The  commu- 
nal feeling,  so  powerful  in  the  Hellenes,  has  not  been 
extinguished  ; but  there  now  arise  in  the  schools  of  phi- 
losophers new  communities,  in  which  principles  prevail 
wholly  contradictory  to  the  existing  condition  of  things. 
An  opposition  of  this  kind  notably  developed  itself  among 
the  followers  of  Socrates.  This  master,  the  most  influ- 
ential man  of  his  age,  was  of  no  account  in  the  community 
of  the  state ; nay,  the  very  man  whom  they  deemed  the 
purest  of  human  beings  and  the  greatest  benefactor  of  his 
fellow-citizens,  had  been  ejected  by  the  state  as  one  hurt- 
ful to  the  commonweal.  For  this  reason  there  lay  a deep 
gulf,  and  there  prevailed  an  invincible  repugnance,  be- 
tween the  followers  of  Socrates  and  the  state  of  the  Athe- 
nians. It  is  true  that  according  to  the  Greek  way  of 
thinking  the  individual  and  the  state  continued  to  be  con- 
ceived of  as  inseparable  ; but  the  spiritual  life  of  the  indi- 
vidual henceforth  became  the  standard  whereby  to  judge 
of  the  commonwealth.  Whatsoever  acts  as  an  obstacle  to 
the  citizen  in  the  performance  of  his  duty  as  a man,  has 


216 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


no  validity  for  him  ; virtue,  and  the  happiness  of  the  indi- 
vidual which  is  based  thereon,  are  the  final  object  of  the 
whole.  Hereby  an  utter  revulsion  is  brought  about  in 
the  consciousness  of  the  Hellenes ; civic  legality  loses  its 
value,  and  the  centre  of  gravity  of  spiritual  life  is  laid  en- 
tirely in  the  attainment  of  perfect  knowledge  ; and  thus  a 
movement  without  aims  is  occasioned.  For  definite  results 
are  reached  only  by  a few  and  isolated  elect,  who  pene- 
trate to  the  perfect  tranquillity  of  soul  belonging  to  the 
Wise ; and  the  followers  of  Socrates  themselves  diverge 
so  widely  from  one  another,  that  some  of  them,  viz.  the 
Cynics,  spurn  the  whole  culture  of  the  people,  while 
others  contrive  to  find  means  of  reconciling  themselves  to 
the  enjoyments  of  the  world.  And  in  wider  circles  the 
entire  movement  simply  has  the  effect  of  weakening  all 
usage,  and  of  causing  a tendency  to  negation  to  spread 
further  and  further. 

Oosmo_  This  tendency  shows  itself  in  the  growth  of 
poiitanism.  agitation  in  outward  life ; the  associations  of 
home  lose  their  significance ; educated  men  cease  to  care 
for  their  native  city,  and  there  gradually  develops  itself 
a citizenship  of  the  world,  in  which  all  distinctions  be- 
tween states  and  peoples  vanish,  even  the  contrast  between 
Hellenes  and  barbarians,  upon  which  the  national  con- 
sciousness was  essentially  based.  It  was  among  the  Do- 
rians that  a clear  consciousness  of  this  contrast  was  first 
gained ; it  was  among  the  Athenians  that  it  was  developed 
so  as  to  become  thoroughly  justifiable;  but  it  was  at 
Athens  that  it  also  lost  its  sharpness  and  was  in  the  end 
overcome  altogether.  For  the  Socratic  idea  of  virtue 
could  not  allow  those  distinctions  to  remain  valid,  which 
traditional  prejudices  had  established  among  men. 

As  towards  the  demands  of  morality  all  men  were 
equals  ; and  the  same  reasons,  which  induced  the  philoso- 
phers to  protest  eagerly  against  the  neglectful  treatment 
of  the  female  sex,  and  to  advocate  the  rights  of  the  slave 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


217 


(p.  159),  likewise  made  it  necessary  to  abandon  the  na- 
tional distinction  of  Hellenes  as  against  Non-Hellenes, 
and  to  acknowledge,  that  whosoever  was  wise  and  just, 
to  whatever  nation  and  to  whatever  class  he  belonged, 
must  be  acceptable  to  the  Divinity,  and  must  therefore 
also  have  a right  to  claim  full  recognition  from  men.  It 
is  true  that  Isocrates  even  in  these  latter  days  preached  war 
against  the  Persians  as  a sacred  and  national  duty ; but 
the  ancient  enmity  between  Asia  and  Europe  had  become 
nothing  more  than  a fine  phrase,  which  was  warmed  up 
for  the  sake  of  special  purposes.  And  Isocrates  himself, 
it  will  be  remembered,  is  already  the  representative  of  a 
new  Hellenism,  lying  not  in  the  blood,  but  in  the  senti- 
ments of  the  mind,  which  sentiments  again  can  be  acquired 
by  all  uncorrupted  natures.  An  ideal  Hellenism  of  this 
kind,  such  as  the  most  eminent  men  of  this  age,  Epami- 
ninondas  (vol.  iv.  p.  522),  Timotheus  (p.  94),  and  others 
sought  to  represent  in  their  own  persons,  developed  itself 
more  especially  at  Athens,  because  Athens  was  a city  be- 
longing to  the  world  at  large,  where  members  of  the 
wildest  variety  of  nations  met, — Greeks  from  all  the  colo- 
nies, half-Greeks  and  barbarians,  Thracians,  Babylonians 
and  Egyptians, — and  where  all  these  nations  were  repre- 
sented by  their  best  men.  Had  not  ever  since  the  time  of 
Solon  those  foreigners  repaired  to  Athens,  who  were  de- 
sirous of  tasting  Hellenic  culture  ? It  was  here  that  this 
culture  first  lost  its  local  coloring,  that  men  learnt  to  re- 
gard it  as  a world-culture ; here  Mithridates,  the  son  of 
Khodobates,  a Persian  prince,  was  seen  as  an  enthusiastic 
admirer  of  Plato  erecting  the  likeness  of  his  teacher  in 
the  Academy,  and  consecrating  it  to  the  Muses.  Here  it 
was  therefore  impossible  to  remain  involved  in  the  con- 
ceptions of  a narrow  patriotism ; and  here  the  point  was 
soonest  reached,  of  acknowledging  without  restraint  the 
defects  of  native,  and  the  advantage  of  foreign  institutions, 
instead  of  frequently  admiring  most  what  was  different 
10 


218 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU 


from  the  ways  of  Athens.  In  defiance  of  all  experience 
Spai’ta  was  still  lauded  as  the  seat  of  moral  discipline  and 
fidelity  to  the  law  ; and  enthusiastic  praises  were  bestowed 
upon  the  simple  manners  of  the  Northern  joeoples.  And 

Tendencies  'ri  particular  the  monarchical  constitution  of 

in  favor  of  foreign  countries  received  the  tribute  of  sin- 

monarchy.  ° 

cere  veneration,  and  not  only  when  based 
upon  the  legitimate  foundation  of  popular  statutes  or 
usages,  but  also  when  established  by  force.  In  the  dia- 
logue Hiero,  attributed  to  Xenophon,  the  Tyrant  converses 
with  the  poet  Simonides ; for  it  is  no  less  a personage  than 
he  whom  the  author  has  chosen  as  a representative  of  the 
traditional  view  of  the  enviable  good  fortune  of  a ruler’s 
office.  The  Tyrant  eloquently  demonstrates  its  dark  sides 
from  his  own  experience  ; he  describes  the  weary  feeling 
of  want  amidst  the  abundance  of  all  good  things,  as  well 
as  the  constant  fear  and  the  absence  of  freedom  which 
accompany  the  tenure  of  absolute  power.  But  Simonides 
is  by  no  means  converted  into  a republican ; on  the  con- 
trary, he  adheres  to  his  view  that  these  evils  are  not  ne- 
cessary concomitants  of  the  calling  of  a ruler,  and  that 
an  absolute  sovereign  is  after  all  able  to  be  a benefactor 
of  his  people,  and  a prince  enjoying  love  and  confidence.* 
The  court  of  Perdiceas  and  Archelaus  (p.  40),  the 
magic  charm  exercised  by  the  personality  of  the  younger 

* Socrates  mandarins:  Hermann,  Plato,  70.  Gentle  views  with  regard  to 
slaves  in  Euripides  (Schenkl,  Politische  Amiehten  des  Eurip.  15)  and  Xenophon 
(Zeller,  ii.  1,  170),  Plato  is  obscure  with  regard  to  women  (ib.  570),  and  as  to 
slaves  less  generous  than  Xenophon,  who  has  a deeper  conception  of  the 
idea  of  the  family.  Cf.  Strtimpel,  Pralctische  Phiiosopliie  der  Griechen,  505. — 
According  to  Isocr.  iv.  50,  it  was  the  desert  of  Athens,  that  the  name  of  Hel- 
lenes was  jLoj/ceVi  toO  yevov?  dAA&  rf/T  avoid?.  Rauchenstein  ad  Isocr.  12. — 
Mithridates,  6 ‘Po5o/3drou  (‘O povToparov),  Diog.  Laert.  iii.  25.  Unfortunately 
no  details  are  known  concerning  the  author  of  the  dedicatory  gift;  but  it 
after  all  remains  probable  that  Mithridates  was  a contemporary  of  Plato 
and  of  Silanion  (Whom  Pliny  dates  01.  cxiii.  but  who  must  have  been  at 
work  before  that  time  ; cf.  Brunn,  i.  394),  and  that  personal  relations  existed 
Ijetypeen  hirp  pnd  Plato,  yaillant,  Aeh,  imp,  li.  introduces  him  as  Mithri- 
dates IV.  and  identifies  him  with  the  friend  of  Cyrus  (Anab.  ii.  5,  35  • iii.  2 
2)  and  with  the  satrap  of  Lyeaonia  (ib.  vii.  8,  25). 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


219 


Cyrus,  and  the  fame  of  Euagoras  prove,  what  an  attrac- 
tion monarchy  possessed  for  the  Greeks  of  this  age.  In 
speaking  of  Euagoras,  Isocrates  declares  monarchical  sway 
to  be  the  highest  of  all  possessions  among  gods  and  men, 
and  all  the  art  of  rhetors  and  of  poets  to  be  inadequate  to 
a worthy  celebration  of  the  true  ruler.  The  same  Iso- 
crates in  his  political  orations  and  epistles  addresses  him- 
self mainly  to  princely  personages,  to  Archidamus,  to 
Dionysius,  to  Philip,  to  Timotheus  the  son  and  successor 
of  the  Tyrant  Clearchus,  and  others.  All  this  shows  how 
strong  a tendency  existed  in  these  times,  to  expect  salva- 
tion for  states  not  from  popular  assemblies  and  proposals 
of  laws,  but  from  a thorough  vigor  of  action  on  the  part 
of  individual  men. 

This  tendency  of  the  age,  which  presents  P]atonie 
itself  to  us  with  great  distinctness  in  the  politics, 
rhetors,  as  well  as  in  the  historical  writers  Theopompus 
and  Xenophon,  in  the  case  of  the  philosophers  appears  as 
a dogma  developed  with  perfect  clearness.  It  is  true  that 
the  philosophers  of  the  Academy  likewise  occupy  them- 
selves with  the  regulation  of  republican  constitutions,  and 
several  pupils  of  Plato  are  mentioned,  who  were  active  as 
legislators,  e.  g.  Menedemus  at  Pyrrha,  Phormion  in  Elis, 
Aristonymus  in  Arcadia,  and  Eudoxus  in  Cnidus ; but 
these  legislations,  which  have  their  origin  in  philosophical 
reflection,  after  all  only  prove  how  utterly  their  authors 
and  the  age  had  lost  confidence  in  the  independent  vitality 
of  the  civic  communities ; nor  was  Plato  himself  ever  able 
to  recognize  the  freely  active  spirit  of  a community  of 
citizens  as  the  foundation  on  which  the  true  State  might 
be  built  up.  F or  of  the  idea  of  the  state,  which  his  mind 
pictured  to  itself,  none  but  philosophically  trained  men 
could  attain  to  a full  consciousness ; according  to  his 
view,  it  could  not  be  realized  otherwise  than  through  a 
man  of  eminence,  who  by  the  absolute  force  of  his  will 
controlled  the  whole,  repressed  the  impulses  of  selfishness, 


[Book  VII. 


220  History  of  Greece. 

and  as  with  the  hand  of  an  artist  moulded  a harmonious 
commonwealth. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  clearness  and  inner  consis- 
tency of  these  views  as  to  the  essential  nature  of  the  State, 
their  application  to  existing  circumstances  was  infinitely 
difficult ; and  yet  the  Platonic  school  was  unwilling  to  re- 
nounce it ; they  wished  to  be  practical  politicians  as  well 
as  philosophers,  and  in  this  endeavor  involved  themselves 
in  the  most  contradictory  results.  For  from  their  moral 
stand-point  they  were,  in  full  accordance  with  the  popular 
feeling,  obliged  to  disapprove  of  whatever  was  accom- 
plished in  the  State  by  means  of  force ; while  on  the  other 
hand  the  actual  realization  of  their  political  system  de- 
manded a form  of  government  which  could  not  be  estab- 
lished without  the  perpetration  of  the  most  serious  wrongs. 
Plato  describes  Tyrannical  government  as  the  most  abomi- 
nable of  all  constitutions,  and  yet  he  is  able  to  enter  into 
the  closest  relations  with  the  Tyrant  Dionysius;  indeed, 
there  existed  Tyrants,  who  could  boast  themselves  the 
pupils  of  Plato,  such  as  especially  the  Clearchus  mentioned 
above,  who  for  twelve  years  (b.  c.  363 — 352)  held  sway 
at  Heraclea  on  the  Pontus,  as  a model  of  Tyrannical 
guile  and  falseness,  but  at  the  same  time  also  as  a friend 
and  patron  of  science.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  the 
two  assassins  of  Clearchus,  Chion  and  Leonides,  are  like- 
wise pupils  of  the  Academy,  as  are  the  brothers  Python 
and  Heraclides,  the  murderers  of  Cotys  (p.  110)  ; they 
believed  themselves  to  be  acting  in  the  spirit  of  their 
master,  when  they  risked  their  life  for  the  removal  of  foes 
of  freedom.  Now,  although  it  would  be  extremely  unjust  to 
hold  Plato  and  his  philosophy  accountable  for  the  actions 
of  individual  members  of  the  Platonic  school,  yet  so  much 
is  evident : that  it  was  impossible  to  derive  from  the 
teachings  of  the  Academy  a fixed  position  in  the  political 
questions  of  the  age,  or  a safe  standard  for  the  estimation 
of  persons  and  affairs.  Is  not  this  most  clearly  to  be  seen 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


221 


in  the  instance  of  Plato  himself?  When  the  younger  Di- 
onysius, a prince  endowed  with  abilities  of  great  promise, 
had  begun  his  rule  at  Syracuse  and  summoned  Plato  to 
his  court  (p.  192),  Plato  had  expected  from  him  the  ac- 
complishment of  the  lofty  task  of  philosophically  mould- 
ing a state,  but  after  for  a brief  time  indulging  in  hopes, 
had  seen  himself  most  completely  deceived.  And  yet  the 
idea  of  establishing  a philosopher’s  state  at  Syracuse  was 
not  abandoned.  But  the  same  prince,  on  whom  the  Pla- 
tonic school  had  counted,  was  now  their  worst  foe.  The 
undertaking  of  Dion,  of  which  the  object  was  the  over- 
throw of  Dionysius  (b.  C.  357),  was  a joint  act  of  the 
Academy,  whose  association  we  see  on  this  occasion  ap- 
pearing as  a political  power.  All  these  efforts,  however, 
remained  without  result  ; the  ideal  politics  of  Plato  were 
indeed  capable  of  inspiring  enthusiasm  in  the  minds  of 
men,  but  unfit  to  furnish  them  with  a fixed  stand-point  in 
the  struggles  of  the  present,  and  still  less  able  to  cure  its 
evils.* 

The  more  that  the  philosophers  themselves  PhilosPphy 
became  convinced  of  this  fact,  the  more  they 
retired  in  deep  vexation  of  spirit  from  public 
life ; they  had  lost  all  sympathy  with  the  State  as  it  ex- 
isted. They  renounced  all  endeavors  at  influencing  the 
multitude,  and  a broad  gulf  formed  itself  between  them 
and  the  people.  This  division  was  a misfortune  for  the 
State.  For  while  formerly  the  best  forces  had  at  the 
same  time  also  been  those  which  were  the  most  effective 
in  the  civic  community,  and  while  even  those  who  were 
thoroughly  dissatisfied  with  the  ruling  party,  yet  with  pa- 
triotic self-denial  contributed  their  share  of  service  to  the 
commonwealth, : — as  e.  g.  Nicias  did, — we  now  find  the 
most  gifted  men  averting  themselves  from  it ; the  State  is 


* Platonic  legislators : Hermann,  Plato,  74. — Clearchus  and  his  assassins  : 
Egger,  Eludes  d’histoire  et  de  morale  sur  le  meurtre  politique,  1866,  p.  19. — Euphraeus 
and  Platonic  polities  in  Sicily : Bernays,  Dial,  des  Aristoteles,  21. 


222 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


to  them  a matter  of  indifference,  of  ridicule,  and  of 
offence.  In  proportion  as  their  spirit  is  lofty  and  theii 
judgment  clear,  they  regard  the  existing  condition  of 
things  with  hopelessness.  They  despise  the  petty  state- 
dom  of  Greece,  in  which  the  interests  of  the  meanest  sel- 
fishness are  the  determining  element,  and  deride  a com- 
monwealth, in  which  the  chance  of  the  beans  determines 
who  is  to  govern.  Nor,  again,  is  any  interest  left  for  the 
past  of  Athens.  Plato  condemns  all,  even  the  most  glori- 
ous, statesmen  of  his  native  city ; he  regards  its  acquisi- 
tion of  the  supremacy  on  the  sea  as  its  great  misfortune, 
and  in  merely  pronouncing  the  word  ‘ democracy,’  he  as- 
sumes that  all  reasonable  men  will  agree  in  condemning 
it.  Now,  inasmuch  as  from  their  point  of  view  the 
Sophists  likewise  labored  to  undermine  the  authority  of 
the  institutions  of  the  State,  by  setting  up  the  individual 
as  judge  over  them,  and  regarding  all  laws  as  arbitrary 
ordinances  which  owe  their  origin  to  compromise  or  force, 
— the  two  tendencies  of  the  age  which  differed  most  from 
one  another,  Socratic  philosophy  and  Sophistry,  coincided 
in  this  point : that  both  undermined  the  feeling  of  devo- 
tion to  the  existing  constitution  and  shook  at  its  base  the 
firm  strength  of  the  ancient  civic  State,  resting  as  it  did 
on  the  agreement  between  its  laws  and  the  sentiments  of 
all  its  members. 

„ In  this  age  we  find  only  a few  men  in 

of  the  spheres  Athens,  who,  like  Timotheus,  e.  q.,  sought  to 
of  life.  y . 

combine  the  performance  of  public  duties  with 

philosophical  culture.  In  general  the  different  circles 
came  to  exist  apart,  and  the  vital  resources  which  still 
survived  in  the  commonwealth  separated  from  one  another. 
The  wise  man  avoids  contact  with  civil  business,  as  if  it 
were  a pollution,  and  intellectual  interests  have  been  re- 
moved into  quite  another  field.  Accordingly  it  seems  a 
matter  of  course,  that  the  conduct  of  public  business  should 
be  left  in  the  hands  of  men  of  a subordinate  kind,  selfish 


Chap.  II.] 


The  Policy  of  Athens. 


223 


persons  who  lead  the  people  by  encouraging  its  foibles  and 
flattering  its  thoughtless  indolence.  Meanwhile,  the  great 
mass  of  the  Athenians  believe  it  possible  to  preserve  liber- 
ty and  prosperity  without  exertions ; while  apparently 
standing  still,  they  fail  to  observe  that  they  are  retrogres- 
sing, although  the  feeling  for  civic  honor  and  civic  duty  is 
growing  duller  and  duller.  They  had  shamefully  aban- 
doned the  last  remnant  of  maritime  dominion ; they  had 
not  even  bestowed  serious  thoughts  upon  the  security  of 
their  own  city  itself,  and  refused  to  see  the  dangers,  for 
the  aversion  of  which  sacrifices  were  required.  On  the 
one  side  a wealthy  intellectual  life,  floating  in  ideal  eleva- 
tion, from  the  stand-point  of  which  the  Attic  civic  State 
was  regarded  as  a thing  without  value ; on  the  other  an 
indolent  existence,  swayed  by  selfishness,  lazily  sunk  in 
obedience  to  daily  habit,  and  unwilling  to  allow  its  com- 
fortable ease  to  be  disturbed  by  any  exertion.  It  was  thus 
that  the  Athens  of  Eubulus  drifted  on,  like  a ship  without 
a helmsman,  with  the  current  of  the  age. 

And  now  a foe  had  appeared,  more  danger-  The  resur_ 
ous  than  anv  with  whom  Athens  had  had  to  reetion.  of 

J m Athens. 

deal  when  at  the  height  of  her  power,  a great 
State  of  growing  strength  and  of  inexhaustible  resources,  a 
State  which,  securely  directed  by  the  foresight  of  a saga- 
cious mind,  took  advantage  of  every  opportunity,  by  sea 
as  well  as  by  land,  for  mastering  one  after  the  other  of 
the  petty  States  of  Greece,  and  which  was  lying  in  wait 
for  the  Athenians  above  all  the  rest.  If,  then,  the  city 
was  not  to  drift  into  his  grasp  as  a defenceless  prey,  and 
to  perish  dishonorably,  there  was  need  of  an  Athenian 
who  refused  to  despair  of  his  native  city,  although  he 
thoroughly  perceived  its  weak  points,  who  united  in  him- 
self to  high  intellectual  force  and  an  idealizing  spirit,  a 
devoted  patriotism,  and  who  ventured  to  undertake  the 
task  of  once  more  gathering  all  the  forces  of  good  which 
remained,  of  arousing  the  sense  of  honor  which  had  been 


224 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


extinguished,  and  of  bringing  to  pass  a regeneration  of  the 
Attic  commonwealth,  so  that  it  should  once  more  take  the 
field  at  the  head  of  the  Hellenes  on  behalf  of  the  noblest 
possessions  of  the  nation.  Such  a nan  was  Demosthenes ; 
and  with  him  there  begins  once  more  a history  of  Athens, 


CHAPTER  III. 


ATHENS  AND  KING  PHILIP  TO  THE  PEACE  OP 
PHI  LOG  RATES.'1'' 

In  the  period  when  Pericles  was  extending  the  Attic 
dominion  in  the  Pontus  (vol.  ii.  p.  534),  one  of  the  remo- 
test points  reached  by  it  was  Nymplneum,  a port  of  the 

* Concerning  the  age  of  Demosthenes  we  possess  a greater  abundance  of 
materials  than  for  any  other  section  of  Greek  history  ; but  no  history  of  it 
has  been  handed  down  to  us.  Even  in  antiquity  Demosthenes  found  no 
narrator  of  his  public  activity  worthy  of  him  ; and  out  of  the  works  con- 
cerning the  period  of  Philip  (Theopompus,  Philoehorus,  lib.  vi.,  Duris)  there 
are  left  to  us  only  meagre  fragments,  or  tradition  reaching  us  at  second  or 
third  hand  (Diodorus,  Justin).  Plutarch  is  of  importance  when  he  men- 
tions his  sources ; in  the  same  way  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  whose 
principal  work  on  Demosthenes  is  unfortunately  lost : of  all  those  who  have 
judged  Demosthenes,  he  displays  the  greatest  insight.  The  biographers 
are  uncritical.  We  are  therefore  without  a connected  history;  instead  of 
this,  the  age  stands  before  us  like  a drama,  in  which  we  see  historical  per- 
sonages acting  with  all  the  clearness  of  living  individualities.  We  find 
ourselves  personally  placed  between  the  two  parties.  Herein  lies  the 
extraordinary  charm  of  the  Demosthenic  age ; hereon,  too,  is  based  the 
difference  in  the  conceptions  formed  of  it;  for  it  depends  on  the  personal 
attitude  which  we  assume  towards  Demosthenes,  upon  the  moral  impres- 
sion made  upon  us  by  his  speeches,  upon  the  truthfulness  with  which  we 
credit  him.  All  the  attempts  which  have  been  made  to  whitewash 
iEschines  (cf.  Francke  on  Stechow  de  vita  JEsch.  in  Neue  Jahrb.  fur  Philol.,  xii.) 
or  to  prove  the  representation  of  his  character  in  Demosthenes  to  be  a 
caricature  due  to  political  hatred  (Spengel,  Demosth.  Vertheidigung  des  Ktesiphon, 
Munich,  1863),  as  it  appears  to  me,  by  their  want  of  success  merely  furnish 
a testimony  in  favor  of  Demosthenes.  Equally  unsatisfactory  are  the  at- 
tempts to  tack  in  a midway-course  between  Demosthenes  and  Alschines  (cf. 
Frohberger  on  0.  Haupt  Leben  des  Demosth.  in  Neue  Jahrb.  filr  Philol.  1862,  p. 
614).  Without  denying  the  character  of  a democratic  party-orator  to  belong 
to  Demosthenes,  we  shall  yet  be  justified  in  regarding  his  speeches  as 
genuine  sources  of  history,  if  we  believe  in  the  truthfulness  and  honesty 
of  his  mind.  In  this  respect  I have  from  full  conviction  followed  the  view 
which  was  asserted  by  Niebuhr.  Since  his  time  science  has  labored  un- 
wearyingly  to  bring  order  into  the  history  of  this  age.  I merely  mention 
the  labors  of  F.  Ranke,  Boeekh,  Winiewski,  Droysen,  Bolmeke,  Vomel, 
Funkhanel,  the  critical  and  exegetical  labors  on  the  Orators  of  Sauppe, 
Westermann,  Franke,  Rehdantz  and  others,  and  the  narratives  of  Thirl- 

10*  225 


226 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU, 


Taurian  peninsula,  situate  to  the  south  of  Panticapseum, 
on  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus,  which  leads  from  the  Pontus 
into  the  Palus  Mseotis.  These  distant  mem- 
bers of  the  Confederation  were  placed  in  a dif- 
ficult position  after  the  Sicilian  calamity,  inas- 
much as  what  had  hitherto  been  their  pro- 
tecting power  was  no  longer  able  to  take  care 
of  them.  There  accordingly  remained  no  course 
open  to  them  but  that  of  arriving  at  an  understanding  with 
their  neighbors  on  their  own  account,  and  of  attaching  them- 
selves to  these  after  such  a fashion  as  to  leave  their  commer- 
cial relations  with  Athens  unhurt  and  secured.  Pantica- 
pssum  was  the  centre  of  the  Bosporan  empire,  which  was 
at  that  time  at  the  height  of  prosperity  under  the  Sparto- 
cidse  (p.  137)  ; it  was  upon  friendly  intercourse  with  them 
that  the  community  of  Nymphaeum  had  to  depend  ; and 
an  Athenian  of  the  name  of  Gylon  was  one  of  those  who 
negotiated  the  conclusion  of  an  intimate  union.  Although 
he  had  hereby  in  no  sense  done  damage  to  the  interests 
of  his  native  city,  yet  his  proceedings  were  regarded  with 
disfavor  at  Athens,  so  that  an  indictment  was  preferred 
against  him,  and  he  was  sentenced  to  a fine.  In  conse- 
quence he  repaired  anew  to  the  Pontus,  where  he  met  with 
a most  honorable  reception  at  the  hands  of  the  princes 
there.  A place  near  Phanagoria,  Cepi  by  name,  was  be- 
stowed upon  him  as  a gift,  and  he  married  a native  woman. 
From  this  marriage  sprang  two  daughters,  who,  being 
possessed  of  a considerable  dowry,  came  to  Athens  and 
wedded  Attic  citizens.  The  one  of  them  married  Demo- 


Demos- 
thenes,  the 
son  of  De- 
mosthenes, 
born 

01.  cxix.  1 
(b.  c.  383)  ? 
His 

parentage. 


wall  and  Grote.  The  results  of  all  these  labors,  manifoldly  advanced  by 
his  own  research,  are  combined  in  the  work  of  Arnold  Schafer,  Demosthenes 
nnd  seine  Zeit  (1856-8),  the  treasure-house  of  all  that  we  know  of  the  Phil- 
ippic age,  to  which,  as  a matter  of  course,  my  narrative  too  owes  far  more 
than  it  is  possible  to  indicate  by  citations.  Since  the  appearance  of  this 
work,  the  historical  materials  have  not  been  increased  to  any  important  ex- 
tent; but  I have  endeavored  to  turn  to  the  fullest  possible  account  the  gain 
which  is  to  be  obtained  from  the  new  Scholia  to  iEschines,  from  inscrip 
lions,  and  from  coins. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


227 


chares  of  the  deme  Leuconoe ; the  other,  Cleobule  by 
name,  became  the  wife  of  a manufacturer  and  merchant 
of  position,  Demosthenes  of  the  deme  Paeania,  who  main- 
tained an  establishment  of  two  large  workshops,  in  which 
arms,  cutlery,  and  furniture  were  produced.  This  De- 
mosthenes and  Cleobule  were  the  parents  of  the  orator, 
who  was  born  at  Athens  three  or  four  years  after  the 
peace  of  Antalcidas. 

These  relations  of  parentage  were,  at  a later  date,  when 
Demosthenes  the  son  directed  the  politics  of  Athens,  made 
use  of  by  his  adversaries,  in  order  to  represent  him  as  an 
intruder,  devoid  of  any  claim  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
the  city,  inasmuch  as  he  was  not  even  a genuine  Hellene, 
but  a foreigner  and  a semi-barbarian.  His  grandfather 
on  the  mother’s  side  was  declared  to  have  forfeited  his 
rights  as  a citizen  by  treason,  his  grandmother  to  be  a 
Scythian  woman,  and  indeed  to  belong  to  the  Nomad 
race  of  that  people.  Doubtless  this  is  an  invidious  con- 
ception misrepresenting  the  facts  of  the  case.  Before  his 
death  Gylon  had  paid  the  debt  which  he  owed  to  his  na- 
tive city,  nor  could  any  one  of  the  opponents  of  Demos- 
thenes prove  the  existence  of  any  obligation  resting  upon 
Gylon’s  family,  or  impugn  on  satisfactory  grounds  the 
rights  of  inheritance  of  his  descendants.  With  regard  on 
the  other  hand  to  the  defect  of  descent,  it  is  by  no  means 
unlikely  that  there  was  more  of  reason  in  this  objection. 
For  in  the  colonies  on  the  Black  Sea  manifold  family-con- 
nexions were  formed  between  Hellenes  and  Scythians, 
(vol.  i.  p.  492).  Had  not  even  a chieftain  of  the  Scy- 
thians, Scylles,  the  contemporary  of  Sitalces,  born  as  the 
son  of  an  Ionic  mother,  been  educated  in  the  Greek  lan- 
guage and  writing,  and  become  an  enthusiastic  adherent  of 
Greek  manners  and  customs,  even  receiving  the  civic  fran- 
chise of  Olbia,  where  he  had  a Greek  housewife  ? 

It  is  true  that  he  was  overthrown  by  his  brother,  the 
son  of  the  daughter  of  Teres  (p.  14),  the  leader  of  the  na- 


228 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


tional  party  ; but  bis  story  shows,  bow  the  influence  of  the 
Greek  coast-towns  had  penetrated  even  into  the  very  heart 
of  the  Scythian  nation.  Doubtless,  therefore,  the  nation- 
alities had  become  blended  far  more  fully  in  the  coast- 
towns  themselves,  especially  since  the  Thracians,  whose  re- 
lations were  most  intimate  both  with  the  Scythians  and 
with  the  Hellenes,  promoted  this  amalgamation.  In  gen- 
eral, intercourse  with  the  peoples  of  the  north  was  much 
less  repugnant  to  the  Hellenes,  than  e.  g.  with  Phoenicians, 
Babylonians,  and  Egyptians  ; indeed  they  were  rather  in 
a sense  attracted  to  the  former ; and  if  we  call  to  mind 
the  Athenians  who  were  blood-relations  of  Thracian 
families,  such  as  Cimon,  Thucydides  the  historian,  the 
philosopher  Antisthenes  (perhaps  Themistocles  also 
should  be  included  in  the  list),  we  cannot  avoid  the  obser- 
vation, that  it  was  precisely  men  of  great  mark  who 
sprang  from  mixed  marriages  of  this  description. 
Menestheus  too,  the  son  of  Hippocrates  by  the  Thracian 
princess  and  the  son-in-law  of  Timotheus,  caused  a sen- 
sation in  Athens  by  his  early  and  peculiarly  vigorous  and 
manly  development ; and  when  he  was  asked  about  his 
parents,  he  was  wont  to  say  he  owed  far  more  thanks  to 
his  mother  than  to  his  father ; for  that  while  the  latter 
had  done  his  utmost  to  make  him  a Thracian,  she  had 
done  her  best  to  make  him  a Hellene.  Now  since  the 
growing  exhaustion  of  the  Attic  civic  communities,  as  we 
have  good  grounds  for  assuming,  connects  itself  with  the 
fact  that  the  majority  of  marriages  were  concluded  among 
the  sons  and  daughters  of  family-circles  akin  to  one 
another,  it  seems  extremely  natural,  that  connexions 
formed  with  members  of  other  nations  should  have  con- 
tributed to  invigorate  the  Greek  families  both  physically 
and  mentally,  and  especially,  in  the  period  of  the  gradual 
decrease  of  national  energy,  to  call  into  life  powers,  such 
as  were  becoming  more  and  more  rare  in  purely  Hellenic 
houses.  Thus  it  may  perhaps  be  also  conjectured  with 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


229 


reference  to  Demosthenes,  that  the  extraordinary  power 
of  tension  characteristic  of  his  mind  is  connected  with  the 
circumstance,  that  some  of  the  blood  of  the  northern  peo 
pies  flowed  in  his  veins. 

But  however  this  may  have  been,  we  may  His  chnd_ 
assume  with  certainty,  that  the  foreign  con-  hood- 
nexions  of  his  family  furnished  to  him  an  impulse  of 
great  significance.  His  mother,  whose  birth-place  was  on 
the  Pontus,  could  not  hut  at  a very  early  date  lead  the 
spirit  of  the  boy  beyond  the  circle  of  the  walls  of  his  na- 
tive city,  while  his  father  stood  before  his  eyes  as  the  im- 
age of  an  efficient  and  worthy  citizen,  of  the  type  which 
had  still  survived  in  the  better  spheres  of  the  civic  popula- 
tion. He  was  capable  of  conducting  an  extensive  business 
with  circumspection  and  with  a vigorous  hand,  was  loyally 
devoted  to  the  commonwealth,  and  deemed  it  his  highest 
honor  to  fulfil  with  the  utmost  conscientiousness  all  his 
duties  as  a citizen.  There  was  no  lack  either  of  means  for 
education  or  of  good-will  and  rational  direction ; and 
thus  Demosthenes,  who  grew  up  at  home  with  a younger 
sister,  was  doubtless  a boy  exceptionally  favored  and  for- 
tunate.* 

But  this  good  fortune  was  of  brief  endurance.  When 

* As  to  the  maternal  descent  of  Demosthenes:  iEsch.  iii.  171,  a passage 
doubtless  based  upon  facts.  That  the  Scythians  were  Mongols  is  convin- 
cingly disputed  byMiillenhoff  in  the  Monatsberichte  cler  Berlin.  Akadem.,  1S66, 
p.  549. — Menestheus:  Rehdantz,  Iphicr.  235  f.  With  respect  to  the  mingling 
of  blood  in  the  Attic  families,  it  is  worth  pointing  out  that,  according  to 
Bernays  (Vial,  des  Aristot.  134),  Aristotle  too  was  a half-Greek.  (This  will 
probably  also  explain  many  a peculiarity  of  diction  in  him.) — Demosthenes 
comes  of  age  in  the  summer  of  366,  towards  the  end  of  01.  eiii.  2,  or  the 
beginning  of  01.  eiii.  3.  The  period  of  guardianship  closes  in  the  tenth 
year ; it  begins  01.  ei.  1,  b.  c.  376  ; Demosthenes  was  then  seven  years  of  age ; 
hence  he  was  born  about  01.  xcix.  1,  b.  c.  383.  This  calculation,  which  is 
based  upon  the  chronology  of  the  guardianship  and  upon  Vit.  X.  Oral.  845,  is 
contradicted  by  the  incidental  statement  in  the  speech  in  Mid.  564,  accord- 
ing to  which  Demosthenes  was  in  the  autumn  of  349  b.  c.  thirty-two  years  of 
age ; which  would  make  the  year  of  his  birth  381  (Dion,  ad  Amm.  i.  4)  or  3S2. 
Schafer  assumes  32  to  be  a clerical  error  for  34.  The  year  is  not  to  be  fixed 
with  perfect  certainty,  but  it  is  preferable  to  follow  the  former  of  these 
two  calculations. 


230 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Demosthenes  was  seven  years  of  age,  his  father  fell  sick 
and  died.  He  left  indeed  a house  in  good  order  behind 
The  piiar-  him;  there  remained  a property  of  at  least 
dianship.  fourteen  talents  (£3,400  circ.),  invested  in  his 
Oi.  ei.  3—  cm.  0Wn  business  and  in  other  concerns,  the  inter- 

3 ( n.  0.  37G-  _ 

3C6).  est  of  which  was  far  more  than  sufficient  to 

support  his  widow  and  children.  Moreover,  the  father 
had  most  carefully  provided  for  the  management  of  this 
property.  The  nearest  friends  of  the  house  had  been  ap- 
pointed guardians,  viz.  Therippides,  and  the  nephews  of 
the  testator,  Aphobus  and  Demophon,  all  of  them  well-to- 
do  men,  to  whom  he  had  moreover  providently  left  special 
legacies  on  account  of  their  trouble ; finally  he  had  also  en- 
deavored to  make  his  two  above-named  nephews  so  thor- 
oughly members  of  his  family  by  means  of  marriage-en- 
gagements, that  according  to  his  presumption  they  would 
care  for  it  as  for  their  own. 

But  never  has  the  last  will  of  a faithful  father  of  a 
family  been  more  vilely  contemned.  For  the  friends  of  the 
house  proved  themselves  its  worst  foes  ; all  the  advantages 
which  the  will  offered  to  them  they  greedily  appropriated, 
without  fulfilling  the  obligations  imposed  on  them  by  its 
recognition.  They  paid  no  attention  to  any  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  testator,  neglected  and  deprived  of  their  value 
the  manufactory  and  business,  squandered  and  invested 
moneys,  and  instead  of  their  augmenting  the  property  of 
their  wards,  which  an  intelligent  management  might  easily 
have  doubled,  their  administration  of  it  was  of  so  uncon- 
scientious  a character,  that  even  the  capital  was  for 
the  most  part  lost.  The  complaints  of  the  mother,  the 
representations  of  honest  friends,  public  opinion,  which  as- 
serted itself  in  favor  of  the  orphans — all  remained  "without 
effect;  the  guardians  appealed  to  the  powers  conferred 
upon  them  ; and  it  was  not  until  after  the  expiration  of 
these  powers  that  they  could  be  called  to  account.  It  was 
from  this  side  that  the  youth,  as  he  grew  towards  man- 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


231 


hood,  became  acquainted  with  the  world ; the  first  sensa- 
tions which  took  hold  of  his  mind  were  those  of  indigna- 
tion at  faithlessness  and  treachery  ; and  while  other  boys 
were  joyously  looking  forward  to  the  time,  when,  having 
outgrown  domestic  discipline,  they  might  enjoy  life,  he 
was  filled  by  the  single  idea,  that  he  should  like  to  be  a 
man  and  a strong  one,  in  order  to  avenge  the  shame  cast 
upon  his  paternal  home,  and  to  chastise  the  crime  com- 
mitted by  ruthless  selfishness  against  its  children.  Al- 
though, then,  neither  means  nor  opportunities  were  want- 
ing for  intellectual  development,  yet  the  unfortunate  con- 
dition of  his  family  affairs  entirely  marred  the  joyous- 
ness of  his  youth.  As  a rule  he  remained  at  home  with 
his  mother,  avoided  the  sports  of  boyhood,  and  entered  in- 
to none  of  those  genial  connexions  between  comrades,  such 
as  were  wont  to  be  formed  in  the  palsestrse  and  among  the 
chivalrous  exercises  of  youth ; he  was  pale  and  slender, 
and  was  mocked  as  a weakling  by  those  of  his  own  age. 
In  their  eyes  he  seemed  awkward  and  saturnine  ; he  was 
incapable  of  being  merry  at  his  ease  among  them.  He 
had  in  his  mind  only  a single  object,  upon  which  he  was 
intent  with  the  whole  energy  of  his  intellect ; viz.  to  obtain 
the  requisite  weapons  for  the  struggle  incumbent  upon  him. 

To  the  effect  of  speech  he  was  already  no  _ ,, 

stranger.  As  a boy  he  had  been  present  in  jse^“d 
the  judicial  chamber,  where  Callistratus  was  ...  „ , 

. . 01.  cm.  3 (b. 

subjected  to  an  indictment  of  life  and  death  on  c-  366). 

the  affair  of  Oropus  (p.  105)  ; he  was  witness  of  the  bit- 
ter wrath  of  the  assembly  against  the  accused,  and  saw. 
how  by  the  power  of  his  eloquence  he  changed  the  opinion 
of  the  jury,  and  at  the  close  of  the  proceedings  was  con- 
ducted home  like  a victor  amidst  praise  and  congratula- 
tions. This  experience  was  for  Demosthenes  an  event  of 
enduring  effect ; he  was  resolved  to  become  an  orator ; 
and,  as  soon  as  he  had  come  of  age,  applied  to  Isseus  (p. 
172),  the  foremost  master  of  Attic  law,  and  the  advocate 


232 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


of  the  most  successful  experience,  particularly  in  questions 
of  disputed  inheritances.  After  having  doubtless  already 
previously  been  connected  with  him,  Demosthenes  now 
claimed  his  services  exclusively  for  himself,  induced  him 
to  come  and  live  in  his  own  house,  and  in  return  for  a 
considerable  fee  (10,000  drachms  = £367  arc.)  to  de- 
vote himself  entirely  to  training  him ; so  that,  although 
Isseus  did  not  in  consequence  leave  off  conducting  cases 
and  writing  orations,  he  gave  instruction  in  oratory  to  no 
one  else.  It  was  a close  personal  relation  into  which  they 
entered,  an  intellectual  armed  alliance,  in  order  with  their 
united  strength  to  carry  on  the  contest  of  vengeance,  which 
Demosthenes,  like  the  Heroes  of  ancient  mythology,  un- 
dertook against  the  desolaters  of  his  paternal  home. 

Oncnin"  of  This  (‘outest  was  waged  in  a succession  of 
against* the  stages.  The  first  was  the  demand  of  an  account, 
guardians.  and  the  preferment  of  a general  complaint 
?3G4)V' 1 (B‘  with  reference  to  the  conduct  of  the  guardian- 
ship. Next,  resort  was  had  to  the  various 
ways  of  decision  by  arbitration ; but  the  guardians 
avoided  all  attempts  at  a compromise,  and  refused  to  ac- 
knowledge even  the  decision  of  the  arbiters  appointed  by 
the  State.  There  accordingly  remained  nothing  but  a 
formal  action.  In  the  third  year  after  he  had  come  of 
age,  Demosthenes  handed  in  his  written  accusation  to  the 
First  Archon,  whose  duty  it  was  to  superintend  the  pre- 
liminaries of  questions  concerning  the  guardianship  ; and 
in  this  indictment  moved  for  a penalty  of  ten  talents  (£2, 
505)  against  each  of  the  guardians.  The  matter  was  now 
fully  set  in  motion.  Demosthenes,  who  had  right  on  his 
side  as  well  as  the  most  accurate  knowledge  of  the  law, 
and  who,  notwithstanding  his  youthful  age  (twenty  years), 
possessed  all  the  strength  of  character  of  mature  man- 
hood, went  on  unshaken,  and  there  was  nothing  left  for 
his  adversaries  but  to  contrive  new  intrigues.  For  this 
purpose  they  took  advantage  of  the  institutions  existing 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


233 


in  Athens,  the  design  of  which  was  to  avoid  undue  im- 
positions and  injustice  in  the  demands  of  public  services 
from  the  wealthier  citizens  (vol.  ii.  p.  524).  When  a citi- 
zen considered  that  an  excessive  demand  had  been  made 
upon  him,  and  that  the  service  claimed  from  himself 
ought  with  more  justice  to  have  been  asked  from  some  one 
else,  he  had  the  right  of  transferring  the  service  to  this 
other  person,  or  of  calling  upon  him  for  an  exchange  of 
property,  undertaking  to  defray  out  of  the  property  of  the 
other  the  service  in  question, — whether  it  were  the  equip- 
ment of  a ship  or  of  a chorus.  If  in  such  a transaction 
no  amicable  understanding  was  arrived  at,  he  who  had 
proffered  the  exchange  had  the  right  of  sequestrating  the 
property  of  the  other,  being  at  the  same  time  obliged  to 
hold  his  own  in  readiness  for  the  same  purpose.  Here- 
upon an  inventory  was  made  within  three  days  of  the 
property  of  either  ; and  on  the  basis  of  this  inventory  the 
judicial  tribunal  finally  decided  which  of  the  two  wTas 
rightfully  called  upon  to  undertake  the  disputed  service. 
This  institution,  which  owed  its  origin  to  Solon,  was  in 
general  calculated  upon  simple  and  easily  intelligible  con- 
ditions of  property.  In  later  times  it  became  more  and 
more  difficult,  and,  instead  of  affording  a protection 
against  arbitrary  oppression,  was  not  unfrequently  used 
as  an  instrument  of  malicious  intrigue,  admirably  adapted 
for  suddenly  disturbing  fellow-citizens,  whom  it  was  in- 
tended to  annoy,  in  the  tranquil  possession  of  their  pro- 
perty, and  preparing  for  them  the  most  insufferable  vexa- 
tions. 

Such  was  also  the  case  in  the  present 
instance.  An  Attic  squadron  was  to  be  de- 
spatched from  the  port,  and  the  contributions 
requisite  for  the  purpose  had  been  imposed  by 
the  Board  of  Generals  upon  a certain  number 
of  trierarchs.  Among  these  was  Thrasylochus,  the  son  of 
Cephisodorus  and  the  brother  of  Midias.  With  him  the 


Forced  tri- 
erarchy  of 
Demosthe- 
nes. 

OI.  civ.  1 
(b.  c.  364 — 3). 


234 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book.  VII 


guardians  entered  into  an  understanding ; in  consequence 
of  which  Thrasylochus,  a few  days  before  the  j udicial  term 
at  which  the  indictment  concerning  the  guardianship 
was  to  he  finally  decided  by  sentence,  appeared  in  the 
house  of  Demosthenes  and  offered  an  exchange  of  proper- 
ties, in  case  he  would  not  voluntarily  undertake  the  tri- 
erarchy.  The  intrigue  was  cunningly  enough  devised. 
For  Demosthenes  was  either  to  perform  this  liturgy — in 
which  case  he  would  inevitably  complete  the  ruin  of  his 
shattered  finances ; or,  he  accepted  the  exchange.  In 
this  case  his  property  with  all  his  claims  passed  into  the 
hands  of  Thrasylochus,  who  could  hereupon,  according  to 
his  agreement,  quash  the  demands  made  upon  the  guar- 
dians as  well  as  the  entire  lawsuit.  Demosthenes,  whose 
mind  was  wholly  occupied  with  the  suit,  saw  himself  sud- 
denly surprised  by  these  wiles ; at  first  he  failed  to  see 
through  the  whole  intrigue,  and  agreed  to  the  exchange  of 
property,  because  he  opined  that  in  spite  of  the  transfer 
of  his  property  he  would  be  able  to  maintain  his  demands 
and  to  reserve  his  right  to  carry  through  the  suit.  But 
no  such  reservation  wras  permitted  to  him  ; whereupon  he 
resolved,  in  order  in  no  case  to  allow  himself  to  be  de- 
luded out  of  his  suit,  to  cancel  the  transaction  of  exchange 
which  had  been  commenced,  and  simply  to  undertake  the 
expense  of  the  public  service  forced  upon  him.  Thrasylo- 
chus had  already  let  it  out  for  twenty  minse  (£81)  to  one 
of  the  speculators,  who  at  Athens  made  a trade  of  under- 
taking such  public  services  for  others  ; Demosthenes  paid 
the  sum,  and  had  thereby  incurred  the  loss  of  a consid- 
erable part  of  his  remaining  capital.* 

* The  difficult  passage,  Dem.  xxviii.  17,  seems  to  me  not  to  have  been 
made  perfectly  clear  even  by  Boeckh,  P.  Ec.  of  Ath .,  vol.  ii.  p.  344  [E.  Tr.]. 
According  to  Boeckh  and  Platner  it  would  be  necessary  to  assume  two 
SiaSiKaaiai,  the  one  concerning  the  sum  total  of  the  properties  of  the  two 
litigants,  and  another  concerning  the  demands  of  Demosthenes  and  the 
reservation  made  by  him.  But  it  should  be  remembered  that  already  in 
the  former  all  the  assets  and  liabilities  must  have  been  entered  into.  Tw>- 
Xporwi'  vnoyvoiv  orTtur  refers  to  the  despatch  of  the  fleet ; and  we  must 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


235 


Such  struggles  and  sacrifices  were  needed,  before  the 

matter  could  be  as  much  as  brought  before  the  judges  ; 

and  even  then  it  cost  great  labor,  before  the  end  could  be 

reached.  The  most  important  documents,  Hjg  speeehes 

above  all  his  father’s  will  itself,  had  been  as  plaintiff. 

made  away  with  ; and  it  was  no  easy  matter  01.  en.  1— 

J J civ.  3(b.  o. 

for  Demosthenes  to  furnish  evidence  and  wit-  363—361). 
nesses,  in  order  to  establish  the  original  amount  of  the 
property.  And  yet  he  succeeded  in  removing  all  doubt 
as  to  the  guilt  of  the  guardians ; he  was  able  to  prove 
with  what  results  the  property  of  other  wards  had  been 
managed  in  the  same  period  of  time,  and  how  he,  who 
when  entering  upon  his  inheritance  had  belonged  to  the 
same  property-class  as  Timotheus,  the  son  of  Conon,  and 
others  subject  to  the  highest  rate  of  taxation,  would,  had 
his  guardians’  administration  lasted  but  a few  years  longerj 
have  been  absolutely  reduced  to  beggary.  But  not  only 
did  Demosthenes  claim  for  himself  and  his  sister  the  com- 
passion of  the  jury,  not  only  did  he  seek  to  excite  deep 
indignation  at  the  crime  committed  against  his  dying 
father  and  his  house,  but  he  also  pointed  out  how  much  in 
the  public  interest  depended  upon  preserving  those  civic 
properties  upon  which  the  State  could  reckon,  when  in  a 
situation  obliging  it  to  claim  the  performance  of  more  ex- 
tensive services,  which  his  father  had  invariably  under- 
taken with  patriotic  ardor. 

Aphobus  was  the  first  accused.  In  spite  of  all  the 
forensic  tricks  resorted  to  by  himself  and  his  associates,  he 
was  condemned.  The  other  guardians  met  with  the  same 
fate,  or  before  the  decision  consented  to  a compromise. 
The  damage  inflicted  was,  indeed,  by  no  means  thus  made 
good.  The  adversaries  of  Demosthenes  contrived  by  a 

assume  that  in  consequence  of  the  want  of  time  no  legal  discussion  took 
place,  but  that  Thrasylochus  was  all  the  same  able  to  force  Demosthenes 
into  such  a position  that  he  undertook  the  trierarchy.  ’Ano<\eCeiv  probably 
only  signifies  the  closing  of  a house  before  the  beginning  of  SiaSucaofa  on 
an  exchange  of  properties. 


236 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


variety  of  new  tricks  to  escape  from  their  obligations  ; 
fresh  vexatious  law-suits  were  requisite,  in  order  to  fivce 
them  to  give  up  pieces  of  land  which  they  kept  back  with 
perverse  obstinacy ; and  in  the  end  Demosthenes  was 
obliged  to  acquiesce  in  the  loss  of  the  greater  part  of  his 
paternal  inheritance.  But  in  truth,  from  the  first  his 
main  object  had  been,  not  the  money,  but  to  bring  about 
the  expiation  of  the  wrong,  the  unmasking  of  the 
treachery,  and  the  restoration  of  the  honor  of  his  house. 
In  this  point  his  victory  was  complete ; towards  this  end 
he  had  woi’ked  for  years  with  indefatigable  zeal,  while  he 
almost  seems  to  have  taken  too  little  trouble  to  turn  bis 
victory  to  the  fullest  account.  Although  therefore  com- 
passion may  be  felt  for  the  young  man,  in  that  he  was 
forced  to  occupy  six  of  the  fairest  years  of  life  with  these 
vexatious  quarrels,  yet  it  is  certain  that  he  could  have 
gone  through  no  better  school  for  steeling  his  inner 
strength  and  acquiring  an  inflexible  force  of  will.  It 
should  be  considered  what  was  at  that  time  the  condition 
of  things  at  Athens.  It  was  a quite  uncommon  occurrence 
for  a man  to  insist  purely  upon  his  rights  and  to  advance 
unswervingly  towards  his  object.  The  usage  was  to  pur- 
sue none  but  crooked  paths,  and  to  settle  everything  by 
means  of  compromises,  secret  contrivances,  and  mutual 
concessions  ; disputed  cases  were  ordinarily  brought  to  an 
issue  from  any  point  of  view  except  that  of  simple  justice. 
This  explains  the  unheard-of  audacity  of  the  guardians ; 
and  only  thus  is  it  possible  to  recognize  the  lofty  spirit  of 
Demosthenes,  in  whose  eyes  the  struggle  was  a matter  of 
conscience,  to  which  he  inflexibly  adhered,  a contest  of 
honor,  in  which  he  fearlessly  exposed  himself  to  personal 
attacks  even  on  the  part  of  his  nearest  relatives.  In  the 
midst  of  these  perils  the  youth  rapidly  matured  into  a 
man.  At  an  unusually  early  period  of  life  he  became 
acquainted  with  the  world  from  its  worst  side  ; but  this 
failed  to  embitter,  and  still  more  failed  to  discourage  him. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  ancl  King  Philip. 


237 


Environed  by  numerous  and  crafty  enemies,  be,  a de- 
fenceless youth,  learnt  to  trust  in  himself  and  in  a good 
cause ; and  inasmuch  as  it  in  the  end  after  all  proved  vic- 
torious, he  in  spite  of  all  these  dark  experiences  yet  ac- 
quired confidence  in  the  sound  and  honest  spirit  which 
lived  in  the  better  part  of  the  civic  community, — a confi- 
dence which  never  afterwards  deserted  him. 

At  the  same  time  he  had  been  obliged  in  ,T . 
this  contest  immediately  to  apply  such  know-  tural  sifts- 
ledge  and  skill  as  he  had  acquired  by  his  studies  in 
the  department  of  the  advocate’s  art ; he  had  thus  con- 
verted these  acquirements  into  independent  possessions  of 
his  own,  and  could  now  enter  the  arena  of  life  as  a fully- 
equipped  man.  At  the  same  time  he  was  supported  by 
his  inborn  gifts  ; for  he  naturally  possessed  a keen  under- 
standing, a lively  and  easily-moved  mind,  and  an  abun- 
dance of  ideas  which  developed  themselves  out  of  a grand 
conception  of  life.  But  he  still  lacked  much  towards  be- 
ing a perfect  orator,  and,  in  order  to  supply  these  defects, 
it  was  still  necessary  for  him  to  give  arduous  proofs  of  his 
strength  of  will. 

Demosthenes,  in  accordance  with  his  char-  Formation 
acter,  was  too  prone  to  consider  everything  to  char' 
depend  upon  the  merits  of  a cause,  and  to 
trust  to  its  justice,  so  long  as  it  was  lightly  treated.  Giv- 
ing way  to  this  tendency,  he  neglected  himself  in  externals 
which  were  frequently  decisive  in  the  eyes  of  the  Attic 
public ; and  in  such  matters  he  had  been  least  able  to 
learn  anything  from  Isseus,  who  himself  never  came  for- 
ward in  public.  Moreover,  the  young  man,  who  after  a 
life  of  retirement  by  his  mother’s  side  had  immediately 
plunged  into  the  most  laborious  studies,  notwithstanding 
the  firmness  of  his  spirit,  after  all  lacked  proper  assurance 
and  that  becoming  ease  of  manner  which  is  the  fruit  of  in- 
tercourse with  society  ; there  clung  to  him  a certain  shy- 
ness and  clumsiness,  which  contrasted  very  strongly  with 


238 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


the  effrontery  of  ordinary  orators.  He  was  also  deficient 
His  train  'u  physical  strength.  His  organs  of  speech  by 
in«  and  de-  no  means  corresponded  to  the  deep  movements 

velopment  , A , 

as  an  ora-  0f  his  mind,  and  the  pathos  of  his  eloquence 
became  ridiculous  when  his  voice  failed  him. 
His  pronunciation  wanted  purity,  his  mouth  was  disad- 
vantageous^ formed,  and  his  bearing  was  timid  and  awk- 
ward. In  his  heart  he  was  firm  and  decided,  for  he  was 
conscious  of  a lofty  power,  which  he  felt  it  his  duty  to 
turn  to  the  best  account  on  behalf  of  his  fellow-citizens 
and  his  mission  stood  with  immovable  fixity  before  him  ; 
he  regarded  liberty  of  speech  as  still  the  noblest  possession 
of  the  Athenians,  and  their  openness  to  the  power  of 
spoken  words  seemed  to  him  their  best  quality.  But  he 
had  to  go  through  the  severest  struggles,  in  experiencing  a 
succession  of  humiliations,  while  seeing  shallow  babblers 
without  trouble  reap  a full  harvest  of  applause,  and  in 
again  and  again  coming  to  doubt,  whether  insignificant 
circumstances  would  not  prevent  him  from  ever  reaching 
the  goal  for  which  he  was  striving  with  the  exertion  of  all 
his  strength.  At  the  same  time  he  was  a solitary  man,  a 
stranger  to  his  fellow-citizens,  and  obliged  to  rely  entirely 
upon  himself. 

Fortunately,  some  few  men  were  found  to  encourage 
him  when  he  lost  heart,  and  to  revive  him  by  good 
counsel.  Eunomus  of  Thria  is  said  to  have  been  the  first 
to  recognize  in  him  a Periclean  force  of  eloquence ; others, 
such  as  the  actor  Satyrus,  in  a friendly  spirit  pointed  out 
to  him  the  weak  points  in  his  delivery.  Thus,  in  spite  of 
all  humiliations  and  failures,  he  ever  again  returned  to 
his  task  and  continued  to  labor  at  his  self-development.  He 
strengthened  his  chest  and  voice,  by  talking  aloud  while 
ascending  steep  declivities  ; he  set  himself,  however  greatly 
it  jarred  upon  his  natural  inclinations,  to  learn  from  the 
artists  of  the  stage,  in  order  to  acquire  a dignified  bearing 
of  body,  an  appropriate  play  of  features,  a correct  accen- 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


239 


tuation  and  distribution  of  the  breath  ; and  the  numerous 
anecdotes,  to  which  already  at  an  early  date  currency  was 
given,  in  order  to  deride  him  as  an  eccentric  pedant,  who 
allowed  himself  no  rest  at  night,  and  who  forced  himself 
to  the  utmost  seclusion,  so  as  to  live  entirely  for  his 
studies,  at  all  events  prove  that  the  iron  strength  of  will 
wdth  which  Demosthenes  pursued  his  end,  created  aston- 
ishment among  his  fellow-citizens.  They  regarded  him  as 
a man  made  of  quite  different  stuff  from  the  other  folk 
who  in  the  times  of  Eubulus  filled  the  market-place  of 
Athens. 

As  to  the  character  of  his  speeches,  he  re-  Hjs  rp] 
vealed  the  master  to  whom  he  had  at  so  early  tioris  t0  th.e 

* present, 

an  age  and  under  circumstances  of  such  inti- 
macy attached  himself.  The  nervous  simplicity  of  expres- 
sion, the  keen  conduct  of  an  argument,  the  brief  queries 
which  interrupt  and  animate  a speech, — these  and  other 
peculiarities  he  had  acquired  from  his  teacher ; indeed,  in 
the  orations  concerning  the  guardianship  we  find  Demos- 
thenes verbally  reproducing  certain  turns  and  even  pass- 
ages of  greater  length  from  Isseus,  which  is  explained  by 
the  circumstance  that  in  the  course  of  his  training  he  had 
got  by  heart  orations  of  his  master’s. 

But  he  was  not  merely  a pupil  of  Isaius.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  from  Callistratus  too,  and  doubtless  not 
only  by  a single  hearing,  he  had  received  an  impression 
for  life.  So  ardent  a spirit  as  his  could  not  remain  un- 
touched by  the  performances  of  the  oratory  of  the  times ; 
indeed,  if  he  was  desirous  of  controlling  the  minds  of  his 
contemporaries,  it  was  indispensable  for  him  to  familiarize 
himself  with  all  the  intellectual  currents  of  the  age.  Ac- 
cordingly he  is  likewise  stated  not  to  have  left  unnoticed 
the  orations  of  the  Sophists,  e.  g.  those  of  Polycrates  (p. 
150).  But  most  especially,  a significance  could  not  but 
attach  for  him  to  the  efforts  of  Isocrates,  inasmuch  as  the 
latter  was  not  only  the  most  celebrated  rhetor  of  his  age, 


240 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


but  also  the  centre  of  an  influential  circle,  which  had  a 
very  decided  political  tendency  of  its  own.  At  the  same 
time,  however,  there  prevailed  between  Isocrates  and  De- 
mosthenes as  deep  a contrast  as  it  would  be  possible  to 
conceive  of  between  two  contemporary  orators.  The  one 
timidly  retreated  from  the  public  gaze,  and  only  felt  at 
his  ease  ivhen  surrounded  by  friends  and  pupils  who  ad- 
miringly looked  up  to  him  ; the  other  boldly  faced  every 
peril,  and  courted  the  struggle  in  which  he  might  stake 
his  life  in  the  cause  of  his  conviction.  Demosthenes  was 
able  to  acknowledge  the  masterly  skill  in  Isocrates,  and 
zealously  followed  him  in  the  neat  elaboration,  rhythmical 
grouping  and  rounding-off  of  his  sentences.  But  what  in 
the  eyes  of  the  rhetorical  artist  was  the  main  thing,  with 
Demosthenes  subordinated  itself  to  higher  considerations ; 
the  cold  smoothness  of  the  Isocratic  periods  could  not  ac- 
cord with  his  fiery  spirit ; and  however  finely  his  ear  was 
trained,  yet  he  could  not  consent  to  bind  himself  down  to 
external  laws  of  euphony  (p.  179),  such  as  had  been  es- 
tablished in  the  school  of  the  rhetor  ; at  all  events  in  his 
forensic  speeches  he  was  not  painfully  anxious  to  avoid 
the  hiatus .*  Moreover,  already  on  the  occasion  of  the  first 
contest  which  Demosthenes  had  to  wage,  Isocrates  was  on 
the  enemy’s  side ; for  he  was  the  tutor  of  Aphobus’ 
brother-in-law  Onetor,  of  whom  he  expressly  boasts  as  his 
pupil. 

The  other  circle,  which  at  that  time  was  an  intellectual 
power  at  Athens,  was  that  of  the  followers  of  Plato.  To- 
wards them,  too,  Demosthenes  stood  in  an  attitude  of  di- 
rect opposition ; for  he  could  not  but  be  averse  from  any 
philosophy  which  estranged  man  from  his  civic  duties,  and 
removed  him  from  the  sphere  of  practical  efficiency  into 
the  realms  of  ideas.  He  was  therefore  more  attracted  to- 
wards the  Megaric  school,  because  its  members  prepared 

* The  hiatus  in  Demosthenes:  Schafer,  iii.2,  317.  Of  very  rare  occurrence 
only  in  the  speeches  on  affairs  of  State. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


241 


the  mind  by  dialectical  exercises  for  the  task  of  public 
life ; and  Eubulides  (p.  151),  with  whom  he  felt  connected 
in  political  tendencies  also,  is  mentioned  among  the  men 
who  advanced  Demosthenes  in  his  development.  At  the 
same  time  neither  can  the  labors  of  Plato  have  passed  him 
by  without  leaving  their  traces.  Plato’s  Socratic  dia- 
logues could  not  fail  to  make  the  most  animating  impres- 
sion upon  all  who  devoted  themselves  to  acquiring  an  ar- 
tistic command  over  the  language,  or  to  stimulate  them  to 
follow  with  ardor  in  the  same  direction.  And  in  the  in- 
nermost tendency  of  mind  there  undeniably  likewise  ex- 
isted a deep  connection,  in  spite  of  the  great  contrast,  be- 
tween these  two  Athenians.  F or  both  possessed  an  invin- 
cible faith  in  the  moral  forces  in  the  life  of  man ; both 
made  it  the  task  of  their  life  to  assert  these,  and  not  in  the 
individual  only,  but  in  the  whole  community  ; but  the  one 
desired  by  means  of  the  divine  ideas  to  create  a new  State- 
commonwealth,  while  the  other  washed  to  elevate  the  ex- 
isting State  to  the  height  at  which  it  might  correspond  to 
the  idea  of  a true  civic  State. 

Demosthenes,  however,  not  only  drew  men.  and  t th 
tal  nourishment  from  that  which  was  offered  Past- 
by  the  present,  but  also  possessed  himself  of  that  which 
was  great  and  typical  in  preceding  ages  ; nor  could  a pa- 
triotic Athenian  have  done  otherwise.  He  reverentially 
contemplated  the  monuments  of  art,  the  dedicatory  gifts, 
the  statues  of  citizens  of  desert,  the  documents  in  stone,  the 
memorials  of  victory,  which,  he  declared,  were  set  up,  not 
in  order  to  be  idly  gazed  upon,  but  in  order  to  stimulate 
to  imitation  of  their  authors.  He  closely  studied  the 
ideas  of  Solon,  in  whose  sayings  and  laws  he  found  the 
moral  mission  of  the  Attic  state  most  perfectly  expressed  : 
he  drew  strength  from  recalling  the  great  past  of  his  na- 
tive city,  and  already  for  this  reason  loved  Thucydides 
more  than  any  other  author ; to  him  he  felt  inwardly 
akin ; the  work  of  Thucydides  was  to  him,  so  to  speak, 
11 


242 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


the  canonical  book  of  the  Attic  spirit ; he  is  said  to  have 
copied  it  out  eight  times  with  his  own  hand,  and  to  have 
known  the  greater  part  of  it  by  heart. 

Thus  the  intellectual  being  of  Demosthenes  is  rooted  in 
the  best  elements  which  native  tradition  had  to  offer ; and 
by  appropriating  these  to  itself  in  a life-like  way,  his 
mind,  in  which  there  was  by  nature  a want  of  elasticity 
and  receptivity,  became  flexible  and  many-sided  ; he  thus 
gradually  acquired  for  himself  the  full  facility  of  motion 
belonging  to  the  Attic  character.  Hence  the  variety  of 
expression,  in  which  he  surpasses  all  his  predecessors,  the 
difference  of  manner,  according  as  he  treats  of  public  or 
private  affairs,  and  the  abundance  of  changes  of  style  in 
his  orations.  In  them  we  find  the  sharpness  and  severity 
of  the  old  style,  the  sententious  brevity,  such  as  from  the 
lips  of  a Pericles  mightily  moved  the  minds  of  men,  and 
such  as  still  finds  an  echo  in  Thucydides ; but  Demosthe- 
nes’ form  of  expression  never  lacks  transparency  or  ease ; 
on  the  contrary,  where  it  suits  the  subject,  he  passes  into 
the  light  flow  of  the  eloquence  of  Lysias.  But  he  is  every- 
where more  full  of  vigor  than  the  latter,  he  always 
marches  in  his  panoply,  equipped  with  the  ready  logic  of 
the  Megaric  school.  He  has  the  dignity  and  sonorousness 
of  Isocrates,  but  at  the  same  time  an  infinitely  greater  va- 
riety of  movement ; he  is  fresh,  warm  and  dramatically 
animated  like  Plato,  but,  as  befits  an  orator,  more  measured 
and  severe.  Thus  in  full  truth  the  eloquence  of  Demos- 
thenes is  sustained  and  nourished  by  the  rich  culture  of 
his  native  city ; it  is  the  acme  and  perfection  of  all  that 
had  preceded  him,  while  at  the  same  time  he  had  by  no 
means  forfeited  his  peculiar  characteristics.  For  his  tal- 
TT.  . . ents,  it  must  be  remembered,  had  not  easily 
naiuy.  and  lightly  developed  themselves  by  following 

the  prevailing  tendencies  of  the  age  ; on  the  contrary,  he 
was  opposed  to  all  the  tendencies  of  the  present,  to  rheto- 
ric, to  sophistry  and  philosophy,  and  similarly  to  the 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


243 


great  world  and  to  the  political  sentiments  which  domina- 
ted over  the  citizens  in  the  times  of  Eubulus.  It  was  in 
solitary  struggles  that  he  labored  and  strove  to  form  him- 
self, and  it  was  thus  that  he  impressed  upon  his  develop- 
ment the  perfect  stamp  of  his  own  individuality.  The 
weight  of  the  seriousness  of  his  life  is  impressed  upon  his 
eloquence ; hence  his  aversion  from  all  phrase-making 
and  from  rhetorical  verbiage.  His  style  is  short  and  con- 
densed ; he  adheres  strictly  to  the  subject,  seeking  to  seize 
it  in  the  most  thorough  way  possible  from  every  side,  and 
to  cut  olf  by  anticipation  all  possible  objections.  With 
this  mastery  over  the  dialectical  art  are  combined  a force 
of  moral  conviction  and  a passionate  hatred  of  all  that  is 
base,  an  inflexible  courage  and  a fervent  love  for  his  na- 
tive city,  so  that  thus  the  art  of  the  orator  becomes  the  ex- 
pression of  the  entire  man.  In  him,  character  and  elo- 
quence, word  and  deed,  were  one ; and  after  he  had  de- 
veloped the  rich  gifts  bestowed  upon  him  by  nature,  with 
the  fidelity  and  persistency  which  are  the  tokens  of  true 
genius,  after  he  had  possessed  himself  of  all  the  impulses 
to  be  derived  from  rhetoric,  from  philosophy  and  from 
dramatic  art,  he  finally  bestowed  the  supreme  consecra- 
tion upon  his  art,  by  allowing  no  vanity  or  selfishness  to 
beset  it,  so  that,  sustained  by  the  nobility  of  a pure  spirit, 
it  became  the  organ  of  a mind  filled  with  enthusiasm  for 


Demos- 
thenes as 
an  advo- 
cate. 


the  loftiest  ends.* 

That  which  Demosthenes  had  acquired  by 
solitary  study  as  well  as  by  intercourse  with 
remarkable  men,  was  brought  to  perfection  by 
the  tasks  of  practical  life.  His  art  was  first  applied  by 
him  as  an  advocate.  It  was  in  this  capacity  that  he  de- 
rived most  benefit  from  the  schooling  through  which  he 
had  passed  under  Isseus,  above  all  from  the  thorough 


* Dionysius,  nepl  tt }?  Acth-ikt}?  A.  SeivoTrjTos,  on  Demosthenes  as  the 
orator  who  united  all  previous  stages  and  species.  Cf.  Blass,  Griech.  Ber 
redlsajnkeit , 1865,  p.  180. 


244 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


knowledge  of  civic  law  wliicli  he  had  acquired.  It  is  true 
that  the  profession  adopted  by  him  enjoyed  no  very  high 
repute  among  the  Athenians,  although  in  general  they  by 
no  means  took  rigorous  views  of  morality ; the  word 
“ logographos”  (writer  of  forensic  speeches)  was  now  em- 
ployed as  a term  of  abuse,  because  iu  no  kind  of  business 
was  more  dishonesty  wont  to  occur  than  in  this ; and  thus 
the  activity  of  Demosthenes  himself  as  an  advocate  was 
in  every  way  taken  advantage  of  by  his  enemies,  in  order 
to  impugn  his  good  name  and  to  cast  suspicions  upon  his 
character.*  There  is,  however,  no  reason  for  assuming 
Demosthenes  to  have  trodden  this  slippery  path  otherwise 
than  with  the  most  absolute  regard  for  honor.  For  as- 
suredly no  one  will  blame  him  for  having  availed  himself 
of  his  labors  in  this  field,  in  order  to  regulate  his  shattered 
fortune,  to  provide  for  his  mother  and  sister,  and  to  found 
a domestic  establishment  for  himself.  He  rather  proved 
himself  an  Athenian  of  the  ancient  stamp  by  the  very  fact 
that  he  was  a good  economist  at  home ; and  the  same 
demand  he  necessarily  made  upon  every  citizen  for  the 
sake  of  the  commonwealth.  He  was  convinced  that  the 
welfare  of  the  State  rested  upon  the  well-to-do  civic  fami- 
lies ; it  was  in  them  that  he  found  patriotic  sentiments 
surviving ; and  for  this  reason  he,  as  a member  of  the 
upper  class  of  citizens,  was  animated  by  a proud  self-con- 
sciousness as  towards  all  adventurers  and  dubious  upstarts. 
At  the  same  time  he  sufficiently  proved  by  his  whole 
course  of  conduct,  that  it  was  not  his  own  comfort  which 
he  had  in  view,  when  decently  providing  for  an  augmen- 
tation of  his  property,  but  the  honor  of  his  house  and  the 
advantage  of  the  State.  It  amounted  to  a triumph  for 
him,  that  already  in  01.  cv.  2 (b.  c.  359)  he  could  under- 
take a trierarchy  by  virtue  of  his  own  property,  and  on 

* AoyoYpo^os,  ap.  PI.  Phosdr.  257  (from  Arehinus  according  to  Sauppe) 
Dem.  xix.  240. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


245 


this  occasion  prove  himself  to  be,  like  his  father,  a man 
who  did  more  than  his  mere  duty.* 

The  lawsuits,  in  which  he  supported  with  his  counsel 
and  his  art  fellow-citizens  in  difficulties,  introduced  him  to 
greater  intimacy  with  all  conditions  of  society.  He  had 
opportunities  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  forces  of 
party-feeling  and  love  of  lucre  which  were  destroying  the 
peace  of  the  community ; he  observed  how  the  difference 
between  rich  and  poor  was  becoming  more  and  more 
broadly  marked ; the  wealthy  citizens  erected  mansions 
which  surpassed  the  public  edifices  in  beauty,  and  bought 
up  lands  of  great  extent,  while  the  poorer  classes  fell  into 
relations  of  dependency,  and  lost  all  inclination  for  hus- 
bandry and  for  activity  on  their  own  account.  These 
social  evils  were  closely  connected  with  the  political  state 
of  things ; for  wdiile,  as  the  apathy  of  the  multitude  grew, 
the  members  of  a party  joined  hands  and  took  possession 
of  the  conduct  of  public  affairs,  they  turned  to  every  pos- 
sible account  the  advantages  of  their  position,  became 
wealthy  and  arrogant,  and  abused  their  power.  Accord- 
ingly, neither  was  Demosthenes  able  to  derive  lasting 
satisfaction  from  his  practice  as  an  advocate.  His  spirit 
demanded  a wider  sphere  of  action;  it  behooved  him  to 
penetrate  to  the  bottom  of  the  evils  of  public  life,  and  freely 
to  oppose  himself  to  the  abuses  of  the  administration.f 
The  first  opportunity  presented  itself  to  him,  g eh  of 
when  in  the  summer  of  01.  cvi.  1 (b.  c.  356')  Demosthenes 

v ' against  An- 

Androtion  brought  forward  a motion,  to  honor  drotion- 
the  Council  which  was  quitting  office  with  a crown.  The 
orator  Androtion  (p.  186)  was  one  of  the  partisans  of  Aris- 
tophon,  who  formed  a close  group  of  persons  regarding 
public  affairs  as  their  private  domain,  glorying  before  the 
people  in  their  business  life  as  statesmen,  proposing  motions 

* Trierarchy  under  Cephisodotus,  cf.  p.  104,  Note. 

f Rich  and  poor : Dem.  xiii.  30 ; cf.  Freese  Parteikampf  der  Beichen  unit 
Armen,  75. 


246 


History  of  Greece. 


fBooK  VII. 


upon  motions,  contriving  to  escape  from  the  rendering  of  any 
account,  and  in  many  ways  abusing  the  influence  which 
they  thus  acquired  to  the  damage  of  the  State.  Androtion’s 
motion  on  the  present  occasion  was  not  of  much  significance; 
but  the  object  of  the  opposition  offered  to  it  was  to  let  it  be 
seen  that  the  men  at  the  helm  of  affairs  were  not  at  liberty 
to  manage  everything  according  to  their  liking,  and  that 
there  still  existed  citizens  who  paid  vigilant  attention  to 
the  laws  of  the  State.  Now,  the  motion  proposed  to  the 
civic  assembly  was  out  of  order,  because  it  had  not  been 
preceded  by  a decree  of  the  Council,  and  because  the 
Council  had  by  no  means  acted  iq?  to  its  obligations,  more 
especially  with  reference  to  the  fleet  (vol.  ii.  p.  243),  to  such 
a degree  as  to  be  lawfully  entitled  to  the  honor  proposed. 
Accordingly,  Euctemon  and  Diodorus  came  forward 
against  Androtion,  and  Demosthenes  composed  for  Diodo- 
rus the  speech,  in  which  the  illegality  of  the  motion  was 
demonstrated.  He  disregarded  the  fact,  that  the  accusers 
had  been  irritated  by  personal  acts  of  hostility  on  the  part 
of  Androtion;  he  had  nothiug  but  the  State  in  view,  and 
in  the  public  interest  seized  upon  this  opportunity,  so  as  to 
bring  to  light  the  unconscientious  intrigues  which  the 
mover,  trusting  in  his  powerful  connexions,  permitted  to 
himself.* 

and  Before  this  year  was  at  an  end  (01.  cvi.  2 ; 

Leptmes.  B.  c.  355-4)  Demosthenes  came  forward  in  a 
(b.  c.  354).  ■ second  case,  and  this  time  in  his  own  person. 

The  object  was  to  resist  the  financial  law,  proposed  in 
the  preceding  year  by  Leptines,  a well-known  popular 
orator, — one  of  the  many  laws  designed  to  open  new  re- 
sources for  the  exhausted  public  exchequer,  without  in- 
conveniencing the  citizens.  Leptines  had  pursued  the 
course  of  proposing  that  all  relief  from  public  services  for 
the  state-festivals  should  be  abolished ; with  the  solitary 


* Androtion  : (cf.  Note  to  p.  186)  Schafer,  i,  316,  seq. 


Chap.  Ill  ] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


247 


exception  of  tlie  honorary  rights  conferred  upon  the 
descendants  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  all  favors  of 
this  description  were  to  cease,  and  no  privileges  of  the 
kind  were  in  future  to  be  granted,  either  to  citizens  or  to 
resident  aliens. 

The  law  had  been  urged  on  with  great  haste,  and  had 
been  adopted  without  the  constitutional  formalities  being 
observed ; it  was  a popular  law,  because  it  promised  in  a 
genuinely  democratic  spirit  to  remove  unjust  inequalities, 
to  diminish  the  civic  burdens,  and  to  assure  the  splen- 
dor of  the  public  festivals  ; accordingly  Leptines  had 
succeeded  in  fortunately  escaping  the  first  attacks  during 
the  year  in  which  he  was  as  mover  responsible  for  his  law. 
But  in  the  following  year  Apsephion  and  Ctesippus,  the 
son  of  Chabrias,  came  forward  against  the  law  of  Leptines, 
and  proposed  an  amended  draft  of  an  act,  the  contents  of 
which  designed  to  subject  one  and  all  of  the  privileges 
conferred  by  the  State  to  a careful  control,  to  abolish  those 
which  were  without  a legal  foundation,  or  which  had  been 
procured  by  unworthy  proceedings,  and  for  the  future  to 
prevent  all  abuses.  Ctesippus  had  Demosthenes  for  his 
champion,  who  with  victorious  eloquence  proved  the  ob- 
jectionable character  of  the  law  of  Leptines.  It  was 
virtually  quite  useless  to  the  State ; and  its  very  dubious 
advantages  stood  in  no  proportion  to  the  d arnage  which 
the  State  must  suffer  by  the  loss  of  honor  and  confidence 
which  it  would  incur  by  offending  and  disgracing  its  bene- 
factors. Athens  ought  never  to  be  false  to  her  ancient 
principle,  of  joyfully  honoring  and  liberally  rewarding 
all  desert.* 

* The  motion  of  Leptines  was  dealt  with  unconstitutionally : Dem.  xx. 
94  (probably  it  was  immediately  brought  before  the  civic  assembly).  The 
death  of  Bathippus  and  the  withdrawal  of  his  associates  put  an  end  to  the 
first  indictment;  hence  the  second  indictment,  7rp6?  AenrCv-qv.  The  follow- 
ing were  the  actual  terms  of  the  law  of  Leptines,  according  to  Funkh'lnel, 
JY.  Jahrb.  1866,  p.  559:  oniog  av  oi  7rAoucruoTaTOi  AeiTOvpyaxri,  [xyjbeva  areA t)  elvai 
fiTjre  tu)v  7roAiTa>i'  ju^tc  tu> v icrore \Cov  p^re  r biv  i-eviov  nK r\v  ran/  a^>  ‘Apfxobiov  #ccu 
'AptcrToyeiVoi'os  p. to  \olnou  ii-eivou.  But  cf.  Sauppe,  Phil >1.  XXV.  265. 


248 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


The  following  year  brought  him  once  more  into  conflict 
with  Androtion  and  his  associates,  whom  a law  originating 
in  their  own  party  had  placed  in  a situation  of  great  em- 
barrassment. Aristophon  had  proposed  the  institution 
of  an  extraordinary  commission,  whose  task  it  was  to  be  to 
investigate  all  outstanding  demands  of  the  public  exche- 
quer, and  to  find  out  all  its  solvent  debtors.  Of  this, 
advantage  was  taken  by  the  cunning  Euctemon,  who  gave 
information  that  the  vessel  in  which  immediately  after 
the  close  of  the  Social  War  Androtion  had  sailed  in  the 
company  of  others  as  envoy  to  Maussollus,  had  on  the  way 
captured  an  Egyptian  merchantman ; that  the  latter  had 
been  condemned  as  a prize  of  war ; but  that  the  legal 
duty  had  never  been  paid  on  account  of  it  to  the  public 
treasury.  The  facts  were  found  to  be  as  he  had  stated  ; 
and  since  Androtion  and  his  associates  had  acknowledged 


their  ownership  of  the  prize  money,  they  were  forced 
either  to  pay  down  immediately  the  sum,  which  had  in 
the  meantime  swollen  to  double  the  original  amount,  or  to 
submit  to  arrest  as  lagging  debtors  of  the  State. 

Demog_  In  this  difficulty  they  resorted  to  a desperate 
Smocrafes118*  exPec^G1d-  They  interested  Timocrates  on  their 
oi.  evi.  4 behalf,  a popular  orator  of  evil  repute  on  ac- 
(b.  c.  3d3).  C0UI1[  0f  dishonest  doings ; they  contrived  in 
the  first  assei  ably  of  the  new  year  (01.  cvi.  4)  to  induce 
the  civic  community  to  summon  a legislative  commission 
for  the  next  day,  the  twelfth  of  Hecatombseon,  while,  in 
order  to  make  the  matter  appear  extremely  urgent  and 
important,  the  rumor  was  spread,  that  the  question  to  be 
discussed  was  the  obtaining  of  pecuniary  means,  in  par- 
ticular for  the  expenses  of  the  approaching  Panathensea. 
But  instead  of  this,  Timocrates  suddenly  came  forward 
with  a proposition,  containing  an  essential  change  in  the 
existing  legislation  with  regard  to  the  public  debtors,  to 
whom  it  was  in  future  to  be  permitted  to  free  themselves 
from  personal  arrest  up  to  the  end  of  the  year  by  bringing 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


249 


forward  others  as  securities.  The  audacious  scheme  suc- 
ceeded; the  law  was  adopted;  and  the  immediate  danger 
threatening  Androtion  seemed  to  have  been  happily 
averted.  Euctemon  and  Diodorus,  the  unwearying  adver- 
saries of  Androtion,  instead  of  abandoning  their  case, 
indicted  the  mover  for  illegality;  and  Demosthenes  com- 
posed the  speech  of  accusation  for  Diodorus.  All  the 
informalities  of  the  law  were  laid  bare,  in  particular  the 
neglect  of  the  terms  of  time  and  of  the  preliminaries  im- 
posed by  statute,  the  false  and  delusive  pretences  by  which 
the  motion  had  been  prefaced,  and  its  conflict  with  pre- 
vious laws  of  the  State;  next  was  demonstrated  the  danger 
to  the  public  credit  involved  in  such  a law  as  this,  and 
finally  it  was  shown,  how  this  law,  which  was  so  utterly 
informal,  and  fraught  with  peril  for  the  State,  had  origi- 
nated by  no  means  in  ignorance  or  want  of  intelligence, 
but  in  evil  intentions;  for  evil  it  was  to  be  called,  when 
laws  were  proposed  in  order  to  help  bad  men  out  of  a diffi- 
culty, and  unjust  and  criminal,  when  iu  the  case  of  certain 
public  debtors,  such  as  the  farmers  of  duties,  the  old  penal- 
ties were  allowed  to  remain  in  their  full  rigor,  while  in  the 
case  of  others, — and  these  others  men  who  had  fraudu- 
lently retained  public  moneys, — the  legal  punishment,  and 
thereby  at  the  same  time  the  security  of  the  State,  were 
diminished;  and  when,  finally,  a retrospective  force  was 
attached  to  such  laws,  in  order  that  they  might  be  imme- 
diately made  use  of  for  selfish  party-purposes. 

On  this  occasion  Demosthenes  is  no  longer  „ , 

the  pupil  of  Isseus,  the  advocate  learned  in  the  character  of 
r 1 # # his  forensic 

law  and  the  confidential  counsel  of  individual  speeches, 
fellow-citizens;  but  he  comes  forward  as  a 
public  personage,  as  a man  who  viewed  his  duties  as  a citi- 
zen of  the  State  in  a serious  spirit,  such  as  had  long  since 
fallen  out  of  use  at  Athens.  In  the  Attic  free  common- 
wealth it  was  in  truth  the  mission  of  every  citizen,  to  exer- 
cise a control  over  public  life,  and  to  see,  so  far  as  in  him 

11* 


250 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


lay,  that  no  unwarrantable  act  was  allowed  to  go  without 
its  punishment.  This  end  was  served  by  the  indictment 
for  illegality ; and  it  was  this  which  Demosthenes  took 
into  his  hands  like  a sharp  sword,  in  order  to  wield  it 
without  consideration  of  persons  against  every  enemy  of 
the  Right.  At  the  same  time  he  had  in  view  not  the  letter 
of  the  laws,  but  their  spirit,  which  had  been  impressed 
upon  them  by  the  wisdom  of  bygone  generations.  Con- 
ceived of  in  the  sense  of  these,  the  laws  were  to  be  held  in 
honor,  because  with  them  the  good  name  of  the  city  was 
indissolubly  connected ; they  were  to  be  defended  as  the 
most  sacred  jewel  of  the  State  against  all  arbitrary  per- 
versions and  misrepresentations.  For  this  reason  we  find 
Demosthenes  contending  with  inflexible  wrath  against 
those  venal  creatures,  who,  like  Timocrates,  delude  the 
people  by  making  laws  on  behalf  of  their  own  friends  ; he 
tears  the  mask  off  those  men  who  by  reason  of  their  busy 
officiousness  wish  to  be  accounted  patriots  of  merit,  and 
who  force  an  entrance  into  all  the  commissions ; he  refuses 
to  permit  impure  hands,  like  those  of  Androtion,  to  con- 
cern themselves  with  the  affairs  of  the  community.* 

Thus,  then,  Demosthenes,  starting  from  domestic  and 
personal  matters,  had  entered  into  wider  and  wider  spheres 
of  activity,  first  as  an  advocate  in  private  suits,  then  as  a 
legal  counsel  in  matters  of  public  business,  and  even  in 
the  latter  capacity  at  first  only  writing  speeches  for  others, 
but  afterwards  taking  the  full  responsibility  by  appearing 
in  his  own  person.  Simultaneously  he  steadily  advanced 
his  activity  to  higher  and  higher  points  of  view,  since  all 
personal  relations  at  the  bottom  of  questions  in  dispute 
fell  into  the  back-ground,  so  soon  as  Demosthenes  took 
these  questions  in  hand.  It  was  herein  that  he  so  essen- 
tially distinguished  himself  from  the  orators  who  had  pre- 


* Timocrates  already  on  a previous  occasion  assisted  Androtion  in  a 
commission  for  the  levying  of  an  outstanding  property-tax  : Boeckh,  Pubi 
Ec.  of  Alh.  vol.  i.  p.  212  [Eng.  Tr.]. 


Chip.  til.J 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


251 


ceded  him,  who  like  him  combated  the  abuses  and  the 
slackness  prevalent  among  the  Athenians,  as  did  the  fiery 
Aristophon,  but  who  always  had  the  particular  case  only 
in  view.  Thus,  e.  g.,  after  the  mishap  at  Peparethus  (p. 
107)  all  the  trierarchs  who  had  caused  their  services  to  be 
performed  by  substitutes,  were,  as  if  they  alone  had  caused 
the  calamity,  indicted  by  Aristophon  with  unmeasured  ire 
as  traitors,  a charge  on  life  and  death  being  preferred 
against  them.  Demosthenes  everywhere  had  the  whole  in 
view ; he  invariably  penetrated  to  the  root  of  the  evil ; he 
knew  how  to  elevate  every  question  concerning  a point  of 
legislation  in  the  domain  of  the  laws  of  debt,  of  privileges, 
<&c.,  to  the  height  of  one  involving  the  vital  interests  of 
civil  society,  and  to  give  to  it  an  ethico-political  signifi- 
cance. Thus,  then,  he  had  already  with  his  forensic 
entered  the  sphere  of  public  speeches ; and  a year  after  he 
had  spoken  against  Leptines,  he  now  also  for  the  first 
time  succeeded  in  obtaining  a hearing  as  a popular  orator. 
Herewith  begins  his  participation  in  the  direction  of  the 
community  and  of  its  public  affairs.* 

Athens  stood  in  greater  need  than  ever  of  a The  politieal 
leader.  When  summoned  once  more  by  the  situation, 
death  of  Epaminondas,  which  occurred  about  the  time  of 
Demosthenes’  lawsuits  against  his  guardians,  to  play  a 
more  important  part  in  Greece,  she  had  shown  herself  in- 
capable of  responding  to  the  call.  During  the  whole 
period  in  which  Aristophon  was  the  leader  of  the  citizens 
(p.  109  seq.)  the  power  of  the  State  had  retrogressed. 
After  an  inglorious  feud,  Athens  had  concluded  the  most 
shameful  of  pacifications,  and  had  at  the  same  time  lost 
her  best  generals  (p.  121).  Eubulus  assumed  the  leader- 
ship among  the  citizens ; but  this  failed  to  secure  to  them 
a firm  guidance ; there  existed  among  them  no  man  emi- 
nent above  the  rest  by  his  character,  no  regularly  disci- 
plined party,  openly  and  honestly  pursuing  a definite  line 

* Aristophon  after  the  discomfiture  at  Peparethus : [Dem.]  li.  8. 


252 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


of  policy.  The  Athenians  lived  on  thoughtlessly,  or 
swayed  in  their  conduct  by  changing  phases  of  feeling, 
although  the  situation  of  affairs  was  an  extremely  serious 
one.  The  Phocian  War  threatened  to  extend  its  limits 
further  and  further ; Philip  was  since  the  conquest  of 
Amphipolis  actually  at  war  with  Athens  (p.  139)  ; Maus- 
sollus  was  spreading  out  his  dominion  over  the  islands,  and 
in  his  rear  there  rose  menacingly  the  Persian  empire, 
which  since  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  the  third  Arta- 
xerxes,  called  Ochus  (01.  civ.  2,  b.  c.  362),  sought  to  re- 
cover its  ancient  position  of  power  in  the  Mediterranean. 
Ochus  was  an  enterprising  prince,  surrounded  by  energetic 
generals  and  Greek  mercenary  troops  ; the  support  which 
his  satraps  who  had  revolted  against  him  had  received 
from  Athens  (p.  120)  had  aroused  in  him  the  utmost 
wrath ; and,  although  in  consequence  of  his  threats  the 
Athenians  had  abased  themselves  so  deeply,  yet  the  feel- 
ing of  ill-will  continued  even  after  the  termination  of  the 
Social  War.  In  the  interior  of  the  empire  extensive  arma- 
ments were  in  progress ; and  when  the  tidings  of  these 
reached  Athens,  the  civic  community  became  extremely 
excited  ; they  could  not  resist  the  belief  that  a new  Per- 
sian W ar  was  in  prospect ; and  utter  discouragement  was 
suddenly  succeeded  by  a warlike  phase  of  public  feeling, 
which  was  eagerly  fostered  by  the  orators.  Many  of  them 
seized  the  welcome  opportunity  for  indulging  in  the  fa- 
vorite reminiscences  of  Marathon  and  Salamis ; the  me- 
naces of  the  barbarians,  it  was  declared,  could  only  serve 
to  restore  the  ancient  glory  of  the  city  ; the  attacks  of  the 
Great  King  ought  to  be  anticipated ; and  the  citizens 
already  dreamt  of  heading  the  Hellenes  in  expeditions 
leading  to  new  victories  on  the  Eurymedon.* 


* Artaxerxes  Ochus  (who  once  more  restored  with  ruthless  energy  the 
authority  of  the  Achsemenidse,  Plutarch,  Artax.  xxvi.  30;  Diod.  xyii.  5)  from 
01.  cv.  2 ; b.  c.  359.  It  was  in  his  interest  that  already  Maussollus  had  been 
active  against  Athens.  Cf.  Schafer,  i.  413. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


253 


Demosthenes  must  have  confessed  to  him-  Demos_ 
self,  that  there  could  be  no  more  thankless  j^aiastthe 
task  for  his  first  oration  on  affairs  of  State,  Persian  War. 
than  that  of  confronting  this  patriotic  entliu-  ®Lccv3i:4;i) 
siasm  with  the  opposition  of  sober  caution.  But 
such  a man  as  he  was  not  watching  for  opportunities  fa- 
vorable to  him,  in  order  to  make  a public  appearance  of 
especial  brilliancy  or  admitting  of  easily  gained  applause ; 
he  simply  followed  his  sense  of  duty,  which  bade  him  in  the 
face  of  a dangerous  excitement  raise  the  voice  of  warning. 

Undoubtedly,  he  told  the  citizens,  Persia  was  the  here- 
ditary foe  of  the  Hellenes ; but  whosoever  the  adversary 
might  be,  it  was  unreasonable  to  enter  into  hostilities  with 
any  power,  without  having  made  sufficient  preparations 
for  them.  Laudation  of  our  forefathers  was  an  admirable 
subject  for  orators  desirous  of  displaying  their  art;  but 
for  the  civic  community  it  was  assuredly  more  salutary, 
if  one  even  less  gifted  with  eloquence  showed  forth  the 
conditions  under  which  alone  a contest  could  be  waged 
leading  to  glory,  such  as  former  generations  had  achieved. 
“ If,”  he  continued,  “ we  commence  a war  against  Persia 
without  just  cause,  the  consequence  will  be  that  we  shall 
stand  alone,  while  the  Persians  find  allies  among  the  Hel- 
lenes. The  only  rational  course  is  this  : to  irritate  no  one, 
but  on  the  other  hand  to  prepare  ourselves  for  war  with 
all  possible  ardor.  When  hereafter  the  hour  of  danger 
arrives  for  us,  the  remaining  Plellenes  will  follow  us,  the 
well  armed,  as  those  who  have  a mission  to  fight  in  the 
van.  This,  then,  is  the  task  of  the  true  orator  of  State : 
to  show  forth  the  means,  whereby  Athens  can  advance  her 
military  strength,  in  order  once  more  to  assume  a position 
worthy  of  her  forefathers.” 


But  what  was  the  actual  condition  of  the  „ .... 

Condition 

military  strength  of  Athens,  and  in  particular  ^henav 
of  her  navy,  upon  which  everything  depended, 
inasmuch  as  by  sea  alone  she  was  still  capable  of  effecting 


254 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


anything  ? The  ancient  institutions,  which  had  once  made 
Athens  powerful  by  sea,  still  existed  ; the  law  of  Periander 
(p.  119)  had  transformed  them  in  accordance  with  the 
times  ; but  these  changes  were  from  no  point  of  view  suf- 
ficient. The  navy  was  no  longer  a power  ready  to  strike 
a blow  when  called  upon ; Athens  had  become  an  unwar- 
like city ; and  on  every  occasion  when  the  civic  assembly 
had  decreed  the  despatch  of  a naval  squadron,  a confused 
hurrying  to  and  fro  commenced  in  city  and  harbor,  during 
which  the  most  precious  time  was  lost.  First  the  Board 
of  Generals  had  to  provide  for  the  levy  of  the  crews  and 
for  the  appointment  of  the  trierarchs ; eventually  also  for 
the  imposition  of  a war-tax.  Next,  it  was  the  business  of 
the  ten  dock  superintendents  to  distribute  ships  and  ships’ 
furniture  among  the  trierarchs;  whereupon  again  another 
commission  of  ten  came  into  play,  whose  duty  it  was  to- 
gether with  the  Council  to  superintend  the  despatch  of 
the  fleet.  The  Council  itself  held  its  sittings  on  the  harbor 
mole;  final  terms  of  time  were  fixed,  penalties  threatened, 
prizes  offered.  But  it  would  not  answer  to  take  very  se- 
rious measures  as  to  the  punishments,  because  the  carrying 
out  of  these  only  threatened  still  further  to  impede  the 
armament;  and  the  golden  wreaths  merely  led  to  vexatious 
lawsuits.  Indeed,  even  with  regard  to  the  obligation  of 
individuals  to  undertake  trierarchies,  with  regard  to  pro- 
posed exchanges  of  property  (p.  223),  and  other  such  like 
matters,  further  suits  were  carried  on,  which  occasioned 
frequent  judicial  sittings  under  the  {^residency  of  the  Ge- 
nerals ; and  it  was  found,  that  of  the  citizens  under  obliga- 
tions of  public  services  more  than  one-third  contrived  bo 
escape  from  their  duties.  Of  those,  on  the  other  hand, 
who  fulfilled  them,  the  majority  merely  provided  for  taking 
the  matter  as  easily  as  possible  ; and  many  of  them  en- 
tered into  contracts  with  substitutes,  who  undertook  in 
their  stead  the  personal  service  and  the  equipment  of  the 
vessel ; and  these  substitutes  again  had  no  other  interest 


Chap.  III.] 


255 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 

except  that  of  making  a profitable  transaction  out  of  the 
contract,  and  of  course  did  as  little  as  they  could  for  the 
State.  The  ships’  furniture  offered  by  the  State  was  fre- 
quently so  old  and  bad,  that  it  seemed  more  advantageous 
to  take  one’s  own.  The  crews,  rapidly  brought  together 
at  the  moment,  were  not  to  be  depended  upon,  hard  to 
keep  in  order,  and  unfit  for  acting  in  unison ; it  was  ac- 
cordingly necessary  to  give  them  a preliminary  drilling. 
Moreover,  the  crews  of  the  individual  ships  so  frequently 
fell  short  of  the  right  numbers,  that  it  was  impossible  pro- 
perly to  fill  the  rowers’  benches.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  trierarchs,  if  their  intentions  were  honest,  could 
not  but  be  placed  in  the  most  painful  of  situations  ; they 
were  obliged  to  make  the  greatest  sacrifices,  if  then’  ships 
were  only  to  some  extent  to  meet  the  demands  made  upon 
them.  The  rest  had  sufficient  excuse  for  their  defective 
equipment,  while  the  authorities  were  forced  everywhere 
to  proceed  considerately ; and  it  may  be  easily  conceived, 
what  was  the  general  character  of  the  ships  of  war,  which  in 
the  end  were  passed  as  fit  for  sea  by  the  inspecting  officers.* 
Such  a condition  of  things  could  not  fail  to  Reforms 
fill  Demosthenes  with  shame  and  indignation.  b^Demos- 
He  therefore  took  advantage  of  the  very  first  thenes. 
opportunity,  to  indicate  the  defective  points  in  the  organ- 
ization for  war  purposes,  and  to  propose  changes  intended 
to  bring  about  a more  equitable  distribution  of  the  public 
burdens.  He  in  the  first  instance  demanded,  that  a larger 
number  of  citizens,  2,000  in  all,  should  be  included  in  the 
lists  of  those  liable,  in  order  that  after  all  those  had  been 
subtracted  who  could  on  any  grounds  claim  exemption, 
at  least  1,200  might  be  reckoned  upon  as  being  more  than 
mere  names  on  the  lists.  The  twenty  symmories  or  taxing 
associations  were  to  be  left  standing,  but  each  of  these  was 
again  to  be  divided  into  five  sections,  in  which  citizens  of 


* As  to  the  condition  of  the  Attic  navy:  Kirchhoff,  “Bede  vom  trierarch. 
Kranze in  Abhandl.  der  Preuss.  Akad.  der  Wissensch 1865. 


256 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


different  property  classes  were  to  be  grouped  together. 
These  sections,  the  expenses  being  equitably  distributed 
among  the  members  of  each,  were  to  undertake  to  provide 
for  three  ships  of  war ; so  that  the  result  was  a normal  to- 
tal of  300  vessels.  Secondly,  the  pecuniary  resources  of 
the  country  were  to  be  organized  in  a corresponding  way, 
in  order  that  there  might  be  a certainty  of  regularly  se- 
curing the  additions  which  necessarily  had  to  be  made  to 
the  disbursements  of  the  trierarchs,  for  defraying  the  pay 
and  food  of  the  crews  and  other  expenses.  Accordingly, 
the  sum  total  of  property-tax  collected  out  of  the  paying 
capital  of  the  citizens  (p.  91),  which  was  reckoned  in  all 
at  6,000  talents  (1,465, 50(F),  was  not  in  the  first  instance 
to  flow  into  the  public  treasury,  but  was  to  be  at  once  di- 
vided into  one  hundred  parts,  so  that  each  section  should 
receive  and  expend  its  quota  of  the  tax.  Furthermore, 
the  entire  materials  of  the  Attic  naval  power,  the  existing 
establishment  of  hulks,  ships,  and  ships’  furniture,  was  to 
be  divided  according  to  the  new  symmories,  so  that  these 
were  themselves  to  have  the  right  and  duty  of  controlling 
it,  and  a title  for  demanding  all  the  State  property,  which 
might  happen  to  have  remained  in  the  hands  of  negligent 
trierarchs.  Finally,  with  regard  to  the  crews,  who  were 
levied  out  of  the  ten  tribes  of  the  civic  community,  to  each 
tribe  were  to  be  assigned  by  lot  thirty  ship-sheds  lying  near 
together ; for  which  it  was  under  the  superintendence  of 
the  public  authorities  to  furnish  the  requisite  number  of 
men.  Indeed,  the  group  of  thirty  ship-sheds,  as  well  as 
the  whole  body  of  the  tribesmen,  were  again  divided  by 
three ; so  that  to  each  third  of  a tribe  were  assigned  ten 
vessels  as  its  particular  sphere  of  duty.* 

* The  6,000  talents  are  the  capital  subject  to  taxation  of  all  the  citizens 
liable  to  it  (Boeckh,  Publ.  Ec.  of  Ath.,  vol.  ii.  p.  292  [E.  Tr.]) ; but  the  property 
of  the  people  itself  amounted  to  far  more  than  five  times  that  sum  (of.  ante. 
p.  91),  without  counting  in  the  state-property  which  was  exempt  from  taxa- 
tion (Boeckh,  vol.  i.  p.  252).  It  is  not  clear  on  what  principle  Euripides' 
estimate  of  20,000  talents  (vol.  iv.  p.  297)  was  based. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


257 


The  practicability  and  expediency  of  these  Speech 

reforms  may  be  open  to  some  doubt:  and  concerning 
J # thesymmo- 

there  was  perhaps  reason  for  objecting  to  them  ries. 
as  a scheme  elaborated  with  excessive  artifi-  oi.evi. 3 (b. 
ciality.  But  the  points  of  view  from  which 
they  were  devised  were  undoubtedly  those  of  a truly  high- 
minded  statesmanship,  and  the  means  for  their  achieve- 
ment thoroughly  corresponded  to  the  spirit  of  the  Attic 
constitution.  Demosthenes  desired  to  stay  the  abuse 
which  the  rich  made  of  their  social  position,  to  cause  the 
citizens  to  participate  in  larger  numbers  and  in  a higher 
degree  in  the  equipment  of  the  vessels,  as  well  as  to  pro- 
vide for  the  whole  matter  becoming  more  perspicuous  and 
more  definitely  regulated.  At  the  same  time  he  followed 
the  existing  institutions  as  closely  as  possible,  and  was  far 
removed  from  an  impatient  craving  for  innovation. 

For  the  rest,  the  proposals  of  Demosthenes  were  by  no 
means  intended  immediately  to  acquire  the  force  of  law ; 
they  were  merely  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  citizens  to  the 
real  points  at  issue,  if  the  glory  of  former  ages  was  to  be 
revived,  as  their  orators  punished  them  ; and  it  at  all 
events  amounted  to  a very  important  success,  that  Demos- 
thenes not  only  completely  achieved  his  main  object  by 
recalling  the  Athenians  to  calm  reflection  from  their  dan- 
gerous dreams  of  possibilities,  but  also  upon  the  whole 
made  an  evidently  favorable  impression  upon  the  assem- 
bly. He  had  come  before  it  for  the  first  time,  without 
followers,  without  powerful  friends,  without  the  recommen- 
dation of  an  attractive  personal  appearance,  with  a speech 
bitterly  in  earnest,  which,  notwithstanding  the  reticence 
observed  in  it,  still  amounted  to  a severe  rebuke  of  the 
citizens.  That  they  should  notwithstanding  have  listened 
to  him,  and  have  even  received  with  applause  the  dry  ex- 
position of  his  projects  of  reform,  is  only  to  be  explained 
by  the  fact,  that  the  manly  maturity  of  this  youth  of  nine- 
and-twenty  years  of  age,  the  unadorned  simplicity  keeping 


258 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


only  the  cause  itself  in  view,  and  the  serious  labor  of 
thought,  which  were  perceptible  in  the  speech,  did  not 
miss  their  effect.  To  these  reasons  were  added  the  impres- 
sive brevity,  which  he  took  over  into  State-oratory  from 
that  of  the  law-courts ; he  invariably  kept  his  opponent  in 
view,  anticipated  every  possible  objection,  and  contrived  to 
establish  the  truth  of  his  views  by  proofs  from  the  con- 
vincing force  of  which  it  was  simply  impossible  to  escape. 

w , Thus  on  this  occasion  was  first  formed  a re- 

W ar-ancl- 

peace-par-  lation  between  Demosthenes  and  the  civic  as- 
ties. 

sembly  ; he  came  to  have  confidence  in  himself 
and  his  fellow-citizens,  who  knew  how  to  appreciate  what 
he  offered  them ; and  he  saw  his  adversaries  disarmed  not- 
withstanding all  the  advantages  which  they  had  on  their 
side.  And  this  was  a double  gain,  inasmuch  as  not  only 
those  were  in  question,  who,  excited  by  a sudden  outburst 
of  enthusiasm,  were  rushing  headlong  into  war  without 
having  realized  to  themselves  their  own  intentions ; there 
doubtless  also  existed  another  class,  whose  political  views 
were  not  determined  by  so  simple-minded  a sentimentality, 
and  who  supported  the  reckless  clamor  for  war,  not  only 
because  it  gave  them  an  opportunity  for  fine  speeches,  but 
because  it  diverted  the  attention  of  the  Athenians  from 
the  real  dangers  of  war.  They  meant  to  take  advantage 
of  the  warlike  enthusiasm  fostered  by  Isocrates  and  his 
friends,  in  order  to  involve  Athens  in  complications  of  a 
kind  which  would  force  her  to  seek  for  allies  in  arms;  in 
this  case  she  would  also  be  unable  to  proceed  without  the 
help  of  Macedonia ; and  it  was  to  be  foreseen,  that,  if  the 
Greek  continent  should  engage  in  hostilities  with  Asia,  the 
leadership  of  the  former  must,  sooner  or  later,  fall  to  the 
lot  of  that  State,  which  alone  had  at  its  disposal  a standing 
armed  force,  and  which  commanded  the  Thracian  coast- 
towns  and  mines,  With  this  policy,  moreover,  all  those 
agreed,  who,  without  being  adherents  of  Philip,  would  not 
hear  of  their  native  city  playing  the  part  of  a Great 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


259 


Power,  and  who  had  therefore  supported  Eubulus,  when 
he  advocated  peace  at  any  price  (p.  142).  It  was  in  this 
strange  relation  of  attitudes  that  the  parties  confronted 
one  another.  Those  who  demanded  war,  and  who  called 
to  mind  the  deeds  of  Cimon,  were  at  bottom  the  men  of 
peace,  the  enemies  of  the  democracy,  and  the  representa- 
tives of  a policy  befitting  a petty  city,  while  in  the  peace- 
oration  of  Demosthenes  was  concealed  a bristling  declara- 
tion of  war.  A tone  of  delicate  irony  pervades  the 
speech  ; it  destroys  the  fictitious  clamor  for  war,  and  indi- 
cates the  real  enemy ; it  admonishes  the  citizens  to  be 
calm,  aud  calls  for  the  most  serious  armaments ; it  lays 
bare  all  the  weak  points  of  the  city,  because  in  a clear 
perception  of  these  lies  the  only  way  to  make  it  strong  and 
great  again.  Thus  this  earliest  of  Demosthenes’  orations 
of  State  contains  the  fundamental  ideas  of  his  subsequent 
political  activity,  and  was  therefore  already  by  ancient 
critics  called  his  first  Philippic  * 

The  Athenians  had  no  cause  to  repent  of  having  obeyed 
the  sober  voice  of  Demosthenes ; they  soon  convinced  them- 
selves what  insanity  it  would  have  been  for  them  to  have 
lightly  thrown  themselves  into  the  midst  of  dangers  of  war 
abroad.  The  clamor  for  war  in  Asia  soon  died  away,  while 
the  real  enemy  was  approaching  into  a more  and  more 
menacing  closeness,  and  while  his  newly  created  navy  was 
already  showing  itself  on  the  coasts  of  Attica.  Sparta,s 
Simultaneously  the  war  spread  further  and  Polipy  °f 

J 1 Restoration. 

further  from  Phocis ; and  the  Spartans,  full  of 
malignant  pleasure  in  the  troubles  of  Thebes,  took  advan- 


* Inasmuch  as  since  the  beginning  of  the  quarrel  concerning  Amphi- 
polis  partisans  of  Macedonia  were  beyond  doubt  already  at  work  in  Athens, 
they  doubtless  bore  a hand  in  adding  fuel  to  the  clamor  for  war;  for  no- 
thing could  have  better  suited  Philip  than  that  a Persian  War  should  have 
actually  been  brought  to  pass,  in  which  he  would  then  simply  have  had  to 
intervene.  Accordingly,  Dionysius,  filet  viii.  7,  calls  the  oration  jrepi 
crviifiopciov,  the  First  Philippic.  There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  % 
11:  Tt  rot?  6|aoAoyo0rxa9  ixOpovs  orres  erepovi  fjjToOjuev,  &c. 


260 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


tage  of  the  conjecture,  in  order  if  possible  to  overthrow 
everything  which  had  been  done  to  their  advantage  in  the 
times  of  Epaminondas.  They  allied  themselves  with  the 
Phocians,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  Platsese,  Orchome- 
nus,  and  Thespise,  and  at  the  same  time  intended  to  destroy 
in  Peloponnesus  whatsoever  owed  its  origin  to  the  fatal  day 
of  Leuctra.  The  Spartans  had  a martial  king  in  Archi- 
damus  (p.  174),  their  military  force  was  ever  lying  in 
wait,  and  threatened  from  its  ambush  to  invade,  now  this, 
now  the  other,  land  on  their  borders,  while  their  menaced 
neighbors,  Argos,  Messene,  and  Megalopolis,  lacked  all 
external  aid,  and  found  themselves  in  the  most  perilous 
position.  They  turned  to  Athens ; and  the  question  now 
was,  whether  Athens  would  come  forward  in  the  place 
of  Thebes  in  the  peninsula,  or  whether  she  would  adhere 
to  the  Spartan  alliance. 

Athens  in  This  question  first  confronted  Athens  with 
league  with  reference  to  Messene;  and  in  this  case  the  civic 
assembly  decided  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with 
the  Messenians,  whereby  their  territory  and  their  inde- 
pendence should  be  guaranteed  to  them  against  any  hostile 
attack.  The  Spartans  in  consequence  abstained  from  a 
serious  attack,  but  turned  against  Megalopolis,  in  order  to 
dissolve  this  city,  as  they  had  done  in  the  case  of  Manti- 
nea  (vol.  iv.  p.  322).  Considering  the  division  existing  in 
Arcadia,  and  the  aversion  from  a united  settlement  which 
still  continued  to  prevail  in  many  of  the  former  rural 
communities  (vol.  iv.  p.  444),  they  thought  that  favorable 
prospects  were  in  this  quarter  open  to  them.  They  set  to 
work  craftily,  and  announced  a universal  policy  of  restora- 
tion, in  order  by  means  of  this  programme  to  secure  the 
good  will  of  all  who  had  suffered  losses  on  the  occasion 
of  the  late  changes.  The  encroachments  of  Thebes  were, 
they  declared,  to  be  regarded  as  an  interruption  by  force 
of  the  state  of  things  existing  according  to  law;  at  the 
present  time  the  Boeotian  country-towns  were  to  be  re- 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


261 


stored;  to  the  Eleans  the  prospect  was  held  out  of  the 
recovery  of  Triphylia  (vol.  iv.  p.  493) ; the  Phliasians  were 
promised  the  evacuation  by  Argos  of  the  castle  of  Trica- 
raniuu  situate  above  Phlius;  the  Athenians  finally  were 
made  to  expect  back  Oropus,  the  possession  of  which  was 
still  regarded  by  them  as  a most  grievous  loss  (p.  104)- 
For  themselves,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Spartans  at  present 
claimed  nothing,  except  that  they  should  be  allowed 
liberty  of  action  with  regard  to  Megalopolis,  so  that  the 
primitive  condition  of  things  might  be  once  more  restored 
in  Arcadia.  Thus  the  Spartans  with  crafty  policy  came 
forward  in  favor  of  the  ancient  institutions  of  public  law, 
in  order  in  this  way  to  regain  their  position  at  the  head 
of  the  states  of  the  j)eninsula.  They  sent  envoys  to  the 
several  states,  and  at  Athens  appealed  to  the  alliance 
which  had  been  in  existence  between  the  Athenians  and 
themselves  since  the  Peloponnesian  campaigns  of  the 
Thebans;  by  this  alliance,  they  declared,  Athens  had  ex- 
pressed their  disapproval  of  the  revolutionary  measures 
which  the  campaigns  in  question  had  brought  about. 

The  Megalopolitans  were  likewise  represented  at 
Athens;  but  their  envoys  were  in  a far  less  advantageous 
position  as  towards  the  civic  assembly.  They  had  no  party 
in  the  city;  they  could  not,  like  the  Spartans,  appeal  to 
an  alliance,  or  make  promises  like  theirs.  They  could  only 
remind  the  Athenians,  that,  if  the  Spartans  were  to  suc- 
ceed in  carrying  out  their  intentions,  a greater  danger  for 
Athens  would  also  immediately  arise ; they  expressed  their 
confidence  in  the  magnanimity  of  the  city,  which  would 
surely  protect  the  weaker  side,  and  hoped  that  Athens 
would  not  reject  the  alliance  offered  to  her. 

Both  embassies  found  advocates  among  the  oration  for 
popular  orators.  The  one  side  inveighed  against  Megalopolis. 
Thebes  as  the  arch-foe  of  the  city,  the  other 
against  Sparta;  and  all  the  injuries  which  the 
one  or  the  other  State  had  at  any  time  inflicted  upon  the 


262 


History  of  Greece. 


^BOOK  VII 


Athenians  were  recalled  to  the  memory  of  the  citizens,  as 
if  the  sole  object  had  been  to  inflame  their  passions.  At 
such  a moment  Demosthenes  could  not  hold  his  peace ; for 
he  saw  how  precisely  those  considerations  were  neglected, 
which  were  alone  entitled  to  determine  the  decision  of  the 
community.  “All  ancient  grievances,”  he  tells  the  citi- 
zens, “are  put  before  you;  but  what  is  demanded  in  the 
present  case  by  the  interests  of  the  city  is  stated  by  no  man. 
And  yet  it  is  clear  and  manifest.  For  every  Athenian 
must  desire  that  neither  Sparta  nor  Thebes  should  be  too 
powerful.  At  the  present  moment  Thebes  lies  low,  and 
Sparta  is  anxious  again  to  extend  her  power  nor  is  Mega- 
lopolis alone  in  question,  but  Messene  at  the  same  time. 
But  if  Messene  is  in  danger,  we  are  bound  to  furnish 
succor ; and  this  being  so,  it  is  surely  better  for  us  to  inter- 
vene now  than  at  a later  time.  It  is  not  we  who  are 
changing  sides ; but  Sparta,  by  commencing  war,  forces  us 
to  determine  our  attitude  accordingly.  The  order  of  things 
at  present  existing  is  the  actually  recognized  one ; what 
will  follow,  if  nothing  is  ever  allowed  to  remain  without 
being  called  in  question  ? A logically  consequent  policy 
consists,  not  in  always  remaining  on  the  same  side,  but  in 
immutably  following  the  same  principles.  Now,  it  is  the 
principle  of  Athens,  ever  to  give  aid  to  those  who  are  un- 
justly exposed  to  pressure,  and  to  secure  confidence  by 
opposing  all  encroachments  of  lust  of  dominion,  from 
whatsoever  quarter  they  may  proceed.  But  if  we  intend 
to  purchase  back  Oropus,  which  is  dangled  as  a bait  before 
our  eyes,  by  allowing  the  peninsula  to  fall  back  under  the 
dominion  of  Sparta,  at  the  very  best  the  gain  is  out  of  pro- 
portion to  the  price  demanded  for  it.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  we  accord  our  protection  to  the  confederates  of 
Thebes,  we  have  a right  to  demand  that  they  shall  per- 
manently adhere  to  us.  If,  then,  the  Thebans  issue 
victoriously  from  their  present  troubles,  they  will  at  all 
events  have  been  weakened  in  Peloponnesus,  if  they  sue- 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


263 


cumb,  at  least  the  states  in  the  peninsula  founded  by  them 
will  have  been  rendered  secure,  and  will  continue  to  serve 
to  restrain  Sparta’s  lust  of  dominion.  Thus  the  best  pro- 
vision will  have  been  made  under  all  circumstances  for  the 
interests  of  Athens.” 

In  these  recommendations  we  already  find  a clear  ex- 
pression of  the  Hellenic  policy  of  Demosthenes.  Athens 
is  once  more  to  step  into  the  foreground,  and  to  gather 
states  around  her,  but,  instead  of  by  force  or  prematurely 
endeavoring  to  re-establish  the  former  conditions  of  things, 
she  is  cautiously  to  take  advantage  of  every  opportunity, 
in  order  by  means  of  a vigorous  protection  of  the  lesser 
states  to  secure  grateful  good-will  and  trustful  allies. 
How  could  any  one  oppose  a well-founded  protest  to  the 
clear  and  simple  policy  of  Demosthenes  ? And  yet  he 
failed  to  determine  the  civic  assembly  to  arrive  at  resolu- 
tions corresponding  to  a just  perception  of  the  situation. 
The  Athenians  had  too  much  accustomed  themselves  to 
live  on  carelessly  from  day  to  day,  and  to  abstain  from 
taking  thought  of  what  apparently  lay  in  the  distance. 
They  allowed  the  Spartans  to  continue  their  hostilities  un- 
disturbed against  Megalopolis ; and  the  disadvantageous 
results  suggested  by  Demosthenes  would  have  come  to 
pass  in  full  measure,  had  not  the  Phocian  War  suddenly 
taken  a new  turn,  and  thereby  also  given  a quite  different 
development  to  Peloponnesian  affairs.  The  overthrow  of 
Onomarchus  (p.  79),  before  the  year  was  out,  The  Thebans 

restored  freedom  of  action  to  the  Thebans ; in  Peiopon- 

neSUS‘ 

and,  with  an  energy  which  survived  in  them 

. . . OI:cvii.  1(b. 

as  a reminiscence  of  the  days  of  Epami-  c.  351). 

nondas,  they  entered  Peloponnesus,  united  there  with  their 
confederates,  and  forced  the  Spartans  to  conclude  a 
truce.* 

* Athens  and  Messene : Pans.  iy.  28 ; Cem.  xvi.  9. — Oration  for  the  Me- 
galopolitans : Schafer,  i.  465.  Last  incursion  of  the  Thebans  into  Pelopon- 
nesus : ib.  470 ; ii.  162. 


2G4 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


The  affairs  But  fr°m  the  overthrow  of  Onomarchus 
of  Thrace,  sprang  consequences  of  a yet  more  important 
character.  For  it  must  be  remembered  that  this  was  the 
first  occasion  on  which  Macedonian  arms  had  decided  a 
Hellenic  war,  and  determined  the  mutual  relations  of  the 
Hellenic  states.  Philip  was  master  of  Thessaly,  and  had 
Thermopylae.  He  was,  however,  by  no  means  minded  to 
wait  here  in  inaction,  until  an  opportunity  should  offer 
for  a further  advance.  He  left  the  affairs  of  Thessaly  to 
his  civil  and  military  officers,  and  himself  hastened  to  the 
Thracian  coast,  where  he  was  not  less  dangerous  to  the 
Athenians  than  at  Thermopylae  (p.  82).  On  the  Thracian 
coast  the  Athenians  had  after  protracted  disputes  and  ne- 
gotiations with  Cersobleptes  at  last  achieved  so  much  as 
this  : that  the  important  peninsula  on  the  Hellespont,  the 
Chersonnesus,  was  acknowledged  to  be  their  property  (p. 
113).  After  their  losses  in  the  Social  War,  it  was  of  all 
the  more  serious  importance  for  the  Athenians  to  make 
sure  the  remnant  of  their  possessions  ; and  in  the  Thracian 
sea  their  supremacy  as  yet  prevailed  more  than  anywhere 
else.  Here  they  held  as  their  property  the  islands  of 
Lemnos,  Imbros,  and  Scyros.  Thasos  was  allied  with 
them,  as  were  Tenedos  and  Proconnesos;  and  at  the 
southern  boundary  of  the  Thracian  sea,  Sciathos,  together 
with  the  groups  of  islands  in  its  vicinity.  Here,  there- 
fore, their  dominion  still  possessed  a certain  cohesiveness; 
here  they  had  numerous  harbors  for  their  naval  squad- 
rons, which  kept  a watchful  eye  upon  the  Thracian  penin- 
sula. And  yet  the  state  of  affairs  in  these  regions  re- 
mained very  insecure ; and  so  soon  as  Cersobleptes  was 
left  free  to  act  as  he  chose,  he  persistently  pursued  the 
one  object  of  extending  his  dominion  at  the  expense  of  the 
other  two  chieftains,  Amadocus  and  Berisades. 

This  condition  of  things  precisely  suited  Philip  for  es- 
tablishing, by  means  of  a crafty  intervention  in  its  internal 
disputes,  a firm  footing  in  the  Thracian  coast-land ; which 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


265 


was  indispensable  to  him  for  his  dominion  by  land  and 
sea.  He  had  made  his  first  appearance  here  in  01.  cvii.  1, 
B.  c.  353,  when  accompanying  his  friend  Pammenes 
(p.  48)  on  the  occasion  of  the  expedition  of  the  latter  into 
Asia  (p.  77).  At  that  time  he  had  taken  Abdera  and  Maro- 
nea,  and  had  appeared  on  the  border  of  the  Thracian 
principalities,  where  he  was  vigorously  resisted  by  Ama- 
clocus,  while  Cersobleptes  entered  into  negotiations  with  him. 

This  expedition  was  merely  a first  reconnaissance;  it 
passed  by  without  any  serious  danger;  indeed,  Chares  suc- 
ceeded in  routing  Macedonian  troops  on  the  river  Hebrus ; 
and  although  he  failed  in  his  attempt  to  seize  upon  the 
royal  squadron  on  its  return  home,  yet  he  took  Sestus,  the 
place  commanding  the  Hellespont,  which  the  Athenians 
had  lost  in  the  Peace  of  Antalcidas,  had  recovered  in  b.  c. 
365  through  Timotheus,  but  five  years  afterwards  had  once 
more  lost  to  the  Thracian  princes  through  the  guile  of  the 
city  of  Abydus,  which  was  always  hostile  to  them.  Chares 
established  a colony  of  citizens  there,  with  the  intent 
of  securing  this  important  place  for  Athens,  as  Ly sander 
had  formerly  designed  to  do  in  his  own  interests  (vol.  iv. 
p.  167). 

The  affairs  of  Thrace  had  now  acquired  an  increased 
importance  for  Athens.  The  citizens  occupied  themselves 
more  seriously  with  them  than  with  any  other  subject 
of  foreign  policy;  and  Demosthenes  too,  who,  as  will  be 
remembered,  might  himself  half  regard  the  Pontus  as  his 
original  home,  and  who  had  borne  a personal  share  as 
trierarch  in  the  expedition  to  the  Hellespont  under  Cephi- 
sodotus  (p.  112),  found  an  opportunity,  in  the  same  year 
in  which  he  had  spoken  on  behalf  of  the  application  of  the 
Megalopolitans,  to  discuss  in  public  the  condition  of  things 
in  Thrace. 

Now,  Cersobleptes  stood  in  relations  of  great  cerso- 

intimacy  with  Charidemus.  For  the  latter  had,  andPchari 
in  01.  cv.  1 (b.  c.  360-59),  made  a treacherous  demus- 

12 


266 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


attack  upon  the  Athenians  who  at  his  summons  had  come 
to  the  Chersonnesus  under  Cephisodotus,  had  defeated 
them,  and  forced  them  to  acknowledge  Cersobleptes  in  his 
dominion.  The  prince  accordingly  owed  the  most  impor- 
tant success  to  Charidemus,  and  had  made  him  his  con- 
fidential friend  and  brother-in-law.  Inasmuch,  then,  as 
Charidemus  had  since  found  opportunities  of  attending  to 
the  interests  of  the  Athenians  in  several  transactions,  he 
was,  by  virtue  of  his  eminent  position,  the  man  of  the 
hour,  upon  whom  the  greatest  hopes  were  placed,  and 
through  whose  mediation  it  was  hoped  that  all  the  wishes 
of  Athens  with  regard  to  Thracian  affairs,  even  the  hope 
of  recovering  Amphipolis,  might  still  be  fulfilled.  It 
therefore  seemed  to  be  in  accordance  with  a sagacious 
policy  to  keep  this  important  personage  in  good-humor,  in 
particular  as  every  distinction  conferred  upon  him  at  the 
same  time  obliged  Cersobleptes.  After,  therefore,  wreaths 
of  gold  and  other  honors  had  already  been  bestowed  upon 
him,  Aristocrates  proposed  to  place  under  a special  pro- 
tection the  person  of  Charidemus,  whose  oft-imperilled  life 
ought  to  be  dear  above  all  other  things  to  the  Athenians ; 
accordingly,  every  one  who  ventured  to  lift  a hand  against 
him  was  to  be  an  outlaw  in  the  whole  length  and  breadth 
of  the  Attic  dominions ; and  whosoever,  whether  an  indi- 
vidual or  a community,  afforded  protection  to  the  assassin, 
was  to  be.  ejected  from  the  Confederacy  of  Athens. 

Against  this  motion  Euthycles  raised  the 
indictment  for  illegality.  He  had  been  trie- 
rarch  with  Demosthenes  in  the  above-men- 
tioned naval  expedition,  which  had  come  to  so 
unfortunate  an  issue  through  the  treachery  of 
Charidemus;  and  Demosthenes  drew  up  the  speech  of  ac- 
cusation for  him.  The  orator  first  exposed  the  contradic- 
tion between  the  motion  of  Aristocrates  and  the  venerable 
ordinances  of  the  primitive  Attic  law  of  homicide,  and 
likewise  that  between  the  present  proposal  and  the  spirit 


Demos- 
thenes 
against  Aris- 
tocrates. 

01.  cvii.  1 
(B.  c.  352 ). 


Chm».  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


267 


of  the  Attic  constitution,  which  refused  to  allow  of  privi- 
leges in  favor  of  individuals.  And,  he  went  on  to  observe, 
the  particular  person  upon  whom  it  was  intended  to  bestow 
so  un-republican  a boon,  this  captain  of  mercenaries  and 
erratic  partisan,  seemed  least  of  all  to  deserve  that  the 
community  of  Athens  should  go  bail  for  his  safety,  and 
constitute  itself  his  body-guard.  And,  in  point  of  fact, 
every  distinction  conferred  upon  Charidemus  signified 
nothing  else  than  a demonstration  in  favor  of  Cersobleptes, 
and  was  for  this  reason  desired  by  him.  But  neither  for 
this  was  there  any  necessity ; for  Cersobleptes  was  utterly 
and  entirely  untrustworthy,  a prince,  who  merely  used  the 
Athenians  for  his  own  purposes,  who  showed  himself  ready 
to  make  concessions  and  to  adapt  himself  to  circumstances, 
when  the  Attic  triremes  appeared  in  his  vicinity,  but  who 
at  other  times  was  hostile.  Thus  even  at  the  present 
moment  he  was  with  the  utmost  obstinacy  maintaining 
his  hold  upon  the  town  of  Cardia,  on  account  of  its  impor- 
tant situation  on  the  peninsula  connecting  the  Cherson- 
nesus  with  the  mainland.  If  Athens  advanced  the  designs 
of  this  ambitious  prince,  she  would  thereby  sacrifice  the 
others,  who  were  now  the  allies  of  the  city,  and  avert  them 
from  herself;  while  the  gratitude  of  the  favored  Cerso- 
bleptes would  not  last  any  longer  than  the  time  during 
which  he  stood  in  need  of  the  Athenians. 

We  are  unacquainted  with  the  decision  Further 
arrived  at  by  the  court.  But  it  is  extremely  }°sses  m 
probable  that  the  jurymen  could  not  resolve 
upon  condemning  Aristocrates,  because  it  was  not  wished 
publicly  to  offend  such  men  as  Cersobleptes  and  Charide- 
mus. It  was  too  prominent  a feature  in  the  character 
of  the  citizens  of  those  days  to  give  themselves  up  to  care- 
less hopes  with  reference  to  particular  individuals,  and  to 
expect  everything  from  these  without  any  exertions  on 
their  own  part.  It  is,  however,  certain  that  the  principles 
of  Thracian  policy  recommended  by  Demosthenes  were 


263 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


not  adopted,  and  tliat  the  punishment  very  soon  followed. 
For  when  Philip  after  his  victory  over  Thessaly  appeared 
for  the  second  time  in  Thrace  (p.  82),  Amadocus,  who  had 
taken  offence  at  the  preference  shown  for  Cersobleptes, 
and  who  had  no  prospects  of  Athenian  protection,  instead 
of  offering  any  further  resistance,  submitted  to  the  king. 
The  towns  on  the  Hellespont,  on  the  Propontis,  and  on  the 
Pontus,  likewise  placed  themselves  under  his  protection; 
whereupon  he  established  despots  who  governed  in  his 
interest;  and  the  favor  accorded  to  Cersobleptes  proved 
entirely  useless.  For  he  too  submitted  ; and,  together  with 
the  schemes  of  his  ambition,  the  hopes  which  the  Athe- 
nians had  attached  to  his  person  likewise  irrecoverably 
perished.* 

Application  While  thus  one  domain  of  influence  or  pro- 
r’h  desfr0m  Perty  after  the  other  was  lost,  Demosthenes 
01.  cvii.  2 was  indefatigably  engaged  upon  securing  com- 
(o.  c.  sai-M).  pensations  for  wliat  had  been  lost,  upon  making 
good  what  had  been  omitted,  and  upon  establishing  anew 
advantageous  and  honorable  connexions  for  his  native  city. 
Thus  in  particular  with  the  island-states.  Here  was  felt 
more  keenly  than  anywhere  else  the  absence  of  the  strong 
hand,  which  of  old  had  withstood  all  encroachments  on 
the  part  of  Asiatic  potentates ; here  first  arose  a condition 
of  things  which  abroad  too  caused  the  need  to  be  perceived 
of  entering  into  a connexion  with  Athens.  It  became  too 
clearly  manifest  how  impossible  it  was  for  the  island-world 
between  Asia  and  Europe  to  remain  neutral.  Incapable 
of  political  independence,  the  island-states  oscillated  to  and 
fro  between  oligarchical  and  democratical  parties  (p.  141) ; 
and  as  on  the  mainland  Philip,  so  here  the  Carian  dynasts 
interfered,  establishing  in  defiance  of  law  and  treaties 
despots,  who  ruled  the  islands,  and  subjected  them,  in  the 


* As  to  the  voyage  of  Cephisodotns  and  the  death  of  Cotvs,  cf.  Note  to 
p.  104. — Submission  of  Amadocus:  Theopomp.  ap.  Harpoer.  ’AfidSo/cos.  The 
son  of  Cersobleptes  a hostage  at  the  court  of  Philip  : iEsehin.  ii.  81. 


Chap.  HI.] 


269 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 

first  instance  to  the  influence  of  Halicarnassus,  and  in- 
directly to  the  suzerainty  of  the  Great  King.  Such  was 
the  case  in  Cos  and  in  Rhodes.  The  democratical  party 
in  the  islands,  notwithstanding,  refused  to  abandon  all 
hope ; the  death  of  Maussollus  (351  b.  c.)  encouraged  it 
anew,  and  brought  about  the  despatch  of  an  embassy 
of  Rhodians  to  Athens  in  quest  of  support. 

They  met  with  a very  cold  reception.  The  lax  mood, 
which  prevailed  in  the  civic  community  under  the  guid- 
ance of  Eubulus  and  his  associates,  concealed  itself  under 
the  ill-will  for  which  good  reasons  were  thought  to  exist 
as  towards  the  Rhodians.  The  Carian  mercenaries,  who 
occupied  their  citadel,  constituted,  it  was  said,  a well- 
merited  punishment  for  their  defection  from  Athens  (p. 
117)  ; since  they  had  complained  of  hard  treatment  from 
Attic  hands,  let  them  now  learn  what  the  oppression  of 
Tyrants  actually  signified. 

But  although  this  was  the  universal  view,  yet  Demos- 
thenes courageously  opposed  it.  He  blamed  it  as  petty, 
and  unworthy  of  the  Athenians.  Instead  of  rubbing 
their  hands  in  delight  at  the  distress  of  members  of  their 
own  race,  they  ought  to  return  thanks  to  the  Gods,  that 
distant  states  were  once  more  sending  envoys  to  Athens, 
and  requesting  aid  from  her.  The  present  was  not  a 
question  of  persons,  but  one  concerning  a great  cause. 
Granted  that  the  Rhodians  deserved  no  magnanimous 
treatment,  yet  their  liberty  was  worthy  of  protection  ; and 
Athens  was  the  natural  guardian  of  liberty.  The  exam- 
ple of  Samos,  which  Timotheus  had  re-appropriated  to  the 
Athenians  (p.  104),  showed  that  the  enemy,  when  calmly 
repulsed  in  illegal  enroachments,  was  not  on  that  account 
ready  to  declare  war.  Accordingly,  neither  was  there  in 
the  present  case  any  immediate  reason  to  apprehend  a 
Persian  War;  and  still  less  ought  fear  of  a woman,  of 
Artemisia,  to  deter  Athens  from  doing  her  duty.  But  the 
treaties,  it  was  urged,  prohibited  any  intervention.  Yet 


270 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


these  same  treaties  had  been  most  grossly  violated  hy  the 
other  side ; if,  then,  Athens  for  her  part  still  deemed 
herself  bound  by  them,  while  the  enemies  were  advancing, 
this  was,  not  conscientiousness,  but  a cowardice  which 
must  inevitably  bring  the  State  to  ruin.* 

The  war-  Every  one  of  these  speeches  of  Demosthenes 
$emos°f  was  a P0litical  act.  Loftily  disdaining  all 

thenes.  ordinary  means  of  acquiring  influence,  he 

feai’lessly  confronted  the  momentary  feeling  of  the  multi- 
tude, as  well  as  the  practices  of  the  mighty.  He  desired 
to  be  nothing  more  than  the  voice  of  truth ; and  no 
movement  of  hostility,  no  ridicule,  no  humiliation,  not 
even  the  fact  of  his  exertions  remaining  without  result, 
was  capable  of  diverting  him  from  service. 

It  was  not,  however,  a general  conviction  of  the  historic 
mission  of  Athens,  which  ever  and  again  urged  him  for- 
ward to  the  struggle;  but  the  entire  policy  lying  at  the 
root  of  the  speeches  discussed  above  has  reference  to  the 
existing  situation,  and  to  definite  dangers  which  menaced 
the  community  from  without  and  from  within.  In  the 
Archipelago,  the  Athenians  remaining  inactive,  the  an- 
cient bonds  were  relaxed  more  and  more ; the  princes  of 
Halicarnassus  controlled  the  Carian  Sea,  and  also  held 
Chios  occupied,  while  Lesbos  was  given  up  to  Persian 
influence.  But  however  humiliating  this  state  of  things 
was,  yet  there  was  no  fear  of  any  danger  advancing  upon 
Athens  from  this  quarter.  On  the  other  hand,  Philip 
had  mounted  the  throne  in  the  very  year  in  which  Demos- 
thenes was  cruising  with  his  vessel  in  the  Thracian  waters 
(p.  264) ; and  in  Philip  he  from  the  very  outset  of  his 
public  activity  recognised  the  enemy  of  his  native  city, 
who  would  not  rest  until  he  had  destroyed  the  remnant  of 
its  power  and  independence.  Accordingly,  the  Athenians 

* Death  of  Maussollus,  according  to  Plin.  xxxvi.  30,  and  47:  01.  cvii.  2 
(Diodorus,  xvi.  36,  dates  it  01.  cvi.  4).  His  successor  Artemisia  reigns  up  to 
b.  c.  349. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


271 


could  not  be  allowed  to  escape  a struggle  for  their  dearest 
possessions ; and  just  as  Themistocles  foresaw  the  War 
with  Persia,  and  Pericles  that  with  Sparta,  so  Demosthenes 
saw  the  Philippic  War,  which  was  still  being  carried  on 
in  remote  regions,  approaching  the  walls  of  the  city ; and 
like  them  he  deemed  it  his  duty  as  a citizen  to  prepare 
the  city  for  the  inevitable  conflict.  But  the  peculiar 
difficulty  of  his  task  lay  in  this  : that  he  had  not  only  to 
point  out  the  proper  ways  of  conducting  the  war  and  the 
resources  by  which  it  could  be  supported,  but  also  to 
transform  the  community,  and  in  truth  to  create  the  con- 
dition of  public  feeling  which  was  necessary,  if  Athens 
was  not  to  perish  in  shame  and  dishonor. 

This,  then,  was  the  reason  why  already  in  his  speech 
against  Androtion  he  combated  the  effete  principles  of  the 
citizens  and  of  their  magistrates  ; why  he  attacked  the 
rotten  financial  laws  of  a Leptines  ; why  he  rose  so  wrath- 
fully  against  those  who  by  a fictitious  clamor  for  war  di- 
verted public  attention  from  the  real  dangers ; why  he  de- 
monstrated the  utter  insufficiency  of  the  naval  institutions, 
and  in  his  speeches  for  Megalopolis  and  for  Rhodes  in- 
sisted upon  the  necessity  of  Athens  reviving  her  moral 
authority  by  means  of  a national  policy  : for  he  perceived 
that  the  former  protegees  of  Thebes,  being  abandoned  by 
Athens,  would  fall  back  upon  Macedonia.  In  the  speech 
against  Aristocrates  the  figure  of  the  Macedonian  for  the 
first  time  comes  forward  more  clearly  out  of  the  back- 
ground ; in  it  express  warnings  are  already  uttered 
against  the  guile  of  the  king,  who  had  previously  been 
merely  indicated  in  general  expressions. 

These  were  the  skirmishes  preliminary  to  the  great  con- 
flict itself.  In  them  Demosthenes  took  up  his  public  po- 
sition, clearly  marked  his  stand-point,  and  with  not  less 
caution  than  firmness  and  persistency  opposed  the  domi- 
nant party.  But  already  in  the  same  year  in  which  he 
spoke  on  behalf  of  the  Rhodians,  indeed  a few  months  pro 


272 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII, 


viously,  he  took  the  Macedonian  question  itself  in  hand, 
and  made  his  first  Philippic  oration  proper. 

The  Macedo-  Frequently  enough  this  question  had 
nian  qnes-  already  been  among  the  orders  of  the  day : but 
rents  of  opin-  the  leading  statesmen  did  their  utmost  to 
Athens at  keep  it  in  the  background  ; for  the  influence 
of  Eubulus  would  necessarily  be  at  an  end,  so 
soon  as  the  citizens  should  find  themselves  obliged  to 
enter  upon  an  energetic  course  of  policy.  It  had  there- 
fore been  agreed  among  his  following,  that  the  serious  na- 
ture of  the  situation  should  be  concealed,  and  that  all  ex- 
citing discussions  should  be  avoided.  These  intentions  on 
the  part  of  the  statesmen  met  with  a response  from  all 
careless  Athenians,  who  were  unwilling  to  have  their  com- 
fortable enjoyment  of  life  disturbed;  and  they  found  most 
zealous  supporters  in  those  who,  in  the  interests  of  Philip, 
encouraged  the  feeling  of  security  among  the  citizens. 
Now,  already  at  this  time  the  king  was  served  at  Athens 
by  men  who  stood  in  his  pay  and  kept  him  informed  of 
everything  that  happened  in  the  city;  men  devoid  of 
character,  ambitious  upstarts,  traitors,  who  are  clearly 
pointed  at  already  in  the  Rhodian  speech.  Through  their 
agency  the  party  of  the  Laconizers  wras  likewise  gained 
over,  being  made  to  believe  that  Philip  was  about  to  hum- 
ble the  Thebans,  and  to  carry  out  the  Spartan  policy  of  a 
Restoration  (p.  258).  To  these  influences  was  added  that 
of  the  anti-constitutional  tendency,  which  was  so  widely 
spread,  and  which  loathed  every  popular  agitation,  every 
democratic  forward  movement.  Whosoever  agreed  with 
Isocrates  was  full  of  aversion  from  those  restless  folk  wha 
were  incessantly  sounding  the  alarm-bell  and  declaring 
the  State  to  be  in  danger.  The  men  of  philosophical  cul- 
ture were  likewise  hostile  to  every  patriotic  excitement, — 
not  only  those  who  on  principle  stood  apart  from  all 
public  business,  but  those,  too,  who  served  the  State,  and 
served  it  with  as  much  distinction  as  Phocion  (vol.  iv.  p. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


273 


391),  the  “honest  man.”  He  was  senior  by  plloeion 
about  twenty  years  to  Demosthenes, — a man 
of  the  most  rigorous  conduct  of  life  in  the  midst  of  the 
effeminate  community,  just  and  efficient  as  a speaker  and 
as  a soldier,  but  never  occupied  with  more  than  the  most 
immediate  tasks,  lacking  all  breadth  and  freedom  of  view, 
devoid  of  enthusiasm  for  the  honor  of  the  city  and  of  con- 
fidence in  his  fellow-citizens,  and  therefore  in  spite  of  his 
personal  valor  a supporter  of  the  peace-policy  and  a main 
prop  of  the  party  of  Eubulus,  which  preferred  Phocion  to 
any  other  man  as  a member  of  the  Board  of  Generals,  and 
always  most  warmly  favored  his  re-election.  Demosthe- 
nes, therefore,  had  to  contend  against  a powerful  combina- 
tion of  the  most  diverse  tendencies.  Easy  love  of  enjoy- 
ment, treasonable  sentiments,  anti-democratic  opinions, 
pusillanimity,  narrowness  of  judgment,  short-sightedness, 
and  force  of  habit, — all  united  in  supporting  Eubulus. 
His  policy  was  deemed  that  which  suited  the  times,  nay, 
that  which  was  alone  possible.  Who  took  thought  of  the 
fact,  that  this  system  of  government  was  consuming  the 
very  marrow  of  the  body  politic  and  that  the  existence  of 
the  fatherland  was  at  stake  ! This  fact  Demosthenes  was 
the  first,  and  for  years  the  only,  man  to  recognize ; he 
stood  as  a faithful  sentinel  upon  the  watch-tower,  and  let 
the  light  of  truth  shine  in  with  gradually  increasing 
brightness  upon  the  sleepy  civic  community,  full  of  craven 
self-delusion.* 

The  sixth  year  had  now  already  arrived,  yterna. 
since  the  Macedonian  War  had  been  com-  tio?s.  fear 

and  mdiffer- 

menced,  in  order  to  take  vengeance  on  account  ence- 
of  Amphipolis  (p.  58).  From  its  outset  it  had  dragged 
on  like  a consuming  disease.  Athens  was  continuously 
retreating;  and  instead  of  chastising  the  king  in  his  ter- 
ritory, as  had  been  intended,  it  was  now  thought  matter 


* Phocion,  o xpijoros,  Diod.  xvii.  15;  Plutarch,  Phoc.  10:  Nepos,  Phoc.  1. 
12* 


274 


[Book  VII, 


History  of  Greece. 


for  congratulation,  if  the  soil  of  Attica  itself  was  left  in 
peace.  Had  not  Macedonian  privateers  already  carried 
off  the  Sacred  Vessel  out  of  the  bay  of  Marathon  ?*  How- 
ever greatly  therefore  the  orators  of  the  party  of  Eubulus 
might  exert  themselves  in  order  to  repress  or  explain  away 
any  apprehensions  among  the  citizens,  yet  men’s  thoughts 
were  occupied  with  Philip ; and  after  it  had  long  been 
attempted  to  consider  him  of  small  account,  the  man 
of  mystery,  the  incalculable  one,  who  was  always  doing 
something  new  and  unexpected,  was  now  exciting  a feverish 
anxiety  in  every  breast.  In  the  market-place  and  in  the 
public  assembly  he  was  discussed  ; and  whoever  had  any- 
thing to  tell  concerning  him,  as  to  where  he  was,  what 
were  his  designs,  what  sayings  he  had  uttered,  was  in  the 
eyes  of  the  citizens  the  bringer  of  the  most  important 
news.  And  if  hereupon  occasionally  a new  act  of  violence 
was  announced,  a sudden  flame  of  wrath  was  incidentally 
kindled,  and  men  inveighed  against  the  barbarian  king, 
who  dared  to  desire,  against  the  established  order  of  things, 
to  rule  over  Hellenes.  Menacing  decrees  were  issued,  and 
vigorous  resolutions  were  passed ; but  all  measures  re- 
mained unexecuted,  or  came  too  late;  and  after  such 
ebullitions  there  again  supervened  an  utter  discourage- 
ment. The  Athenians  knew  no  way  of  reaching  this 
detested  foe;  they  were  utterly  without  any  plan  to  oppose 
to  his  unwearied  energy ; and  thus  they  relapsed  into 
stolid  indifference,  and  allowed  the  inevitable  to  approach 
them. 


Of  a sudden,  when  in  the  spring  of  b.  c.  351 
the  question  of  the  Macedonian  W ar  happened 
once  more  to  be  awaiting  discussion  in  the 
civic  assembly,  Demosthenes  quite  unexpect- 
edly came  forward,  anticipating  all  those  who  were  gene- 


The  First 
Philippic. 

01.  cvii.  1 
(b.  c.  351). 


* Abduction  of  the  Paralus  shortly  before  the  delivery  of  the  First 
Philippic , Dem.  iv.  34;  Philoehorus  and  Androtion,  a p.  Harpocr.  s.  » 

i tpOL  Tpiijpps. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


275 


rally  accustomed  to  speak  on  this  subject.  His  intention 
was,  not  to  repeat  the  ordinary  declarations,  but  to  put  an 
end  once  for  all  to  the  way  in  which  the  matter  had  been 
Hitherto  treated.  There  was  no  crisis  of  pressing  difficulty 
tor  the  moment,  nor  was  the  adoption  of  any  speedy  remedy 
in  question.  The  orator  was  therefore  able  to  call  upon 
his  fellow-citizens  to  take  into  consideration  the  whole 
question  of  the  war,  and  to  form  a plan  for  the  future. 

“ Doubtless,”  Demosthenes  tells  his  fellow-citizens, 
“ you  are  in  an  evil  plight,  and  have  every  reason  for 
depression.  Your  affairs  are  in  a sufficiently  bad  position, 
but  in  point  of  fact  only  because  you  have  done  nothing 
of  that  which  is  necessary ; and  herein  lies  a consolation, 
which  you  would  lack,  had  you  done  your  duty  and  yet 
were  as  unfortunate  as  you  are  now.  If  you  alter  your 
ways,  fortune  may  alter  likewise;  since  fortune  follows 
the  brave  and  the  vigilantly  active.  The  power  of  the 
Macedonians,  which  has  grown  to  so  lofty  a height  from 
small  beginnings,  is  assuredly  no  divine  power  ; it  is  sub- 
ject to  all  human  changes,  indeed  it  stands  upon  a very 
feeble  footing.  The  worst  foe  threatening  Athens  is  not 
the  king  of  Macedonia,  but  your  own  effeteness ; which, 
were  this  Philip  to  die  to-day,  would  call  you  forth  anoth- 
er to-morrow.  You  desire  to  be  possessed  of  Amphipolis, 
and  are  so  badly  armed  that,  were  fortune  to  offer  that 
town  to  you,  you  would  be  wholly  unprepared  to  receive 
it.  Forces  of  war  must  therefore  be  created,  such  as 
correspond  to  our  means.  A small  force  (for  to  march 
with  a land-army  against  the  king  we  are  too  weak), — but 
this  force  must  be  at  all  times  in  the  field,  lest  we  lose  the 
season  of  action  in  preparations.  For  at  present  you 
experience  in  the  matter  of  your  armaments  what  the 
barbarian  experiences  in  the  boxing-match  ; he  is  always 
feeling  for  the  spot  where  he  has  just  been  hit ; and  if  his 
adversary  directs  a blow  at  another  spot,  his  hands  follow; 
but  to  guard  himself  against  the  blow,  and  to  see  his  ad- 


276 


History  of  Grreece. 


[Book  V II 


versary’s  intention  in  his  eye,  he  is  too  clumsy  and  unskih 
ful.  We  must  therefore  have  a force  of  operation 
stationed  in  the  Northern  waters,  in  Lemnos  or  Thasos, 
where  petty  warfare  will  enable  it  to  inflict  very  consider- 
able damage  upon  the  foe,  and  in  particular  to  hinder 
him  in  his  lucrative  expeditions  of  pillage.  Again,  this 
armed  force  must  not  consist  of  untrustworthy  mercenary 
troops ; of  2,000  soldiers  at  least  500,  and  of  200  horse- 
men 50,  must  be  citizens  with  a supervision  over  the  rest. 
Where  citizens  of  Athens  are  found,  there  the  gods  of  the 
city  will  accompany  them.  For  this  force  of  armed  men 
ten  fast  vessels  will  suffice ; and  the  entire  equipment  of 
ships,  infantry  and  cavalry,  amounts  to  something  over 
ninety  talents  (22.000/.  circ.),  an  armament  which  by  no 
means  exceeds  your  resources.  But  everything  depends 
upon  that  which  is  done  being  done  in  a real  and  thorough 
way.  For  if  I ask  you  how  it  comes  to  pass  that  your 
Dionysia  and  Panathensea  are  year  by  year  celebrated  at 
the  proper  time,  you  will  find  the  cause  to  be,  that  every- 
thing is  fixed  by  law,  and  that  every  one  knows  beforehand 
where  his  place  is.  Accordingly,  neither  ought  the  most 
important  of  matters  to  be  left  to  the  chances  of  an  arbi- 
trary freedom  from  rule.” 

The  First  Philippic  constitutes  an  epoch  in  the  history 
of  Athens.  Not  as  if  the  speech  bad  achieved  a great 
result ; but  in  the  most  important  affair  of  the  State  a 
fixed  programme  had  at  last  been  put  forward,  and  a free 
and  open  protest  had  been  raised  against  the  existing 
system  of  government.  Demosthenes  now  confronted 
Eubulus  as  his  declared  opponent ; and,  .although  he  had 
as  yet  formed  no  following  of  his  own,  (for  from  the  first 
he  desired  to  have  on  his  side  not  a party,  but  the  civic 
community,)  yet  his  words  struck  fire,  and  the  minds  of 
the  citizens  were  after  all  seized  with  fear,  when  they 
heard  his  warning  cry ; while  you  are  sitting  quiet,  you 
are  being  surrounded  on  all  sides,  as  by  the  huntsman  who 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


277 


draws  his  nets  closer  and  closer  round  his  prey  ! The 
opposite  stand-points  of  policy  had  now  been  openly  ex- 
pressed ; hereby  the  men  of  peace  were  likewise  scared 
out  of  their  tranquillity ; they  bestirred  themselves  once 
more,  and  desired  for  their  part  to  be  accomplishing 
something,  so  as  to  escape  the  blame  of  remaining  abso- 
lutely inactive.  A suitable  opportunity  for  this  purpose 
presented  itself  in  Euboea. 

Pericles  had  made  Euboea  a portion  of  At-  importance 
tica  (vol.  ii.  p.  451).  Since  this  relation  had  °|^uebj^Dcl 
been  severed  (vol.  iii.  p.  483),  the  island  had 
never  again  known  peace.  It  was  incapable  of  forming 
a compact  whole,  united  in  itself  and  independent.  The 
primitive  conflicting  distinctions  between  the  several  cities 
in  the  island  were  revived  (vol.  i.  pp.  269,  293) ; and  to 
the  force  of  these  were  added  the  influences  from  abroad, 
which  increased  the  fermentation  within.  For  an  island, 
which  stretches  along  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mainland,  from 
Thessaly  to  Attica,  could  not  remain  untouched  by  the 
disturbances  on  the  mainland  itself.  The  Athenians  could 
not  renounce  Euboea,  because  by  means  of  its  natural  pro- 
ducts it  formed  the  indispensable  supplement  of  their  own 
country,  and,  if  in  hostile  hands,  offered  an  intolerable 
menace  to  their  shores.  The  Thebans  regarded  it  as  a 
natural  appendage  to  Boeotia ; while  the  princes  of  the 
North,  if  they  desired  to  control  Central  Greece,  were 
above  all  obliged  to  seek  to  secure  influence  in  Euboea. 
The  unhappy  island  was  therefore  coveted  on  all  sides  ; it 
became  an  arena  in  which  the  political  schemes  of  the 
most  various  states  met,  the  party-feuds  in  the  island  be- 
ing fostered  by  the  neighboring  states,  in  order  that  they 
might  acquire  influence  by  supporting  individual  party- 
leaders.  Thus  Iason  of  Phene  (vol.  iv.  p.  468)  had  estab- 
lished the  Tyrant  Neogenes  in  Oreus,  and  the  Spartans 
had  expelled  him,  when  they  were  masters  of  Boeotia.* 


* Neogenes  : Diod.  xv.  31. 


278 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


After  the  liberation  of  the  Cadmea,  Athens  and  Thebes 
went  hand  in  hand  ; and  the  island  for  a time  belonged  to 
the  Naval  Confederation  of  which  both  those  states  were 
members.  These  relations  were  evidently  in  every  direc- 
tion the  most  favorable  ; and  the  mere  thought  of  Euboea 
ought  to  have  convinced  the  Attic  statesmen,  how  strong- 
ly the  considerations  of  a reasonable  policy  made  it  advi- 
sable to  remain  on  friendly  and  neighborly  terms  with 
Thebes.  For  no  sooner  had  hereupon,  after  the  battle  of 
Leuctra,  the  two  states  become  estranged  from  one 
another,  than  a hostile  rivalry  commenced  with  reference 
to  Euboea,  the  Attic  and  the  Theban  parties  standing  op- 
posed to  one  another  in  its  towns.  The  Theban  proved 
victorious;  Themison,  the  Tyrant  of  Eretria,  brought 
about  the  defection  of  the  Oropians,  which  the  Athe- 
nians felt  so  keenly  (vol.  iv.  p.  490)  ; and  the  whole  of 
Euboea  furnished  its  military  contingent  to  Thebes,  until 
by  means  of  his  successful  campaign  in  b.  c.  357  Timothe- 
us  destroyed  the  Theban  influence  (p.  113).  But  no  se- 
cure supremacy  was  hereby  acquired.  For  no  reliance 
was  to  be  placed  upon  the  towns  to  which  absolute  inde- 
pendence had  been  restored  ; they  fell  anew  into  the  hands 
of  Tyrants,  who  acted  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the 
communities,  and  the  conflict  of  parties  again  furnished  oc- 
casion for  foreign  intervention.  Philip  began  to  stretch 
forth  his  hand  from  Thessaly  (p.  81)  towards  the  island  ; 
he  sent  letters  to  the  communities  there,  in  which  he  gave 
them  to  understand  how  absurd  it  was  for  them  to  seek 
for  protection  from  such  a State  as  Athens,  which  was  in- 
capable of  defending  itself ; he  supported  Callias,  the  Ty- 
Appiiontion  ran^  at  Chalcis,  and  fostered  the  discord  pre- 
fov  aid  from  vailing  in  the  states.  This  occurred  about 
„ . the  very  time  when  Demosthenes  was  deliver- 

c.  351-50).  Jng  his  Philippic  oration  ; immediately  after- 
wards Plutarchus,  who  reigned  as  despot  at  Eretria, 
applied  for  succor  to  Athens,  because  he  was  unable  to 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


279 


defend  himself  by  his  own  strength  against  the  adverse 
party  in  Eretria,  which  was  headed  by  Clitarchus. 

Plutarchus  possessed  influential  connexions  at  Athens, 
in  particular  with  the  house  of  Midias,  an  adherent  of 
Eubulus.  Midias  was  one  of  the  wealthy  men  of  the  city, 
,who  vain-gloriously  exulted  in  luxurious  arrogance  before 
the  people  (p.  124),  a self-willed  and  overbearing  kind  of 
man,  who  thought  that  by  reason  of  his  social  position 
everything  was  permitted  to  him.  Together  with  him  the 
whole  party  of  Eubulus  was  in  favor  of  the  request  of 
Plutarchus  ; they  wished  to  prove,  that  at  the  right  mo- 
ment they  too  knew  how  to  displ ay  energy  ; and  they  pro- 
mised themselves  a facile  and  fortunate  result.  And  since 
undertakings  directed  towards  the  island-territory,  which 
was  at  once  near  and  indispensable,  were  of  all  the  most 
likely  to  meet  with  approval,  a great  ardor  for  war  was 
successfully  kindled  in  the  civic  assembly. 

But  Demosthenes  opposed  the  project.  With  daring 
courage  he  came  forward  quite  alone  against  the  under- 
taking, and  thereby  excited  a storm  of  rage  against  him- 
self. Invectives  were  hurled  against  the  self-willed  obsti- 
nacy of  a man,  who  was  incessantly  urging  the  Athenians 
to  action,  who  had  only  the  other  day  been  desirous  of 
despatching  their  ships  to  distant  Rhodes,  and  who  was 
now  opposing  an  enterprise,  simply  because  it  had  not 
been  originally  mooted  by  himself.  But  Demosthenes 
was  no  noisy  agitator,  ready  to  welcome  every  clamor  for 
war.  With  his  fiery  impatience  he  combined  the  highest 
prudence;  nor  could  anything  be  more  offensive  to  him, 
than  to  see  the  slender  resources  of  his  native  city  wasted 
upon  unworthy  objects.  And  how  was  it  possible  for  him 
to  approve  of  an  undertaking,  in  which  the  support  of  a 
Tyrant  was  in  question,  who  was  in  conflict  with  his  com- 
munity ? The  Athenians  ought  to  take  arms  only  for  na- 
tional ends,  and  on  behalf  of  the  freedom  of  Hellenes. 
Moreover,  he  perceived  that  the  present  casus  belli  had 


280 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


been  brought  about  solely  by  personal  relations  and  un- 
derstandings ; and  he  could  foresee  that,  considering  the 
untrustworthiness  of  the  confederates,  great  sacrifices 
would  in  this  case  lead  neither  to  honor,  nor  to  increase 
of  power. 


p]  j j His  protest  remained  without  effect.  The 
Euboea.  Athenians  set  out  towards  the  close  of  Febru- 
01.  cm.  2 ary  uncler  Phocion,  citizens  and  mercenaries, 
foot  and  horse.  Demosthenes  himself  took 
part  in  the  expedition.  The  horsemen  went  on  in  ad- 
vance, and  took  up  a position  at  Argura  to  the  north  of 
Chalcis,  probably  in  order  to  ward  off  Macedonian  aid. 
The  remaining  troops  crossed  to  the  nearest  ferrying-sta- 
tion  (Porthmus),  and,  the  road  along  the  coast  being,  as 
we  may  presume,  blocked  up,  advanced  towards  the  moun- 
tain-range, in  order  thus  to  reach  Eretria.  When  they 
came  to  Tamynse,  they  suddenly  found  themselves  sur- 
rounded in  a gorge  by  the  enemy,  who  ivas  better  ac- 
quainted with  the  locality  than  they.  It  now  became 
manifest,  that  the  whole  of  Euboea  was  under  arms  against 
the  Athenians  ; the  Tyrants  of  Chalcis,  too,  had  leagued 
themselves  with  Clitarchus.  Phocion  saw  himself  placed 
in  the  most  dangerous  of  situations  ; betrayed  by  his  allies, 
he  entrenched  himself  on  a hillock,  and  was  only  with 
difficulty  able  to  ward  off  the  superior  numbers  of  his  ad- 
versaries. 

Most  terrible  reports  reached  Athens,  and  there  awak- 
ened a general  readiness  for  all  necessary  efforts.  Wealthy 
citizens  presented  ships-of-war  to  the  State,  all  the  troops 
still  remaining  immediately  took  their  departure,  in  order 
to  relieve  Phocion,  who  was  cut  off  from  the  coast  as  well 
as  hard-pressed  in  his  position ; and,  for  the  purpose  of 
remedying  the  want  of  money,  Apollodorus  came  forward 
with  the  patriotic  motion,  that  the  entire  surplus  of  the 
year’s  income  should  be  added  to  the  war-fund. 

Meanwhile  Phocion  succeeded  in  fighting  his  way 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


281 


through  the  enemy  in  an  engagement  very  honorable  to 
him,  and  in  effecting  his  return  to  Athens  by  the  middle 
of  the  summer ; but  the  garrison,  which  he  had  left  be- 
hind in  the  narrowest  part  of  the  island  in  the  fort  of  Zar- 
etra,  in  order  that  he  might  here  retain  a firm  footing  in 
at  least  one  point  in  Euboea,  through  the  treachery  of  Plu- 
tarehus  fell  as  captives  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  It 
had  to  be  ransomed  by  the  payment  of  fifty  talents  (12, 
520 1.)  ; the  whole  of  Euboea  was  now  lost,  and  all  the 
efforts  which  had  thoroughly  exhausted  the  public  purse, 
had  led  to  no  result,  but  that  of  a disgraceful  defeat  and 
of  the  deepest  discouragement,* 

But  this  unfortunate  campaign  had  yet  Condem 
other  serious  consequences  for  Athens,  as  well  "ati'?n  ,of 

1 7 Apollodorus. 

as  for  Demosthenes.  Apollodorus,  the  son  of 
the  wealthy  banker  Paison,  had  indeed  in  other  respects 
not  contrived  to  conciliate  much  esteem  at  Athens.  He 
had  on  a former  occasion  gone  to  Sicily  as  trierarch,  about 
the  time  when  Dionysius  interfered  in  PXellenic  affairs 
(vol.  iv.  p.  459),  with  the  object  of  bringing  about  friendly 
relations  between  him  and  the  Athenians  (01.  ciii.  1 ; b.  c. 
368).  Since  that  time  he  had  made  away  with  his  pro- 
perty by  a wasteful  life,  and  had  acquired  a bad  reputation 
in  consequence  of  a number  of  lawsuits,  in  which  he  had 
sought  again  to  procure  money.  He  was  a man  of  a care- 
less disposition  and  of  an  untrustworthy  character,  whose 
patriotism  was  of  more  harm  than  use  to  the  State ; for 
from  motives  of  vanity  he  observed  as  little  moderation  in 
his  pecuniary  services  to  the  State  as  in  his  private  expen- 


* With  regard  to  the  Eubcean  campaign,  cf.  JEschin.  iii.  86  seq.,  who 
represents  the  transactions  in  a light  unfavorable  to  Demosthenes  and  his 
friends.  The  newly  discovered  Scholia  to  JEschines  show,  that  not  Callias 
and  Taurosthenes,  but  Clitarchus,  introduced  mercenaries  from  Phaleeeus. 
Cf.  Ferd.  Schultz  in  Neue  Jahrb.  far  Pki’ol.,  I860,  p.  314,  who  accordingly 
makes  the  emendation  vrapi  $oA<ukov  in  ZEsehin.  85. — March-out  before  the 
12th  of  Anthesterion : Dem.  xxxix.  16. — Phocion  at  Tamynse : Plutarch, 
Demosth.  12;  ZEsehin.  iii.  86  (to  a-TpaToneSov  ets  rivas  8va-\ojpLa<;  KaTa/ceKAeipctVoi'), 
Notwithstanding  the  victory,  a n-oAenos  aSofos  aai  Sanaaripo s : Dem.  v.  5. 


282 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


diture,  and  spoilt  the  mariners  by  accustoming  them  to 
over-indulgence  on  his  ships.  His  motion  in  the  Council 
was,  however,  honorable  to  his  intelligence,  as  well  as  to 
his  honest  intentions  and  to  his  courage.  His  colleagues 
had  assented  to  it,  and  had  brought  it  before  the  civic 
assembly,  by  whom  it  had  been  accepted.  The  whole 
affair  had  been  completely  in  accordance  with  rule.  The 
motion  was  rendered  necessary  by  the  circumstances  of  the 
hour.  Moreover,  Apollodorus  had  proceeded  as  cautiously 
as  possible,  having  proposed  that  the  citizens  should  first 
vote  on  the  question,  whether  the  surplus  should  be  paid 
into  the  war-fund  or  into  the  festival-fund ; it  was  merely 
left  to  them  to  decide,  whether  they  would  resolve  upon  the 
former  alternative  in  the  sense  of  the  proposer  of  the 
motion.  But  when  hereupon  during  the  discussions  on  the 
subject  better  news  arrived  from  the  seat  of  war,  an  indict- 
ment of  illegality  was  immediately  brought  forward  against 
Apollodorus  by  Stephanus,  who  by  means  of  a variety  of 
intrigues  succeeded  in  carrying  his  condemnation  on  the 
charge. 

Stephanus,  as  we  may  assume,  had  been  urged  to  this 
step  by  Eubulus;  and,  after  it  had  prospered  so  well, 
Eubulus  himself  came  forward,  and  proposed  a law,  that 
whosoever  should  henceforth  venture  to  move  the  applica- 
tion of  the  festival-moneys  to  purposes  of  war,  should  incur 
the  penalty  of  death.  This  law  was  drawn  up  in  such  a 
form,  as  if  Apollodorus  had  proposed  an  innovation  dan- 
gerous to  the  State,  while  in  point  of  fact  he  had  once 
more  asserted  against  a rooted  abuse  the  principle  which 
alone  was  in  accordance  with  the  law.  This  abuse  was 
now  established  by  Eubulus  as  the  regular  and  lawful 
practice  ; and  hereby  the  commonweal  was  impaired  to  an 
extent  far  surpassing  the  calamity  which  had  been  suffered 
in  the  field.  The  result  of  this  unfortunate  war  was  there- 
fore not,  as  would  have  been  just,  to  cause  that  party 
which  had,  in  spite  of  the  protest  of  prudent  citizens,  pro- 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


' 283 


yoked  it,  to  forfeit  some  of  the  public  confidence  reposed 
in  it ; but  with  remarkable  audacity  this  party  contrived 
to  convert  its  defeat  into  a triumph,  to  consummate  its 
terroristic  sway,  to  abolish  the  best  possession  which  the 
Athenians  still  retained,  viz.  freedom  of  speech,  and  to 
establish  the  misgovernment  which  had  hitherto  prevailed 
more  firmly  than  ever.* 

But  it  was  not  only  from  this  lamentable  ^ 
turn  in  public  affairs  that  Demosthenes  had  ^f(fi||.aild 
to  suffer  ; he  was  also  drawn  into  the  conflict  0]  CYii  2_4 
in  his  own  person.  The  heat  of  the  parties  had  (E-  c-  35°-49)- 
become  intensified ; Demosthenes  was  an  abomination  in 
the  eyes  of  the  faction  of  Eubulus  ; and  in  particular 
Midias  had  for  political  and  for  personal  reasons  (p.  232) 
made  it  his  task  to  persecute  him  in  every  possible  way,  to 
inflict  dishonor  upon  him,  and  to  annihilate  forever  the 
authority  which  he  enjoyed  among  the  people.  When 
therefore  Demosthenes  had  voluntarily  undertaken  on  be- 
half of  his  tribe  the  equipment  of  the  course  for  the  festi- 
val of  Dionysus  in  the  spring  of  the  year  in  which  the  ex- 
pedition to  Euboea  occurred,  Midias  set  all  his  influence  in 
motion,  in  order  to  deprive  him  of  the  glory  due  to  Ids 
patriotic  liberality,  and  at  last  allowed  the  passion  of  a 
vulgar  hatred  to  cany  him  to  such  a length,  that  on  the 
day  of  the  festival  he  publicly  struck  Demosthenes  in  the 
face.  He  succeeded  in  causing  Demosthenes  to  lose  the 
honor  of  the  prize,  but  now  fell  into  personal  danger. 


* Apollodorus,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  b.  c.  370,  trierareh  on  the 
occasion  of  the  mission  to  Sicily,  b.c.  36S  (cf.  Note  to  p.  95),  and  again,  with 
much  expenditure  of  money,  on  the  Thracian  coast,  b.  c.  362  (Dem.  1.). 
Involved  In  numerous  lawsuits  (Dem.  xxxvi.  63),  he  had  wasted  his  patri- 
mony (division  of  the  inheritance,  b.  c.  368-7),  when  he  threw  himself  into 
public  business  and  as  member  of  the  Council  proposed  the  motion,  elre 
SokcI  Tft  irepiovra.  xprjp.a.Ta.  Trjs  CioiKijo'eoj?  crTpaTLeiTLKH  et vou  etre  Oeuipitta.  [Dem.], 
lix.  4.  Cf.  Lortzing,  de  orationibus  quas  Demosth.  pro  ApoUod.  scripsisse  fertur,  18G3. 
According  to  Hornbostel,  Ueber  die  von  Demosth.  in  Sachen  ApoUod.  verf.  Gerichts- 
reden , 40,  Apollodorus  was  merely  the  agent  of  Demosthenes,  which  Lortzing 
rightly  denies.  It  is  more  probable  that  Stephanus  (SchS-fer,  iii.2,  180)  was 
a tool  of  Eubulus. 


284 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


The  civic  assembly,  which  met  in  the  sanctuary  on  the 
day  after  the  festival,  recognized  the  complaint  of  the  ill- 
used  choregus  as  thoroughly  well-founded,  and  pronounced  a 
unanimous  sentence  of  condemnation  upon  the  unwarrant' 
ble  act  of  his  enemy. 

The  personal  contest  was  continued  with  the  utmost  in- 
tensity during  the  Euboean  war.  It  was  attempted  in 
every  way  to  frighten  off  Demosthenes  from  further  pur- 
suing the  course  of  legal  procedure  ; it  was  endeavored  to 
cast  upon  him  the  blame  of  the  failure  of  the  campaign  ; 
it  was  sought  to  stop  his  charge  against  Midias  by  means 
of  the  cross-manoeuvre  of  bringing  the  heaviest  accusations 
against  him ; it  Avas  tried  to  throAV  suspicion  upon  him  as  a 
runaway  in  the  field  ; he  was  accused  of  a share  in  a 
crime  of  murder,  Avhich  had  been  committed  by  an  ac- 
quaintance, Aristarchus.  The  whole  body  of  the  adher- 
ents of  Eubulus  combined,  in  order  to  effect  his  ruin. 
But  their  attacks  upon  the  character  of  Demosthenes  were 
all  futile,  though  they  were  in  so  far  successful,  that  the 
orator,  who  by  the  declaration  of  the  citizens  had  received 
a complete  satisfaction  for  his  honor,  in  the  end  relin- 
quished the  action  for  assault  against  Midias,  and  con- 
sented to  a compromise.* 

History  of  Hardly  had  he  escaped  from  these  vexa- 
the  city  of  tious  q uarrels,  when  an  event  occurred,  which 
called  him  once  more  to  the  orators’  tribune, 
and  claimed  his  whole  attention  for  public  affairs.  It  Avas 
an  event  Avhich  he  had  long  had  in  view,  which  he  had 
anxiously  desired,  and  the  occurrence  of  Avhich  he  had  in 
all  probability  hastened.  For  the  first  manifestations  of 
a more  vigorous  policy  on  the  part  of  Athens  could  not 
fail  to  attract  to  her  the  eyes  of  those  Hellenes  who  were 
even  more  directly  menaced  by  Philip  ; and  thus  it  came 


* Dem.  Karh  MeiStov  yrepi  tov  kov8v\ov.  Sch&fer,  ii.  85  seq. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


285 


to  pass,  that  the  one  power  capable  of  offering  resistance, 
which  still  existed  besides  Athens,  renounced  friendly  re- 
lations with  Philip,  and  offered  its  alliance  to  the  Athe- 
nians,— viz.  Olynthus  (p.  83). 

Olynthus  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  cities  of  anti- 
quity. Lying  on  the  outermost  border  of  the  Hellenic 
world,  between  Macedonia  and  Thrace,  it  owed  its  impor- 
tance precisely  to  this  exposed  situation,  which  brought  it 
more  into  contact  than  all  the  other  colonies  with  the 
realms  of  the  North  ; and  the  extraordinary  energy  con- 
sistently displayed  by  the  citizens  of  Olynthus,  doubtless 
finds  its  first  explanation  in  the  fact,  that  here  Hellenic 
intellect  happily  combined  with  the  vigor  of  Northern 
populations.  For  founded  upon  Thracian  soil,  and  origi- 
nally a settlement  of  the  Bottiseans  (p.  22),  thereupon 
about  the  time  of  the  Persian  Wars  occupied  by  Chalci- 
dians,  the  city  thenceforth  had  a mixed  population,  and 
nowhere  was  there  a more  favorable  opportunity  for  the 
amalgamation  of  different  nationalities  than  here ; no- 
where were  Greek,  half-Greek,  and  barbarian  tribes 
dwelling  so  closely  together,  as  in  the  highland  district  of 
the  three  Chalcidian  peninsulas. 

It  is  true,  that  the  great  advance  made  by  the  city  of 
Olynthus  had  not  had  its  origin  in  its  own  civic  commu- 
nity ; it  had  rather  been  brought  about  by  Macedonian 
influence,  which  on  this  occasion  for  the  first  time  asserted 
itself  in  Greek  public  affairs  (vol.  iii.  p.  15).  At  the  in- 
stigation of  Perdiccas,  Olynthus  became  the  centre  of  the 
Chalcidian  colonial  district ; and  it  was  he  who  encour- 
aged the  expedition  of  Brasidas,  from  the  consequences  of 
which  Athens  never  recovered  (vol.  iii.  p.  179).  After- 
wards, however,  the  Olynthians  showed  themselves  inde- 
pendent in  every  direction.  They  asserted  their  autonomy 
against  Athens  (vol.  iii.  p.  207)  ; they  hereupon,  when  the 
Corinthian  league  was  formed,  rose  against  the  supremacy 
of  the  Lacedaemonians  ; and  about  the  time  of  the  Peace 


286 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


of  Antalcidas  they  effected  very  quietly  the  formation  of 
a State  of  the  first  class,  which  comprehended  more  than 
thirty  formerly  independent  towns  in  a common  military 
constitution  with  equality  of  civic  rights, — a Greek  em- 
pire, provided  with  all  needful  resources,  admirably  situ- 
ated for  extending  itself  in  every  direction,  a land  and 
maritime  power,  which  moreover  had  an  excellent  force 
of  cavalry  at  its  disposal.  Whole  tribes  of  the  warlike 
Thracia-n  people  stood  in  relations  of  dependence  towards 
it,  and  furnished  their  military  contingents.  No  power 
could  restrain  the  progress  of  the  haughty  republic,  least 
of  all  Macedonia,  which,  itself  weakened  by  internal 
troubles,  now  saw  its  most  dangerous  enemy  in  the  State 
of  which  it  had  itself  laid  the  foundations.  The  towns 
of  Lower  Macedonia  with  their  population,  akin  by  de- 
scent to  the  Greeks  (p.  21),  joined  the  Olynthians; 
Amyntas  found  himself  in  a situation  of  the  utmost  dan- 
ger ; and  it  seemed  as  if  Olynthus  had  for  ever  taken  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  Temenidse  their  mission  of  forming  a 
Grseco-Macedonian  empire  (vol.  iv.  p.  325).  Olynthus 
also  took  thought  for  securing  her  acquisitions,  and  for 
strengthening  her  position  as  a Great  Power  by  means  of 
foreign  connexions;  and  with  this  object  sought  to  enter 
into  an  alliance  with  Athens  and  Thebes  (01.  xcix.  2 ; 
b.  c.  383). 

These  schemes  induced  Sparta  to  intervene  as  the  au- 
thority upon  which  devolved  the  execution  of  the  Peace 
of  Antalcidas  ; and  after  a war  of  several  years  Olynthus 
was  cast  down  from  the  height  of  her  power  (vol.  iv.  p. 
343).  She  was  humbled,  but  not  broken  ; and  Sparta 
was  incapable  of  turning  to  account  the  victory  which  she 
had  obtained.  Instead  of  this,  Athens  now  came  forward 
as  a menacing  power  with  her  Naval  Confederation.  In 
the  year  373  the  Athenians  sought  to  establish  a footing 
on  the  Thraco-Macedonian  coast,  and  to  recover  the  cities 
which  had  defied  them  in  the  times  when  their  power  had 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


287 


been  at  its  height  (vol.  iv.  p.  399).  This  Attic  policy 
from  the  first  met  with  the  most  vigorous  resistance  on  the 
part  of  the  Olynthians ; they  braced  themselves  for  new 
exertions,  enlarged  their  city  and  army,  extended  their 
Confederation,  so  that  Amphipolis  after  admitting  Chalci- 
dian  citizens  furnished  its  contingent  to  their  forces,  and 
about  01.  ciii.  3 (b.  c.  365)  were  more  powerful  than  ever 
before.  For  this  reason  Perdiccas  III.  so  vigorously  sup- 
ported the  undertakings  of  Timotheus,  who  in  364  carried 
on  the  Chalcidian  War  with  brilliant  success,  captured 
more  than  twenty  places,  and  pressed  close  upon  Olynthus 
itself  (p.  104).  But  the  city  held  out ; with  indomitable 
power  of  resistance  it  frustrated  all  lasting  results  on  the 
part  of  the  Attic  arms,  and  the  successor  of  Timotheus, 
Callisthenes,  found  himself  in  a far  more  arduous  position. 
For  Perdiccas  now  suddenly  renounced  the  alliance  of  the 
Athenians,  after  they  had  rendered  him  the  services  which 
he  desired  ; he  took  advantage  of  the  fact  that  Olynthus 
had  been  weakened,  in  order  to  place  under  his  protection 
the  several  towns  which  could  no  longer  rely  upon  the 
protection  of  the  city  holding  the  primacy,  and  to  defend 
them  with  his  troops  against  Athens.  The  undertaking 
of  Callisthenes  ended  with  a pacification  so  disadvanta- 
geous in  its  terms,  that  he  was  sentenced  to  death  at 
Athens ; and  all  the  advantages  obtained  by  Timotheus 
were  already  about  the  year  362  virtually  lost  (p.  108). 

When  king  Philip  ascended  the  throne,  he  oivnthus 
immediately  perceived,  how  for  him  everything  ™jj.King 
depended  upon  preventing  the  establishment 
of  a connexion  between  Olynthus  and  Athens;  and  he 
accordingly  sought  in  the  first  instance  to  satisfy  both 
cities.  He  withdrew  the  garrison  from  Amphipolis,  and 
made  the  Athenians  believe,  that  this  already  practically 
amounted  to  a surrender  of  the  city  to  them ; while  in  the 
same  way  he  assumed  towards  the  Olynthians  the  attitude 
of  a friend  and  ally.  They  began  indeed  to  feel  appre- 


288 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


hensions,  when  the  king  made  war  upon  Ampkipolis 
(p.  58) ; and  already  on  this  occasion  they  sent  envoys  to 
Athens;  but  Philip  contrived  to  frustrate  the  object  of  the 
embassy,  and  to  delude  the  Olynthians  by  the  most  gracious 
treatment.  In  the  war,  which  after  the  fall  of  Amphipolis 
broke  out  between  himself  and  Athens,  he  induced  them 
to  take  his  side,  and  gave  up  to  them  Anthemus  and  Poti- 
dsea  (p.  82)  ; they  felt  happier  and  more  secure  than  ever 
before,  and  with  blind  confidence  abandoned  themselves  to 
the  idea,  that  it  was  the  serious  intention  of  the  king  to 
remain  content  with  the  districts  of  territory  gained  by 
him,  and  to  leave  their  city  with  its  confederated  towns  in 
undisturbed  continuance  as  an  independent  State  on  the 
borders  of  his  empire.  But  when  hereupon  Philip  in  the 
rear  of  Olynthus  extended  his  dominion  toward  Thrace, 
when  he  had  subjected  Thessaly,  and  overcome  the  Pho- 
cians,  and  had  made  it  clear,  even  to  the  dullest  eye,  how 
he  was  wont  to  treat  his  friends  and  allies, — the  Olynthians, 
too,  could  no  longer  deceive  themselves  as  to  their  situa- 
tion. They  perceived  with  terror  their  awful  isolation, 
which  they  had  themselves  been  guilty  of  bringing  about 
by  their  hostility  against  Athens ; they  became  aware, 
that  the  continuance  of  their  independence  was  nothing 
better  than  a term  of  grace  conceded  by  Philip,  and 
measured  out  according  as  it  suited  his  interests.  Though 
therefore  the  party  among  them,  which  in  every  way 
worked  for  the  purposes  of  the  king,  was  both  powerful 
and  active,  yet  the  ancient  spirit  of  liberty  once  more 
gained  the  upper  hand  in  the  civic  community.  The 
Olynthians  resolved  to  prepare  for  a last  struggle  on 
behalf  of  their  independence,  and  for  this  purpose  it  was 
impossible  to  find  any  better  ally  than  Athens,  who,  by 
the  occupation  of  Thermopylae  (p.  80),  had  shown,  that 
she  had  not  yet  forgotten  her  ancient  mission  of  standing 
forth  as  the  champion  of  Hellenic  independence.* 

* Concerning  the  history  of  the  city  of  Olynthus  ; Voemel,  de  Olynthi  situ, 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


289 


The  Olynthians  proceeded  cautiously.  In  oi  ntimn 
the  first  instance  they  sent  envoys  to  Athens,  t^Atheos3 
in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  state  of  war  which  (oi.  evii  1-3 
they  had  four  years  previously  re-opened,  con-  (B' e'  °‘J“~50)' 
jointly  with  Philip,  against  Athens  (01.  cvii.  1 ; B.  c.  352). 
This  was  not  yet  equivalent  to  a rupture  of  their  peaceable 
relations  with  him  ; for  it  is  not  to  be  assumed  that  the 
Olynthians  had  renounced  the  right  to  pass  such  resolu- 
tions. The  king  indeed  regarded  this  step  already  as  a 
revolt.  He,  however,  abstained  from  immediate  interven- 
tion ; and  left  it  to  his  partisans  to  counteract  the  agita- 
tion. They  were  influential  enough,  even  now,  to  carry 
the  banishment  of  certain  spokesmen  of  the  patriot  party, 
notably  of  Apollonides.* 

On  the  occasion  of  the  first  embassy  a more  intimate 
connexion,  for  which  some  inclination  was  felt  at  Athens, 
was  as  yet  cautiously  declined ; but  soon  it  was  felt  that 
practically  a rupture  with  the  king  had  already  taken 
place,  although  he  still  refrained  from  giving  utterance  to 
his  anger,  and  only  on  the  occasion  of  his  Thracian 
campaigns  made  a threatening  appearance  on  the  frontiers 
of  the  territory  of  the  Olynthian  Confederation.  He  even 
sought  to  persuade  the  deputies  of  the  city,  that  there 
was  no  cause  for  fear.  But  the  citizens  mistrusted  him, 
and,  when  he  was  engaged  in  Illyria  and  Epirus,  de- 
spatched a second  embassy  to  Athens  and  requested  auxi- 
liary troops  for  the  protection  of  their  territory. 

The  danger  now  grew ; and  the  general  feeling  of  anx- 
ious expectation  was  intensified  by  a special  occurrence. 
A step-brother  of  the  king  had  taken  refuge  at  Olynthus  ; 
the  king  demanded  his  surrender,  which  the  city  refused. 


&c.  1829;  Abel,  Makeclnnien ; Bohneke,  Forschungen , et  al.  Amphipolis  Chalci- 
dian:  Aristot.  Polit.  205,10.  Callisthenes : JEschin.  ii.  30.  Amphipolis  occu- 
pied by  Perdiecas  to  defend  it  against  Athens,  and  subsequently  evacuated 
by  Philip,  according  to  the  conjecture  of  Grote,  vol.  x.  p.  510,  and  yol.  xi, 
p.  100. 


13 


* Apollonides : Dem.  ix.  56. 


290 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


For  since  the  Olynthians  had  once  resolved  upon  the  con- 
test, they  thought  it  their  duty  not  to  give  way  in  this 
point,  as  to  which  their  rights  were  beyond  all  doubt.  For 
how  could  a community  with  a sense  of  honor  voluntarily 
renounce  the  sacred  right  of  protecting  those  who  were 
enjoying  its  hospitality  ? Morever,  the  person  of  the  royal 
prince  may  have  been  of  some  importance ; indeed,  the 
passionate  pursuit  of  him  by  Philip  leads  us  to  conclude, 
that  the  prince  had  adherents  in  Macedonia.  This 
made  the  outbreak  of  war  inevitable.  The  Macedonians 
advanced  upon  the  recalcitrant  city,  and  the  third  embassy 
hastened  to  Athens,  in  order  without  delay  to  arrive  at  an 
understanding  with  regard  to  a joint  conduct  of  the  war.* 
state  of  The  situation  of  affairs  resembled  that  of 
Fnbat°Athen9  ^he  ^rne  when  Amphipolis  sued  for  succor 
against  Philip  (p.  57).  Both  Olynthus  and 
Amphipolis  were  confederates  who  had  fallen  away  from 
Athens  ; both  the  one  and  the  other  had  inflicted  the 
greatest  damage  upon  her ; both  were  brought  back  to  her 
by  nothing  but  their  own  distress.  But  in  the  one  case  it 
had  still  been  possible  for  the  Athenians  to  deceive  them- 
selves as  to  the  real  intentions  of  Philip  ; now,  these  were 
palpable ; nor  could  any  one  who  was  willing  to  use  his  eyes 
fail  to  perceive  that  it  was  impossible,  without  Athens  being 
herself  endangered,  to  allow  Olynthus,  the  last  outwork 
of  the  Attic  dominion  capable  of  offering  resistance,  to  fall. 

The  own  Accordingly  at  Athens  there  was  by  no 
thiac  Ora-  means  any  desire  from  petty  motives  of  selfish- 

tions  of  De-  J . 

mosthenes.  ness  to  punish  the  Olynthians  for  the  wrong 

c.  349).  formerly  committed  by  them,  as  had  been  done 


* King  Amyntas  had  three  sons  by  Gygaea,  viz.,  Archelaus,  Arrhidaeus, 
Menelaus:  Justin,  vii.  4.  Arrhidaeus  was  at  that  time  in  Olynthus.  Mene- 
iaus  seems  not  to  have  gone  thither  till  a later  date,  when  the  city,  supported 
by  Athens,  became  the  head-quarters  of  the  resistance  against  Philip. 
Schafer,  ii.  116,131.  Both  were  executed:  Justin,  vii.  3. — The  embassies: 
Philoohor.  Fragm.  132  ; Fragm.  Hist.  Gr.  i.  405.  Their  intercourse  with  Demos- 
thenes : DShneke,  Forschungen,  i.  161. 


Chap,  in.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


291 


in  the  case  of  Amphipolis ; but  public  opinion  was  not- 
withstanding lukewarm  ; nor  was  there  any  one  among 
the  orators  who  treated  the  affair  with  the  necessary  seri- 
ousness, except  Demosthenes.  His  previous  orations  of 
State  had  already  found  an  echo  in  the  Chalcidian  towns  ; 
to  him  the  envoys  had  applied  ; and  it  was  now  his  task, 
as  he  had  formerly  encouraged  the  citizens  to  carry  on  the 
petty  warfare  which  they  had  commenced  of  their  own  ac- 
cord, so  at  the  present  moment  to  kindle  in  them  a readi- 
ness for  the  greater  contest, — for  a contest  which  they  could 
not  avoid  without  hazarding  their  honor  and  indepen- 
dence. There  was  no  necessity  for  him  to  speak  against 
Philip  and  for  Olynthus  in  general ; but  it  behooved  him 
to  commend  to  the  profoundest  consideration  of  the  citi- 
zens the  whole  mighty  importance  of  the  moment,  and  the 
duties  which  it  imposed  upon  them.  His  The  Firgt 
Olynthiac  Orations  breathe  the  same  spirit  and 
are  based  upon  the  same  principles  as  his  previous  public 
speeches ; but  the  high  significance  of  the  decision 
which  had  now  to  be  formed,  gave  to  them  a yet  loftier 
afflatus,  yet  more  of  impressiveness  and  assurance.  For 
now,  he  reflects  with  joyous  confidence,  every  pretext  has 
been  taken  away  from  the  Athenians  for  neglecting  their 
duty.  Amphipolis  they  have  allowed  to  fall,  and  Pydna, 
and  Methone  ; Potidsea  and  Pagasse  they  have  allowed  to 
pass  into  the  hands  of  the  foe  ; Olynthus,  and  Olynthus 
alone,  is  left.  And  this  city,  which  during  eighty  years 
has  been  hostile  to  Athens,  which  holds  the  primacy  over 
thirty-two  towns,  now  comes  of  its  own  accord  to  seek  our 
protection.  This  is  an  event  which  is  offered  like  a boon 
of  good  fortune  of  the  rarest  kind  by  the  hands  of  the 
deity.  For  it  is  impossible  that  the  inevitable  contest 
should  be  opened  at  any  more  suitable  season.  So  long 
as  Olynthus  remains  standing,  the  choice  is  left  to  the 
Athenians,  whether  this  contest  is  to  be  fought  out  on  the 
frontiers  of  Macedonia,  or  whether  Philip  is  to  be  allowed 


292 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII, 


to  approach  the  walls  of  the  city.  Upon  the  Athenians  it 
now  depends,  whether  a turning-point  shall  occur  in  their 
destinies.  The  population  of  Thessaly  is  in  full  ferment ; 
it  is  wroth  with  the  king,  who  retains  for  himself  the  Pa- 
gassean  harbor-dues,  and  who  is  erecting  fortifications  in 
Magnesia.  Neither  is  his  dominion  by  any  means  well 
assured  in  the  Northern  mountain-land.  Only  let  an 
armed  force  show  itself  in  the  vicinity  of  Macedonia,  and 
the  Pseonians,  lovers  of  liberty,  as  well  as  the  Illyrians, 
will  rise  anew.  An  embassy  must  therefore  be  despatched 
to  Olynthus,  to  announce  the  approach  of  succor,  and  to 
encourge  its  citizens.  Next,  a two-fold  force  must  be  sent 
out,  the  one  to  protect  the  menaced  city,  the  other  to  at- 
tack the  territory  of  the  king,  and  to  prevent  him  from 
massing  all  his  resources  against  Olynthus.  But,  in  her 
present  circumstances,  our  city  cannot  satisfy  such  de- 
mands. She  is  in  no  want  of  resources,  but  she  is  tied 
down  in  the  employment  of  them.  She  must  therefore 
free  herself  from  the  fetters  which  she  has  imposed  upon 
herself,  by  devoting  the  surplus  of  her  income  to  the  festi- 
vals. Either  this  surplus  must  be  restored  to  the  war- 
fund,  in  which  case  the  means  for  war  will  have  been  se- 
cured, or  we  must  all  contribute  according  to  our  proper- 
ty. Either  the  one,  or  the  other, — there  is  no  third  way 
possible,  for  money  must  be  obtained,  the  war  is  necessary, 
if  Athens  is  not  willing  to  abandon  herself. 

The  Second  ^ knowledge  of  the  circumstances  of  the 
times  existed  ; but  the  fear  of  the  omnipotent 
king,  which  became  intensified  as  the  subject  of  the  war  was 
more  closely  considered,  had  taken  possession  of  the  minds 
of  the  citizens,  and  crippled  their  good  intentions.  Ac- 
cordingly, Demosthenes  about  the  same  time  made  an  ad- 
dress to  the  people,  the  essential  object  of  which  was  to 
moderate  the  exaggerated  terror  inspired  by  Philip. 
“ The  king,”  he  says,  “ is  by  no  means  the  invincible  man, 
whom  you  picture  to  yourselves.  True  power  must  rest 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


293 


on  other  foundations.  He  is  nothing  but  an  ambitious 
lover  of  self,  who  allows  no  one  to  share  the  fruits  of  vic- 
tory with  him  ; for  which  reason  neither  the  people,  to 
which  his  wars  bring  nothing  but  suffering,  nor  the  kernel 
of  the  nobility,  feel  any  attachment  towards  him.  For  he 
suffers  no  man  of  independence  near  his  person.  The 
best  officers  he  removes  to  a distance ; his  court  is  a meet- 
ing-place of  adventurers  and  drunkards  ; his  allies  are 
only  lying  in  wait  for  a discomfiture,  in  order  to  fall  away 
from  him.  His  whole  power,  though  outwardly  splendid, 
is  rotten  in  itself ; and  this  will  become  clearly  manifest, 
so  soon  as  he  is  involved  in  serious,  i.  e.  domestic  wars, 
just  as,  when  a disease  seizes  upon  the  human  body,  the 
defects  and  hurts  hitherto  concealed  in  it  come  to  light. 
Philip’s  good-fortune  rests  upon  no  secure  foundations,  be- 
cause it  is  not  based  upon  justice ; but  it  is  not  on  that 
account  the  creature  of  chance ; for  it  has  been  brought 
about  by  means  of  his  incredible  activity  and  of  absolute 
inaction  on  our  side.  If,  therefore,  it  was  the  necessary 
consequence  of  our  dilatoriness  that  one  possession  after 
the  other  was  lost,  on  the  other  hand,  if  we  begin  to  do 
our  duty,  the  contrary  result  will  ensue,  and  the  gods  will 
much  prefer  to  be  on  our  side  than  on  his.  ” 

The  Third  Oration  seems  to  belong  to  a The  Third 
somewhat  later  stage  of  these  transactions. 

In  it  the  Olynthians  are  already  spoken  of  as  allies,  and 
it  is  assumed  that  all  are  at  one  as  to  the  necessity  of  ac- 
tion. Indeed,  the  want  of  courage  among  the  popular 
orators  has  already  changed  into  the  direct  contrary  ; they 
talk  of  the  chastisement  of  the  king,  and  dangle  victorious 
successes  before  the  eyes  of  the  citizens,  without  explain- 
ing to  them  the  means  and  methods  which  are  requisite, 
if  only  for  escaping  defeat.  Even  to  achieve  this  result, 
it  is  necessary  to  break  utterly  with  the  existing  system 
of  government.  “For  in  these  days,”  Demosthenes  de- 
clares, “ things  have  come  to  such  a pass,  that  one  may 


294 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


not  even  tell  his  fellow-citizens  the  truth,  without  uselessly 
risking  his  life.  This  must  be  changed.  Therefore,  sum- 
mon a legislative  commission,  not  however  with  the  ob- 
ject of  giving,  but  with  that  of  abolishing,  laws,  in  partic- 
ular the  law  with  regard  to  the  war-moneys,  which  are  at 
present  distributed  among  those  citizens  who  do  not  march 
out  to  the  war.  But  demand  the  abolition  of  this  law 
from  the  same  persons  who  have  passed  it.  For  it  is  un- 
fair, that  they  should  gain  your  affection  by  pernicious 
laws,  while  others  are  to  take  upon  themselves  the  invidi- 
ous labor  of  removing  the  bad  laws  in  opposition  to  your 
inclinations.  It  is  anything  but  a pleasant  task  to  oppose 
oneself  to  those  who  are  mighty  in  the  city,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  your  own  wishes ; but  I deem  it  the  duty  of 
an  honest  citizen,  to  esteem  the  welfare  of  the  city  more 
highly  than  the  applause  of  the  audience.  Such  was  like- 
wise the  custom  of  the  men  who  addressed  your  ancestors 
— of  an  Aristides,  a Nicias,  a Pericles.  In  our  days  all 
this  has  changed.  Now  you  have  orators,  who  go  about 
among  you  and  inquire  : What  do  you  wish  ? Wherewith 
can  we  serve  you  ? What  motion  would  you  like  us  to 
make  ? The  result  is,  that  with  you  everything  is  in  a dis- 
graceful condition,  while  those  ancient  orators  made  the 
city  great  and  glorious.  Your  foreign  power  you  have 
forfeited ; and  at  home  in  the  city  you  are  the  servants  of 
those  who  are  filling  their  pockets  at  your  expense.  From 
them  you  take  the  bait  of  the  distribution  of  moneys  for 
the  festivals,  which  they  dangle  before  you,  so  that  you  are 
altogether  unable  to  perceive  your  own  shame;  indeed, 
you  actually  feel  under  an  obligation  of  deep  gratitude  to 
those  persons  who  provide  for  your  feastings,  although 
what  they  do  is  done  out  of  your  own  resources,  and  tends 
to  your  ruin.  Even  now  it  is  not  too  late.  Renounce  the 
foolish  fancy,  that  it  is  possible  to  reconcile  irreconcila- 
bles  or,  in  other  words,  to  waste  all  the  existing  pecuniary 
resources  in  unnecessary  expenditure,  and  yet  after  that 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


295 


to  possess  the  means  for  necessary  purposes.  You  must 
clearly  realize  the  actual  state  of  things ; you  must  arrive 
at  a decision,  which  you  cannot  avoid.  If  you  now  take 
courage,  so  as  to  act  in  a way  which  becomes  your  city,  to 
perform  military  service,  and  to  stake  the  surplus  moneys, 
which  are  now  distributed  and  are  of  no  real  use  to  any 
one,  upon  the  war,  then,  Athenians,  it  may  perchance  still 
be  given  to  you  to  attain  to  a great  and  glorious  posses- 
sion, to  the  rise  of  your  native  city.  ” 

Thus  Demosthenes  with  unsparing  earnestness  lays  bare 
the  rotten  places  in  the  life  of  the  community,  without  at 
the  same  time  raising  his  demands  to  an  excessive  pitch ; 
on  the  contrary,  it  is  with  a sagacious  moderation  that  he 
opposes  himself  to  the  prevailing  abuses.  For  he  has  no  in- 
tention whatever  of  denying  the  claims  of  the  citizens  upon 
the  funds  of  the  city ; he  merely  asks  for  certain  services  in 
return  on  the  part  of  each  citizen,  and  desires  that  a dif- 
ference should  be  made  between  times  of  war  and  times 
of  peace.  In  periods  of  calm,  he  opines,  let  every  man  re- 
ceive his  share  at  home ; but  when  the  times  are  such  as 
the  present,  the  citizen  who  is  capable  of  bearing  arms 
ought,  in  return  for  what  he  receives  from  the  State,  also 
to  come  forward  in  his  own  person  for  its  protection ; and 
as  for  those  who  have  passed  the  age  of  service,  let  them 
arrange  and  superintend  what  has  to  be  done,  and  receive 
their  share  for  this  kind  of  public  labor.  In  other  words, 
it  is  merely  necessary  that  order  and  equitable  proportion 
should  take  the  place  now  usurped  by  arbitrary  choice 
and  chance.  According  as  the  services  are  in  succession 
undertaken,  so  the  money  ought  to  be  distributed  accord- 
ing to  the  measure  of  each.  For  the  money  is  due  to  the 
active,  and  not  to  the  idle,  who  lounge  about  at  home  and 
babble  to  one  another  concerning  the  military  exploits  of 
the  mercenaries. 


The  three  Olynthiae  Orations  attest  Demosthenes’  con- 


296 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU 


The  oiyn-  ception  of  the  situation,  and  the  use  made  of 

thian  War.  it  by  him,  in  order  to  raise  his  native  city 

(b!  a 349-8).  from  its  humiliation.  They  form  only  a small 
portion  of  his  activity ; he  labored  indefatiga- 
bly  to  influence  both  young  and  old,  and  for  the  first  time 
had  the  satisfaction  of  exercising  an  effect,  which  determined 
the  policy  of  the  Athenians.  Olynthus  was  admitted  into 
the  Attic  Confederacy  on  very  considerate  conditions ; and 
thirty  vessels,  which  already  formed  a squadron  under 


Chares,  together 


with  eight 


newly  manned,  took  their 


departure  for  the  Chalcidian  peninsula,  where  the  war  was 
already  in  full  progress  (01.  cvii.  4;  b.  c.  349-8). 


Its  outbreak  was  in  several  respects  very  unwelcome  to 
Philip.  Hitherto  he  had  always  been  accustomed  to  let 
the  impulse  to  everything  which  occurred  proceed  from 
himself;  now,  he  found  himself  obliged  to  relinquish  other 
schemes,  in  order  to  confront  a sudden  resistance.  He 
had  expected  that  the  Chalcidian  towns  would  willingly 
submit  to  the  position  of  Macedonian  vassal-states,  and 
would  gradually  pass  among  his  dominions.  The  rising 
on  the  part  of  Olynthus  was  therefore  a very  unwelcome 
sign  to  him  of  the  spirit  of  independence,  which  was  still 
alive  in  the  Greek  communities,  and  which  was  powerful 
enough  to  overcome  the  ill-will  of  the  Olynthians  towards 
Athens,  and  to  unite  those  who  had  long  been  mutual  ene- 
mies against  himself.  Olynthus  was  still  a dangerous  foe, 
a town  of  10,000  citizens,  lying  in  a strong  position  and 
provided  with  a good  military  organization;  its  proximity 
to  his  kingdom  enabled  it  to  be  in  readiness  to  seize  any 
favorable  opportunity ; and,  if  the  territory  of  its  Confede- 
ration with  its  numerous  harbors  became  the  regular 
station  of  an  Attic  naval  force,  this  would  be  placed  in 
possession  of  all  the  advantages  which  hitherto  the  king 
had  had  in  his  favor  as  against  the  Athenians ; and  every 


ClIAP.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


297 


success  obtained  by  them  might  occasion  risings  in  the 
newly  conquered  portions  of  his  dominions.* 

But  the  Athenians  even  in  the  critical  mo-  Three 
ment  did  everything  by  halves,  so  that  such  expeditions 
sacrifices  as  they  made  were  likewise  uselessly  01.  evii.  4. 
wasted.  No  citizens  had  sailed  out  under  (B- c- 349"8)- 
Chares ; a property-tax  had  been  proposed,  but  not  carried 
out ; the  surplus  moneys  were  expended  upon  the  festivals 
just  as  before,  as  if  absolute  peace  had  reigned ; and  the 
government  was,  in  spite  of  all  the  assaults  of  Demos- 
thenes, strong  enough  to  prevent,  as  unnecessary  innova- 
tions, the  financial  reforms  demanded  by  the  war.  Even 
now  the  civic  community  was  not  united,  but  divided  into 
parties.  Each  party  had  its  spokesman,  by  whom  it  was 
led,  its  general,  whom  it  favored,  and  a clamorous  follow- 
ing, which  thoughtlessly  gave  its  assent.  One  party  was 
for  Chares,  the  other  for  Charidemus.  Against  the  serried 
ranks  of  these  parties  a solitary  orator  was  unable  to  effect 
anything;  and  the  misfortune  of  the  city  lay  in  this,  that 
when  order  ought  to  have  reigned,  arbitrary  decisions  pre- 
vailed, and  where  freedom  ought  to  have  obtained,  there 
force  and  dependence  held  sway. 

The  Olynthians  sent  a second  embassy ; whereupon  a 


* As  to  the  dates  and  sequence  of  the  Olynfhiac  Orations:  the  First  (accord- 
ing to  Dionysius,  the  Third)  mentions  the  alliance  in  process  of  formation 
between  Olynthus  and  Athens  : the  Second  (the  First  according  to  Dionys.) 
especially  insists  upon  the  ethical  points  of  view,  which  would  be  unsuitable, 
were  the  action  to  be  supposed  already  set  afloat;  and  in  truth  in  the  Third 
(the  Second  according  to  Dionys.)  we  have  the  earliest  endeavor  to 
determine  the  Athenians  to  action.  In  all  three  there  is  no  hint  of  any 
succor  as  having  been  actually  furnished.  Cf.  Rehdantz,  Demosth.  ausgew. 
Iieden , 1865,  p.  29. — Admission  of  Olynthus  into  the  Confederation : Boeckh, 
Publ.  Ec.  of  Atli.,  vol.  i.,  p.  117,  Note  [Eng.  Tr.];  Boh n ek e,  Forschungen,  101. — 
The  three  expeditions  of  succor:  Philochorus  ap.  Dionys.  ad  Amm.  i.  9,  734; 
Schafer,  ii.  151,  where,  according  to  the  supplementation  of  the  Fragment 
suggested  by  von  Herwarden  ( Dionys . Epist.  Crit.,  1861,  p.  10),  the  reading  now 
stands  : rpirjpeis  Se  TpidtcovTa  rds  fxerdi  XdprjTos  Kai  a>s  cruvenKripioaav  oktuo  (the 
30  were  accordingly  a squadron  already  assembled,  the  8 a subsequent 
addition).  Between  the  words  <rvp.p.a\iav  kiroirfcTavTo  and  /cat  /So^etay 
€7r e/xv//av  there  is  in  the  Ambrosianus  a lacuna  of  eighteen  letters. 

13* 


298 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


second  body  of  auxiliaries  was  despatched,  this  time  under 
Charidemus,  who  from  the  Hellespont  gave  aid  to  the 
hard-pressed  city  with  4,000  light-armed  troops  and  150 
horsemen  ; joint  raids  were  made  upon  the  royal  territory, 
and  prisoners  were  brought  in,  among  them  some  Macedo- 
nians of  high  rank. 

But  these  petty  advantages  soon  disappeared,  when 
king  Philip,  having  returned  from  Thessaly,  opened  a se- 
cond campaign,  and  now  showed  himself  thoroughly  in 
earnest.  He  rapidly  took  one  federal  town  after  the  other. 
The  majority  surrendered  on  his  approach  ; the  gates  of 
others  were  opened  by  treason.  The  Olynthians,  routed 
in  two  set  battles,  attempted  the  course  of  negotiation,  but 
were  harshly  rejected  ; for,  they  were  now  told,  the  alter- 
natives were,  that  they  must  evacuate  Olynthus,  or  king 
Philip  Macedonia.  They  had  accordingly  to  arm  for  the 
final  struggle.  Their  walls  were  still  intact,  they  still  re- 
tained freedom  of  movement  towards  the  side  of  the  sea, 
and  looked  out  with  anxious  expectation  for  the  Attic 
ships.  For  they  had  sent  to  Athens  for  a third  time  ; and 
on  this  occasion  the  Athenians  had  actually  resolved  upon 
making  a levy  among  the  citizens.  For  this  had  been  ex- 
pressly requested  by  the  Olynthians  in  consequence  of 
their  experiences  with  regard  to  the  mercenaries  of  Chari- 
demus. But  of  4,000  hoplites  only  half  assembled  under 
Chares ; and  even  these  came  too  late.  The  Athenians 
had  deceived  themselves  as  to  the  power  of  resistance  iu 
the  Chalcidians  ; their  numerous  towns  were  severally 
hard  to  defend,  their  civic  communities  with  their  many 
non-Greek  elements  were  untrustworthy,  and  were  more- 
over rendered  effete  by  luxury  and  Thracian  love  of 
drink.  Again,  more  protracted  troubles  in  Thessaly  had 
been  reckoned  upon.  Finally  it  was  the  north-wind,  the 
officious  ally  of  king  Philip,  which  about  the  middle  of 
the  summer  kept  the  approaching  vessels  at  a distance 
from  the  coasts.  Before  they  arrived,  Olynthus  fell  by 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


299 


treason.  The  two  cavalry  commanders,  Las-  paU  of 
thenes  and  Eutliycrates,  having  been  gained  oiynthus. 
over  by  Macedonian  gold,  contrived  so  to  or  c^vm.  1 (b. 
arrange  matters,  that  on  the  occasion  of  a 
sally  on  the  part  of  the  besieged  a considerable  division  of 
the  cavalry  was  cut  off  by  the  Macedonians,  to  whom  at 
the  same  time  an  entrance  was  opened  into  the  city. 

Philip  in  the  fullest  sense  carried  out  his  threat.  A 
judgment  of  unexampled  severity  was  to  quench  every 
remnant  of  the  Hellenic  spirit  of  liberty ; the  flames  of 
the  burning  city,  and  of  the  towns  of  its  Confederation, 
were  to  shine  across  to  all  the  shores  of  the  Archipelago 
as  a terrible  sign  of  warning.  A considerable  part  of  the 
Greek  nation  was  annihilated  together  with  its  habita- 
tions ; numberless  citizens,  who  had  hitherto  led  a prosper- 
ous life,  became  fugitive  mendicants.  And  indeed  the  lot 
of  those  who  saved  life  and  liberty  was  happy  in  compari- 
son with  the  fate  of  those  who,  like  the  majority  of  the 
Olynthians,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conqueror  and  were 
sold  into  slavery,  while  their  possessions  were  burnt  to 
ashes  or  flung  as  booty  to  the  mercenaries.  The  haughty 
city  of  Oiynthus  vanished  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  and 
together  with  it  thirty-two  towns  inhabited  by  Greeks  and 
flourishing  as  commercial  communities.  The  mines  con- 
tinued to  be  worked  for  the  royal  treasury  ; with  this  ex- 
ception the  whole  of  Chalcidice  became  a desert ; and 
the  seal  was  set  upon  the  shame  of  the  overthrow  by  the 
fact  that  Hellenes,  such  as  e.  g.  Anaxandrides  (p.  199) 
and  Satyrus  (p.  195),  condescended  to  glorify  by  their 
arts  the  festival  of  victory  held  by  the  king  at  Dium ; 
nor  could  anything  more  clearly  attest  in  his  eyes  the  de- 
cay of  the  nation,  than  to  find  the  Greeks  willing  to  turn 
to  account  the  ruin  of  the  Chalcidian  towns,  inasmuch  as 
they  were  not  ashamed  to  accept  gifts  of  landed  property 
and  of  articles  of  value,  Greeks  being  actually  seen  re- 
turning from  the  scene  of  the  calamity  accompanied  by 


300 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


women  and  children  in  fetters,  whom  they  owed  to  the 
grace  of  the  conqueror. 

It  is  true,  that  such  a spectacle  roused  in- 
dignation in  all  more  generous  minds ; and, 
after  the  first  paralyzing  impression  of  terror 
had  passed  away,  sympathy  and  readiness  to 
help  were  shown  in  many  places,  and  most  of 
in  that  city  which  was  most  nearly  interested,  and 


Reception 
of  the  Olyn- 
thians  at 
Athens. 

01.  cviii.  1 (b. 
c.  348). 


all 


which  after  a long-enduring  quarrel  had  in  the  last  hour 
allied  itself  with  the  Olynthiaus,  who  since  the  advance  of 
the  Macedonian  power  ought  to  have  recognized  its  one 
support  in  Athens.  The  overthrow  of  Olynthus  was  a ter- 
rible judgment  upon  the  jealousy  between  Hellenic  cities. 
But  Athens  too  could  not  fail  to  be  now  seized  by  a simi- 
lar feeling  of  shame  to  that  which  had  followed  upon  the 
fall  of  Miletus  and  upon  that  of  Platmse,  who  had  likewise 
been  so  bitterly  deceived  in  the  hopes  they  had  set  upon 
her.  On  the  present  occasion  there  again  remained  noth- 
ing for  the  Athenians  but  to  mitigate  the  distress  of  indi- 
viduals to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  The  fugitives  were, 
like  the  Platseans,  admitted  as  citizens  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  city  ; the  courts  condemned  those  citizens  who 
ill-treated  captive  Olynthian  women  ; and  the  curse  of  the 
community  was  pronounced  upon  the  two  men  who  had 
betrayed  Olynthus.* 


Turn  in  the  The  fall  of  Olynthus  signified  a fresh  defeat 
EubiUuff  for  Athens ; and  it  might  be  supposed,  that  it 
would  have  at  the  same  time  inflicted  a defeat 
upon  the  national  party,  who  had  urged  on  the  war,  and 
that  their  opponents  would  have  held  sway  more  absolute- 
ly than  before  in  the  city.  The  citizens  had  been  deeply 


* Charidemus  (second  expedition):  Philochorus;  Theopomp.  ap.  Athen. 
436  (Capture  of  Cerdas,  who  was  probably  a brother-in-law  of  Philip:  Boh- 
neke,  w.  s.  674).  Chares  (third  expedition,  first  levy  of  citizens) : Schafer,  ii. 
133,141.  Fall  of  Olynthus:  Diod.  xvi.  53.  Olympic  festival : Dem.  xix.  192. 
Pseplnsm  against  the  traitors,  g 267. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


301 


stirred  by  these  great  events  ; and  during  their  course  De- 
mosthenes had  acquired  an  entirely  new  position.  He  was 
not  made  responsible  for  the  useless  sacrifices  and  exer- 
tions ; it  was  felt  that  their  failure  had  been  nothing  but 
a justification  of  his  views:  and  the  penetrating  effect  of 
his  words  is  best  shown  from  the  fact,  that  the  government 
party,  which  he  had  so  uncompromisingly  attacked,  now 
saw  occasion  to  approach  its  policy  to  that  of  Demosthenes. 

Eubulus  had  indeed  at  all  times  wished  to  see  the  honor 
and  property  of  the  State  safe  ; he  had,  moreover,  invaria- 
bly expended  part  of  the  surplus  upon  the  navy  and  the 
harbors-of-war ; he  was  no  adherent  of  Philip’s  ; but  he 
believed  it  necessary  for  the  Athenians  to  confine  them- 
selves to  defending  their  own,  instead  of  irritating  the  king 
and  advancing  independently.  But  now  he  took  courage 
for  conducting  the  affairs  of  the  State  in  a more  manly 
spirit.  As  if  his  eyes  had  been  suddenly  opened,  he  now 
perceived  the  threatening  cloud,  to  which  Demosthenes 
had  been  so  long  pointing,  and  now  for  his  part  too  recog- 
nized the  necessity  incumbent  upon  the  State  of  abandon- 
ing its  attitude  of  expectant  inaction,  securing  allies  to  its 
side,  and  at  the  head  of  states  holding  the  same  views  as 
itself  confronting  the  enemy  of  the  fatherland.  By  reason 
of  the  extreme  flabbiness  and  want  of  fixity  which  charac- 
terized his  political  views,  he  had  little  difficulty  in  mak- 
ing this  change  of  movement ; moreover,  he  found  among 
his  adherents  men  enough,  who  readily  exerted  themselves 
in  order  to  use  this  occasion  for  putting  down  him  who 
had  hitherto  been  the  spokesman  of  the  national  policy. 
In  particular  he  was  assisted  by  a man  who,  while  more 
able  than  any  of  his  contemporaries  to  meet  Demosthenes 
on  equal  terms  as  an  orator,  was  decidedly  his  superior  in 
many  oratorical  gifts  which  exercised  a great  effect  upon 
the  people,  especially  in  the  self-ingratiating  charm  of  per- 
sonal appearance  and  in  euphony  of  speech.  This  was 
iEschines,  the  son  of  Atrometus. 


302 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VH 


iEsehines 
the  orator. 


He  was  descended  from  an  ancient  civic 
family,  but  one  which  had  lost  its  position 
during  the  Peloponnesian  War,  had  therefore  taken  to 
migratory  courses,  and  had  fallen  into  all  kinds  of  adven- 
turous industries.  His  father  had  for  a time  moved  about 
as  a mercenary  in  foreign  service,  and  had  then  set  up  a 
primary  school  at  Athens ; his  mother  is  said  to  have  filled 
the  place  of  priestess  in  the  foreign  Mysterious  cults,  which 
at  that  time  were  very  much  in  fashion  (vol.  iv.  p.  82), 
and  to  have  made  commercial  profit  out  of  the  superstition 
of  the  multitude.  This  restless  industrial  activity  had 
likewise  descended  to  their  sons,  all  three  of  whom  by 
means  of  flexibility  of  manner  and  a variety  of  talents  con- 
trived to  work  their  way  up  to  considerable  connexions 
and  influential  positions.  This  was  the  direct  contrary  of 
the  position  in  life  of  Demosthenes,  who  opposes  him- 
self to  them  with  all  the  pride  of  the  citizen-class  estab- 
lished in  its  paternal  inheritance,  regarding  as  dishonorable 
not  so  much  particular  professions  followed  by  the  father 
and  the  brothers  of  iEsehines,  as  rather  the  restless  transi- 
tion from  this  to  that,  the  incessant  change,  the  want  of 
dignity,  the  dependence  on  party-leaders,  and  above  all  the 
concentrated  attention  to  making  a way  in  the  world, 
which  determined  their  entire  course  of  action.  Most  va- 
riegated of  all  was  the  life  of  iEsehines  himself.  Born 
about  01.  xc.  2 ; b.  c.  390,  he  first  began  in  his  father’s 
school -room  to  deserve  well  of  his  kind  by  grinding  ink 
and  scrubbing  benches,  then  he  served  in  the  field,  at 
Mantinea  and  in  Euboea,  whence  he  was  permitted  to 
bring  home  the  despatch  announcing  the  victory  of  Pho- 
cion  (p.  278)  ; next,  he  did  duty  as  scribe  to  all  manner 
of  subordinate  public  officers,  wherein  he  acquired  a routine 
experience  as  a “ porer  over  records,”  and  rose  from  the 
position  of  copying-clerk  to  the  work  of  compiling  state- 
papers.  But  he  felt  within  him  a soul  for  higher  things, 
and  a need  for  a wider  recognition.  He  was  a bel-esprit, 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


303 


and  obeyed  the  impulse  which  called  him  to  the  stage.  He 
let  himself  out  to  wandering  protagonists  or  theatrical 
managers  (p.  194),  until  he  threw  himself  once  more  into 
public  affairs,  and  now  from  his  former  subordinate  posi- 
tions rapidly  rose  to  higher  places.  He  was  several  times 
chosen  writer  to  the  State, — and  this  through  the  influence 
of  the  omnipotent  party-chiefs,  of  whom  he  became  an 
officious  follower,  first  of  Aristophon  and  then  of  Eubulus. 
In  these  days,  when  all  power  lay  in  the  hands  of  well- 
organized  party-associations  (pp.  126,  295),  it  was  possible 
by  means  of  skilful  ways  and  servile  officiousness  to  secure 
the  favor  of  those  in  power,  and,  even  without  being  a per- 
son of  mark,  to  be  brilliantly  successful  in  candidatures 
for  the  offices  of  honor  in  the  republic.  Thus  ,,  , . 
the  brothers  of  iEschines  became  generals  and  and  Eubulus. 
envoys,  and  he  became  himself  the  confidential  friend  of 
Eubulus,  and  an  orator  and  leader  of  public  affairs.  As 
an  orator  too  he  was  the  direct  reverse  of  Demosthenes  ; for 
his  eloquence  was  not  based  upon  serious  studies,  but  upon 
happy  presence  of  mind  and  natural  versatility,  which  were 
supported  by  imaginative  power,  vivacity  of  sentiment, 
a fine  intelligence  and  extensive  practice  in  delivery. 
iEschines  always  remained  an  actor,  who  regarded  the 
cause  which  he  advocated  as  a part  in  a play,  in  which  it 
behooved  him  to  display  his  skill,  and  to  keep  his  own  in- 
terests in  view. 

Thus  he  was  now  all  the  more  ready  to  attach  himself 
to  the  policy  of  Eubulus,  inasmuch  as  it  offered  him  the 
most  welcome  opportunity  for  brilliant  orations.  He  too 
might  now  deliver  Philippics,  and  speak  with  great  pathos 
of  the  mission  which  had  been  bequeathed  to  the  city  of 
Athens  by  her  ancestors.  As  at  the  time  of  the  Persian 
Wars,  so  Athens  must  now  also  gather  and  array  the 
resources  of  the  population  for  the  struggle  imminent  on 
behalf  of  her  hearths  and  her  freedom.  In  Peloponnesus 
the  tendency  of  public  opinion  was  favorable ; here  a 


304 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


body  of  adherents  ought  to  be  formed,  a strong  patriot 
party,  before  Philip  should  have  succeeded  in  bringing 
over  the  lesser  states  to  his  side.  He  spoke  as  a prophet 
speaks,  and  bore  himself  precisely  as  if  the  evil  foe  of  the 
fatherland  were  a discovery  of  his  own.  The  confederates 
ought  to  be  summoned  to  a congress,  and  thus  the  city  of 
Athens  ought  to  be  made  once  more,  as  in  the  days  of 
old,  the  centre  of  free  and  freedom-loving  Greece. 

This  congress-policy  was  at  bottom  nothing  but  a 
feebler  version  of  the  policy  of  Demosthenes.  The  advo- 
cates of  the  former  desired  to  turn  to  account  for  them- 
selves the  high  spirit  which  he  had  awakened ; they  desired 
to  appropriate  his  patriotic  points  of  view,  without  their 
inconvenient  consequences ; unwilling  at  once  to  renounce 
the  easy  comfort  of  the  system  of  Eubulus,  they  intended 
to  seek  to  renew  the  glory  of  the  past  by  means  of 
speeches  and  negotiations,  instead  of  by  personal  service 
and  pecuniary  sacrifices.  The  citizens  of  course  gladly 
gave  themselves  up  to  this  delusion  ; and  great  expecta- 
tions followed  the  envoys  who  were  despatched  to  the 
widest  variety  of  regions  in  Hellas,  as  in  the  times  of 
Themistocles  (vol.  ii.  p.  301).  Aeschines  repaired  to 
Megalopolis,  where  he  made  indignant  speeches  against 
all  the  traitors  who  took  the  side  of  the  barbarian  king ; in- 
deed, the  very  communities  which  at  the  critical  moment 

aEsnhines  had  been  lurch  (p-  261),  were 

in  Pelo-  called  upon  to  confide  in  Athens  and  to  ally 
ponnesus.  1 a J 

themselves  with  her,  as  the  Great  Power 

01.  cvm.  1 

(b.  o.  348).  whose  mission  it  was  to  direct  the  affairs  of  the 
nation.  At  Athens  itself,  in  consequence  of  the  terror 
immediately  inspired  by  the  fall  of  Olynthus,  serious 
armaments  were  entered  upon.  The  city  seemed  now  to 
be  exposed  without  defence  to  the  vengeance  of  the  king ; 
the  walls  were  repaired ; the  Chersonnesus  was  made 
secure ; the  watch  over  the  sea  was  intensified.* 

* Concerning  JEschines  : Schifer,  i.  191.  The  year  of  his  birth,  according 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


305 


This  warlike  state  of  feeling  was,  however,  neither 
universal  nor  thoroughly  effective.  On  the  contrary, 
already  during  the  conflict  on  account  of  Olynthus  the 
flrst  manifestations  of  a longing  for  peace,  which  longing 
had  been  momentarily  repressed,  but  had  already  grown 
to  a considerable  strength,  had  revealed  themselves ; and 
a quite  peculiar  occasion  had  allowed  this  tendency  to  find 
open  expression.  A citizen  of  Athens,  Phrynon  by  name, 
had  during  the  season  of  the  Olympic  festival  (01.  cviii. 
i. ; b.  c.  348),  been  captured  by  Macedonian  privateers, 
and  had  then  been  liberated  for  a ransom.  The 
Now,  Phrynon  considered,  that,  because  his  pj^ynon 
capture  was  a violation  of  the  Sacred  Peace, 
he  could  claim  a repayment  of  the  ransom  ; and  he  sup- 
plicated the  civic  assembly  to  acknowledge  his  claim  and 
to  take  up  his  case.  Matters  of  personal  interest  of  this 
kind  were  habitually  treated  with  special  favor  at  Athens  ; 
and  thus  this  affair  too  was  in  the  midst  of  the  war  deemed 
of  sufficient  importance  to  cause  the  despatch  of  an  en- 
voy concerning  it  into  the  Macedonian  camp. 

To  the  king  this  mission  was  extremely  welcome.  It 
suited  his  wishes  to  find  himself  regarded  as  a prince  with 
whom  business  was  carried  on  according  to  Hellenic 
federal  law ; no  equally  admirable  opportunity  could 
have  been  furnished  him,  for  playing  a magnanimous  part 
in  a matter  which  was  without  the  slightest 

G Phrynon 

importance  to  him,  and  for  thus  testifying  his  “A  hon 
respect  for  the  national  ordinances  ; lastly,  he  flApilip’s 
was  gratified  to  observe  what  petty  affairs  occu- 
pied the  Athenians,  at  a time  when  they  appeared  to  be 
confronting  him  in  a more  threatening  attitude  than  ever 
before.  And  the  king  was  at  all  times  specially  skilful  in 
taking  advantage  of  insignificant  occurrences  of  this  de- 
scription, so  as  to  confer  obligations  upon  men  of  note,  and 


to  the  same,  i.  49.  VpapparoKv^iov : Dem.  xviii.  209.  Tpapparevq  -n}?  nohews; 
xix.  249.  Envoy  : g 10  and  304. 


306 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book.  VIL 


in  the  midst  of  his  camp  to  begin  to  weave  the  unobserved 
threads,  which  for  his  ulterior  purposes  he  desired  to  hold 
in  his  hands. 

As  he  had  intended,  Phrynon  and  Ctesiphon,  the  en- 
voy, returned  in  a highly  contented  frame  of  mind  from 
his  headquarters,  and  reported  to  the  civic  assembly  the 
extreme  courtesy  with  which  they  had  been  treated  by  the 
king.  He  was,  they  stated,  anything  but  the  raging  fiend 
and  barbarian,  as  which  he  was  usually  depicted  on  the 
orators’  tribune,  but  on  the  contrary,  obliging,  affable,  and 
devoted  to  Hellenic  manners.  The  impression  received  by 
them  communicated  itself  to  the  civic  assembly ; and  such 
was  the  mood  produced,  that  Philocrates,  one  of  those  who 
had  earliest  entered  into  relations  with  the  Macedonian 
court,  was  able  immediately  to  move  that,  in  case  the  king 
entertained  an  intention  of  concluding  peace,  he  should  be 
permitted  to  send  a herald.  This  contravened  a previous 
proposal  which,  in  accordance  with  a precedent  of  earlier 
times  (vol.  ii.  p.  334),  had  made  penal  any  negotiation 
with  the  enemy  of  the  land.  The  motion  was  passed  ; 
and,  although  it  remained  for  the  present  without  results, 
yet  the  path  had  been  opened,  and  Philip  had  through  his 
partisans  established  a firm  footing  at  Athens. 

If,  then,  already  during  the  war  a tendency  towards 
peace  made  a way  for  itself,  how  much  more  was  this  the 
case  after  the  war  was  over  ! The  king  now  held  all  the 
coasts  and  port-towns  of  Thrace  completely  in  his  hands ; 

wishes  • his  armies  marched  unopposed  from  the 
for  peace  on  southern  border  of  Thessalv  up  to  the  Helles- 

either  side.  J 1 

pont  and  the  Bosporus.  Whatsoever,  there- 
fore, still  remained  to  the  Athenians  of  possessions  beyond 
the  sea,  was  now  in  immediate  peril ; and  if  the  war  were 
now  to  continue,  what  means  existed  for  rendering  them 
secure,  after  the  one  ally  had  fallen  ? With  reference  to 
Amphipolis  also,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  sole  hope  of 
the  Athenians  was  based  on  the  attempt  to  give  validity 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


307 


to  their  claims  by  means  of  a peaceable  understanding  with. 
Philip.  The  king  himself,  it  was  well  known,  had  no  in- 
terest in  seeing  the  war  continue  ; the  coasts  of  his  empire 
suffered  heavily  from  it,  the  mercantile  navy  could  not  de- 
velop itself,  nor  general  prosperity  prevail.  By  land 
Philip  felt  himself  not  less  impeded  by  Athens  ; for  he  re- 
quired to  seek  to  obtain,  by  means  of  a pacification,  free- 
dom of  action  for  his  operations  in  Central  Greece.  Last- 
ly, he  was  much  interested  iu  establishing  relations  of  alli- 
ance and  friendship  with  the  Athenians,  because  their 
course  of  conduct  determined  that  of  the  other  Hellenes, 
who  still  shrank  from  any  overtures  on  his  part.  Under 
these  circumstances  the  conclusion  of  a peace  on  fair  terms 
might  be  regarded  as  possible  ; and  even  the  most  zealous 
patriots  seriously  contemplated  such  a transaction. 

Thus  strangely,  then,  had  the  relations  between  the 
several  parties  shifted.  While  Eubulus  and  iEschines 
eagerly  preached  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  Demosthenes 
supported  the  motion  of  Philocrates,  aud  declared  it  to  be 
folly  to  bind  oneself  down  to  perpetual  hostilities.  He 
was  at  this  time  again  the  one  man  who  pursued  a fixed 
policy.  He  perceived  how,  under  present  circumstances, 
Athens  could  only  lose  by  continuing  the  war,  and  that  in 
her  present  exhaustion  she  urgently  needed  a period  of  a 
cessation  of  arms,  in  order  to  gather  fresh  strength  and  to 
form  a league  of  allies,  which  could  not  be  brought  to- 
gether during  the  war. 

Those  who  were  Macedonian  at  heart  encouraged  the 
inclination  for  peace,  and  were  most  vigorously  supported 
by  the  king,  when  a new  opportunity  was  afforded  him  for 
conferring  a favor.  The  question  was  as  to  the  fate  of  the 
Athenians  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  in  Olynthus. 
Aristodemus,  the  actor,  was  sent  to  Macedonia  on  business ; 
and  since  he  as  well  as  the  Athenians  who  had  been  at 
once  liberated  unanimously  testified  to  au  urgent  wish  on 
the  part  of  the  king,  to  convert  his  hostile  relations  with 


308 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book.  VII. 


Athens  into  peace  and  an  alliance,  Philocrates  took  the 
second  step  in  his  well-considered  course  of  action,  and 
proposed  the  despatch  of  an  embassy,  which  should  call 
upon  the  king  to  send  plenipotentiaries  to  Athens,  in  order 
to  negotiate  with  the  city.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  then, 
that  for  the  first  time  men  of  the  most  diverse  party-stand- 
points combined  ; for  Eubulus,  too,  had  again  receded  from 
his  war-policy,  which  had  not  been  so  very  seriously  intended, 
and  came  forward  in  support  of  Philocrates.  Amidst  uni- 

Embassy  versal  assent  and  joyous  expectations  an  em- 
to  Pella.  bassy  was  named  in  February  346,  consisting 
(e!’c! 346)2  of  ten  men,  among  them  Philocrates  as  pro- 
poser of  the  motion,  Aristodemus,  Phrynon, 
.ZEschines,  to  whom,  on  the  suggestion  of  Philocrates,  was 
added  Demosthenes.  The  eleventh  was  a representative 
of  the  Attic  Federal  Council,  Aglaocreon  of  Tenedos ; for 
it  seemed  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  dignity  of  the  city, 
as  well  as  with  the  interests  of  the  confederates,  that 
Athens  should  not  treat  as  a single  city,  but  as  that  hold- 
ing the  primacy  among  her  confederates. 

Instructions  in  a definite  form  could  not  be  given  to  the 


envoys  on  their  mission  ; for  they  were  merely  to  find  out 
the  intentions  of  the  king.  But  all  sincere  statesmen  at 
Athens  were  at  one  on  this  point : that  there  could  be  no 
thought  of  any  honest  peace,  unless  the  king,  in  accordance 
with  his  promise,  were  to  surrender  Amphipolis,  and  to 
give  pledges  for  the  status  quo  of  territorial  possessions, 
particularly  in  the  Chersonnesus. 

For  king  Philip  it  was  a triumph,  compensating  for 
many  campaigns,  when  he  gave  audience  at  Pella  to  the 
Attic  embassy,  the  mere  composition  of  which  clearly 
proved  to  him  that  the  desire  for  peace  united  all  parties, 
and  brought  to  his  court  his  most  decided  adversaries.  He 
now  had  them  before  him  in  a sphere  of  action  where  he 
wras  to  a far  higher  degree  their  superior  than  even  in  land 
or  maritime  war. 


Chap.  Ill  ] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


309 


He  listened  benevolently  to  the  orations  of  ^schines 
the  envoys,  one  after  the  other.  The  fullest  f.nd  Dei"os_ 
and  best  composed  was  that  of  JEschines,  who  Pella- 
spoke  before  Demosthenes,  the  youngest  and  the  last  of  the 
envoys ; Demosthenes  is  said  to  have  found  himself  falter- 
ing, and  in  the  end,  notwithstanding  the  encouragements 
of  the  king,  to  have  lapsed  into  silence — so  AEschines  re- 
lates, doubtless  exaggerating.  But  it  may  well  be  believed, 
considering  the  awkwardness  which  clung  to  him  by 
nature,  that  Demosthenes  felt  confused  among  surround- 
ings which  were  utterly  strange  to  him.  His  passionate 
character  made  him  ill-suited  for  the  artistic  orations  of 
diplomacy;  and,  moreover,  he  could  not  but  feel  specially 
ill  at  ease  in  the  presence  of  a prince  whom  he  had  so  vio- 
lently attacked.  Finally,  if  AEschines,  in  order  to  put 
himself  forward  at  the  expense  of  others,  discussed  the 
subjects  which  according  to  a previous  agreement  he  was 
to  have  left  to  the  speaker  succeeding  him,  it  is  not  hard 
to  understand  that  in  this  audience  Demosthenes  found 
no  opportunity  for  giving  proofs  of  his  art  as  an  orator. 

But  in  the  ears  of  the  king,  the  phrases  of  AEschines 
must  have  likewise  had  a very  ridiculous  sound,  when  that 
orator  went  back  to  the  times  of  Theseus  in  order  to 
demonstrate  the  claims  of  Athens  upon  Amphipolis,  as  if 
the  question  were  one  concerning  a disputed  inheritance, 
which  admitted  of  being  settled  by  the  evidence  of  family 
papers.  But  Philip,  instead  of  allowing  his  real  sentiments 
to  become  apparent,  most  graciously  responded  to  the 
speeches  which  he  had  heard,  and  was  gratified  by  the  sur- 
prising impression  palpably  made  upon  all  by  the  skilful- 
ness of  his  answer.  With  regard  to  the  point  at  issue,  he 
declared  gently,  but  firmly:  that  in  the  interests  of  his 
kingdom  he  could  not  give  up  such  places  as  Amphipolis 
and  Potidsea;  the  status  quo  of  the  possessions  held  on 
either  side  he  was  gladly  ready  to  acknowledge  as  the  basis 
of  a peace;  and,  in  conclusion,  he  held  out  to  the  Athe- 


310 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


nians  the  prospect  of  the  greatest  advantages  from  the 
actual  conclusion  of  an  alliance. 

Those  who  heard  the  report  of  the  envoys  on  their  re- 
turn home,  could  not  long  fail  to  perceive  how  admirably 
Philip  had  turned  the  entire  mission  to  account  for  his 
own  interests.  Philocrates  and  vEschines  had  become  de- 
cided partisans  of  the  king.  They  represented  everything 
in  the  most  satisfactory  light,  and  never  wearied  of  extol- 
ling their  reception  at  court.  The  terrible  enemy  of  the 
nation  had  become  an  unselfish  friend  and  benefactor, 
the  barbarian  a perfect  Hellene.  Demosthenes  alone 
maintained  a dignified  bearing.  To  him  it  was  a necessity 
of  life  to  carry  on  everything  in  which  he  engaged  with 
full  seriousness  ; and  for  this  reason  he  had,  from  the  mo- 
ment when — -according  to  his  most  thorough  conviction — 
he  was  bound  to  advise  against  the  continuance  of  a hope- 
less war,  worked  with  the  most  single-minded  zeal  for  the 
consummation  of  the  peace.  In  his  view,  everything  de- 
pended upon  that  peace  being  brought  about  soon,  in  or- 
der that  by  its  settled  conclusion  the  hands  of  the  king 
might  likewise  be  bound,  and  he  deprived  of  his  oppor- 
tunities for  further  intervention.  For  this  reason  he  had 
to  the  utmost  of  his  power  hastened  the  despatch  of  the 
embassy  ; for  the  same  reason  he  now  met  with  severe  re- 
monstrance the  futile  talk  about  the  personal  bearing  of 
Philip.  He  demanded  that  the  question  at  issue  should 
alone  be  kept  in  view,  and  did  what  he  could  to  have  the 
necessary  preparations  made  for  the  reception  of  the  en- 
voys who  had  been  announced,  and  to  have  the  business 
speedily  settled.* 

It  was  the  festival  of  the  Dionysia,  when  the  envoys  ar- 
rived. In  order  to  show  himself  polite  towards  the 
Athenians,  Philip  had  selected  personages  of  the  highest 


Phrynon:  iEschin.  ii.  12.  Philocrates:  §18.  Audience  at  Pella:  §22 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


311 


rank — Eurylochus,  and  with  him  the  king’s  two  most  inti- 
mate associates,  of  best-proved  experience  in 
the  field  and  at  the  council-board,  Antipater  the  curie  a*1 
and  Parmenio.*  Demosthenes  provided  for  oe^ninglhe" 
their  reception  ; as  to  outward  forms  nothing  Peace- 
was  to  be  neglected,  in  order  worthily  to  return  2 (B‘ 

the  hospitality  shown  to  the  Athenians.  There-  15th  A u 
upon  ensued  the  decisive  discussions  in  the 
civic  assembly,  on  the  18th  and  19th  of  Elaphebolion 
(April  the  15th  and  16th).  They  were  livelier  than  the 
Macedonians  might  have  expected  after  their  first  im pm  - 
sion  as  to  the  state  of  opinion  at  Athens ; the  royal  mea 
sage  exercised  no  satisfactory  effect.  And  how  could  it 
have  been  otherwise  ? 

True,  the  message  sounded  very  gracious.  The  potent 
king  solemnly  declared  his  wish  to  conclude  a peace  with 
Athens,  in  which  both  states  with  their  allies  on  either 
side  should  guarantee  to  one  another  the  status  quo  of 
their  territorial  possessions,  and  at  the  same  time  enter 
into  a mutual  promise  of  armed  aid  against  all  acts  of 
hostility.  Freedom  of  intercourse  was  to  begin  at  once  ; 
to  the  Athenians  it  was  to  be  reserved  to  render  the  sea 
secure,  and  any  State  practising  piracy  was  to  be  treated 
as  an  enemy  by  both  parties.  But,  examined  more  nar- 
rowly, this  message  was  in  itself,  according  to  the  signifi- 
cation of  its  terms,  the  most  disadvantageous  of  bases  for 
an  agreement.  For  in  the  case  of  a State,  which  had, 
during  the  last  ten  years,  invariably  lost  ground,  the  ac- 
knowledgment according  to  the  forms  of  international  law 
of  the  status  quo  signified  nothing  short  of  an  absolute  con- 
fession of  defeat ; while,  in  the  case  of  Philip,  who  by 
craft  and  by  force  had  everywhere  over-reached  the  Athe- 
nians, it  meant  victory,  pure  and  simple ; and  it  was  in 
truth  merely  a bitter  mockery,  that  conditions  such  as  vic- 


* Antipater  and  Parmenio;  Dem.  xix.  69. 


312 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


tor  dictates  to  the  vanquished,  should  be  clothed  in  the 
form  of  a league  of  friendship  desiderated  by  the  victor. 
The  advantages  of  free  traffic  likewise  principally  fell  to 
the  lot  of  the  Macedonian  coast-towns,  which  suffered  most 
during  the  blockade  on  trade ; and  the  seemingly  honora- 
ble recognition  of  the  maritime  supremacy  as  due  to  the 
Athenians  was  after  all  at  bottom  simply  an  onerous  obli- 
gation, which  they  were  to  undertake  on  behalf  of  Mace- 
donia. The  sum  of  the  advantages  gained  was  therefore 
to  be  limited  to  this  : that  Philip  bound  himself  to  leave 
to  the  Athenians,  their  actual  possessions,  of  course  for 
precisely  so  long  as  it  suited  him  to  observe  the  treaty. 

There  accordingly  arose  lively  manifestations  of  opposi- 
tion, when  Philocrates  placed  this  message  before  the  as- 
sembly as  the  basis  of  the  peace,  and  recommended  its 
adoption.  But  the  force  of  opposition  was  crippled  from 
the  outset  by  the  fact,  that  it  was  impossible  to  suggest 
any  change  of  this  proposed  basis ; it  stood  there  unaltera- 
bly fixed ; any  counter-motion  was  out  of  the  question  ; 
there  accordingly  only  remained  the  choice  between  ob- 
taining the  ardently  desired  repose  of  peace  on  these  con- 
ditions, or  rushing  at  once  into  a more  violent  war,  and 
one  which  would  have  to  be  carried  on  without  allies, 
against  an  enemy  of  overpowering  strength,  whom  noth- 
ing could  prevent  from  inflicting  upon  Athens  her  death- 
blow by  means  of  the  conquest  of  the  Chersonnesus, — • 
against  an  enemy,  who  had  quite  recently  shown  how  he 
was  able  to  chastise  the  defiance  of  his  adversaries. 

The  voices  of  impassioned  patriots,  who  desired  to  see  all 
negotiations  on  such  a basis  broken  off  without  further 
ado,  were  therefore  unable  to  create  an  impression.  There 
was  not,  however,  the  same  objection  to  an  attempt  being 
possibly  made,  by  means  of  an  alteration  in  the  terms  in 
which  Philocrates  had  drawn  up  his  proposals,  to  gain 
something  for  the  honor  and  the  advantage  of  Athens. 
Philocrates  had  introduced  a clause,  whereby  of  the  con- 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


313 


federates  of  Athens,  to  whom  the  peace  was  to  be  ex- 
tended, two  were  expressly  excepted,  viz.  the  inhabitants 
of  Halus  in  Thessaly,  on  the  Pagassean  gulfs,  and  the  Pho- 
cians.  The  former  were  at  war  with  Philip,  the  latter 
with  Thebes.  Of  course  this  clause  had  been  drawn  up 
in  the  interests,  and  by  command  of,  Macedonia ; but  it 
was  not  included  in  the  royal  message.  Accordingly 
there  was  more  freedom  of  action  left  on  this  head ; and  it 
was  at  this  point  that  Demosthenes  intervened  in  the  de- 
bates, in  order  to  combat  the  proposals  of  Philocrates.  In 
this  endeavor  he  could  appeal  to  a decree  of  the  deputies 
of  the  Attic  Naval  Confederation,  which  empowered  the 
Athenian  assembly  to  conclude  peace  with  Philip  for  the 
confederates  as  well  as  for  themselves,  but  with  this  addi- 
tion,— that  an  interval  of  three  months  should  be  fixed, 
during  which  the  other  Hellenic  communities  were  like- 
wise to  be  permitted  to  accede  to  the  treaty  of  peace. 

This  demand  was  based  upon  a very  intelli-  Th  reso_ 
gent  judgment  of  the  existing  state  of  affairs;  the 

and  the  idea  readily  suggests  itself,  that  De-  Council, 
mosthenes  had  borne  a part  in  the  drawing-up  of  this 
resolution.  In  no  other  way  was  an  honest  and  lasting 
peace  possible,  and  one  which  could  not  at  any  moment  be 
called  into  question  by  Philip.  In  'this  case  Athens  would 
re-assume  her  mission  of  providing  for  the  safety  of  Hellas, 
and  her  present  confederates  would  be  all  the  more  secure 
of  their  rights  and  liberties,  in  proportion  as  the  greater 
number  of  parties  joined  the  treaty  of  peace.  Mytilene 
had  quite  recently  freed  herself  from  her  Tyrant,  and  re- 
newed the  league  with  Athens.  If  this  example  was  fol- 
lowed, a league  of  Hellenes  might  once  more  form  itself, 
which  would  challenge  respect,  and  the  treaty  with  king 
Philip  might  receive  a national  significance.  This  resolution 
of  the  confederates  was  therefore  recommended  by  Demos- 
thenes to  his  fellow-citizens  as  the  basis  of  the  peace ; they 
recognized  the  truth,  that  thus  alone  the  honor  of  the  city 
14 


314 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


would  be  satisfied,  aud  a real  peace  secured ; and  it  was 
only  the  advent  of  evening  which  prevented  the  adoption 
of  a decree  in  this  sense.* 

On  the  next  day,  on  which  this  important 
question  was  to  be  decided,  the  same  current  of 
opinion  prevailed.  Demosthenes  renewed  his 
propositions;  and  the  assembly  was  so  decidedly 
against  an  unconditional  acceptance  of  the  basis  brought 
forward  by  Philocrates,  that  its  author  was  prevented  by 
clamor  and  hisses  from  being  heard.  But  hereupon  it 
appeared,  that  under  these  circumstances  there  was  danger 
of  the  entire  project  of  peace  coming  to  nothing;  for  the 
Macedonians  declared  themselves  obliged  to  adhere  to  the 
motion  of  Philocrates  as  the  one  admissible  basis ; they 
very  well  understood  that  their  king  was  in  a very  essen- 
tial degree  more  fettered  by  the  additional  paragraph 
suggested  ; and  that,  in  case  of  the  latter  receiving  the 
sanction  of  the  assembly,  it  was  only  by  means  of  an  open 
rupture  of  the  peace  that  he  would  be  able  to  execute 
ulterior  schemes  of  war  in  Hellas.  Only  if  his  intentions 
had  been  honestly  pacific,  could  he  have  assented  to  the 
proposition  of  Demosthenes.  Under  this  aspect  of  affairs 
the  peace-party  was  obliged  in  the  second  assembly  to  un- 
dertake the  serious  task  of  inducing  the  citizens  to  change 
their  views;  and  no  hearing  being  accorded  to  Philocrates, 
it  was  now  the  turn  of  iEschines.  He  was  still  supposed 
to  share  the  political  sentiments  of  Demosthenes;  indeed, 
on  the  journey  to  Pella  he  had  called  upon  the  latter  to 
join  him  in  keeping  a strict  watch  over  the  members  of 
the  embassy  who  were  less  to  be  depended  upon  in  their 
relations  towards  Macedonia.  And  in  truth  on  the  first 
day  of  the  assembly  he  had  spoken  in  lively  terms  against 
Philocrates.  “Never,”  he  had  said,  “so  long  as  a single 
Athenian  remains  alive,  shall  I advise  the  adoption  of  such 

* Resolution  of  the  Federal  Council : iEschin.  iii.  69.  Mytilene  joins  the 
Confederation  : Rangab6,  Antiq.  Hellen.  ii.  401. 


Second 

debate. 

01.  cviii.  2 
(b.  c.  340). 
16th  April. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


315 


a peace  as  this but  at  the  same  time  he  had  energetically 
insisted  upon  the  necessity  of  concluding  peace.  He  now 
abandoned  his  attitude  of  opposition,  and  very  skilfully 
passed  over  to  a recommendation  of  peace  at  any  price. 
The  Athenians,  he  now  said,  ought  not  only  to  imitate  the 
greatness  of  their  ancestors,  but  also  to  avoid  their  faults. 
It  was  reckless  popular  orators  who  had  driven  the  Athe- 
nians to  the  siege  of  Syracuse.  A prudent  estimation  of 
what  under  the  circumstances  could  be  secured,  was  alone 
capable  of  saving  the  State  at  dangerous  crises.  The  pro- 
posal for  taking  into  consideration  the  Hellenes  who  had 
not  yet  acceded,  the  cunning  orator  contrived  to  represent 
in  such  a light,  as  if  it  revealed  an  unintelligent  weakness 
and  want  of  independence.  Athens  was  perfectly  free, 
being  supported  by  no  other  State,  neither  need  she  take 
any  other  into  account ; nor  was  she  bound  to  let  her  reso- 
lutions as  to  war  and  peace  depend  upon  the  assent  of 
others.  This  Sophistic  reasoning,  which  contrived  to  repre- 
sent the  national  policy  as  an  unfree  one,  and  a craven 
pursuit  of  particular  state-interests  as  the  only  policy 
worthy  of  Athens,  was  supported  by  iEschines  with  the 
whole  force  of  his  eloquence.  It  behooved  him  on  this 
day  to  let  the  Macedonians  see  a proof  of  his  influence; 
and  in  this  attempt  he  derived  advantage  from  his  reputa- 
tion for  patriotism,  and  more  especially  from  the  actual 
situation  of  affairs.  The  peace,  which  all  were  agreed  in 
desiring,  was  not  to  be  secured  without  an  alliance ; equally 
impossible  was  it  to  obtain  an  alliance  open  to  communi- 
ties which  might  accede  afterwards,  and  to  the  Phocians. 

Philip  was  the  one  power  feared,  and  the  power  feared 
by  all.  In  his  hands  still  remained  the  captive  Athenians, 
whose  lives  were  in  danger,  unless  the  peace  were  consum- 
mated. It  is  therefore  not  wonderful  that  the  citizens 
should  have  gradually  inclined  to  unconditional  accept- 
ance, in  particular  since  at  all  events  the  express  exclusion 
of  the  Phocians  and  Haleans  was  omitted  from  the  treaty. 


316 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


This  served  the  Athenians  as  a species  of  consolation, 
although  what  it  really  amounted  to  was,  that  it  was  now 
left  to  Philip  to  decide,  whom  he  would  reckon  amoug  the 
confederates.  The  royal  envoys  expressly  denied  any 
willingness  on  the  part  of  Philip  to  include  the  Phocians 
in  the  term  ; notwithstanding  which,  Attic  orators  were  to 
be  found,  who  believed  that  they  knew  better,  and  that 
they  were  able  to  promise  more ; Philip,  they  said,  from 
consideration  for  the  Thessalians  and  the  Thebans,  could 
not  well  at  the  present  moment  admit  the  Phocians  into 
the  alliance;  this  state  of  things  would  change,  and  the 
king  would  soon  do  of  his  own  accord  what  the  party  of 
Demosthenes  was  now  attempting  to  force  him  into  doing. 

The  Peaee  The  Athenians  allowed  themselves  to  be  de- 
accepted.  luded  by  such  pretences  as  these ; and  when 
lastly  Eubulus  came  forward,  who  told  them  point-blank 
that  they  had  at  the  present  moment  to  choose,  whether 
they  would  immediately  take  their  seats  on  the  rowers’ 
benches,  pay  war-taxes,  and  renounce  the  festival-moneys, 
or  accept  the  motion  of  Philocrates, — then,  under  the  ter- 
rific impression  created  by  this  alternative,  the  vote  was 
taken  and  the  motion  was  adopted.* 


Emba  By  this  peace  much  had  been  given  up,  and 

°Aatifiea'  little  had  been  gained ; but  even  this  slight 
gain  was  anything  but  well  assured.  For 
while  in  general  great  importance  was  attached  to  the 
rule,  that  the  envoys  of  foreign  powers  should  come  to 
Athens  with  absolute  powers  (vol.  iii.  p.  306),  this  was 
not  the  case  with  the  envoys  of  Philip.  For  the  king  had 
from  the  first  so  arranged  matters  that,  after  the  Attic 
community  had  bound  itself  down  to  certain  terms  an 
intei’val  of  freedom  of  action  should  still  remain  for  him- 
self, until  it  should  seem  suitable  to  him  to  bind  himself 


* iEsehines  formerly  in  agreement  with  the  views  of  Demosthenes  : Dem. 
xix.  344,  seq. ; Westermann,  Qucest.  Dem.  iii.  36. 


Chap.  III.J 


Alliens  and  King  Philip. 


317 


in  his  turn.  It  had  therefore  been  settled,  that  after  the 
departure  of  his  envoys,  who  were  to  receive  the  oath  of 
the  Athenians  and  of  their  confederates,  an  Attic  embassy 
should  come  to  Pella,  in  order  that  there  by  the  adminis- 
tering of  an  oath  to  the  king  and  his  allies,  the  whole 
peace-negotiation  should  arrive  at  its  consummation.  For 
this  reason  Demosthenes  was  at  once  intent  upon  urging  a 
speedy  administering  of  the  oath  to  the  king,  lest  the 
advantages  of  the  treaty,  the  conclusion  of  which  he  had 
been  unable  to  prevent,  should  in  the  meantime  be  cur- 
tailed. But  this  danger  was  very  imminent.  For,  while 
Athens  immediately  abandoned  all  ideas  of  war,  and 
surrendered  herself  to  the  long-desired  enjoyment  of  peace, 
the  king  was  in  the  midst  of  war  against  Cersobleptes, — 
in  other  words,  in  the  region  most  dangerous  to  Athens. 
Here,  while  the  Athenians  were  delivering  orations,  he 
was  taking  one  town  after  the  other ; the  peace  was  based 
upon  the  status  quo ; whatsoever,  therefore,  Philip  should 
have  conquered,  whether  by  force  or  by  sleight,  before 
taking  the  oath,  the  Athenians  would  according  to  the 
terms  of  the  peace  be  obliged  to  recognise  as  his  property.* 

For  the  administration  of  the  oath  the  same  eleven 
men  were  chosen  who  had  composed  the  first  embassy. 
This  time  it  was  only  with  inner  repugnance  that  Demos- 
thenes brought  himself  to  take  part  in  it ; he  foresaw, 
that  it  would  bring  him  nothing  but  vexation  and  anguish 
of  heart,  without  his  being  capable  of  rendering  any  effec- 
tive service  to  his  native  city ; for  he  could  not  place 
confidence  in  a single  one  of  his  colleagues  ; they  were  all 
untrustworthy,  or  pursued  directly  different  interests  from 
those  of  their  native  city ; and  this  absence  of  patriotism 
was  the  more  alarming,  inasmuch  as  the  welfare  of  the 
city  was  absolutely  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  envoys. 
The  slight  amount  of  confidence  reposed  in  them  by  the 

* Pfia.ce  on  the  basis  of  the  status  quo — efcarepovs  & e^ovaiv : [Dem.] 

vii.  26. 


318 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  V1L 


civic  community  itself,  is  already  evident  from  the  instruc- 
tions given  them  on  their  departure,  to  the  effect  that 
none  of  them  should  negotiate  singly  with  the  king. 
Demosthenes  seems  to  have  been  the  leader  of  the  embas- 
sy, the  trusted  agent  proper  of  the  civic  community  ; nor 
could  he  have  given  any  more  splendid  proof  of  his  self- 
denying  devotion  than  by  accepting  this  office. 

Already  at  Athens  the  most  vexatious  disputes  com- 
menced. Demosthenes  demanded  an  immediate  depar- 
ture ; while  his  colleagues  allowed  day  after  day  to  go  by. 
A fortnight  after  the  oath  had  been  sworn  at  Athens,  he 
obtained  a decree  of  the  Senate  in  accordance  with  his 
views,  whereby  at  the  same  time  the  commander  of  the 
Attic  naval  station  on  the  north  coast  of  Euboea,  was 
instructed  to  transport  the  envoys  immediately  to  the 
point  where  Philip  might  happen  momentarily  to  be. 
These  express  orders  were  not  executed ; and,  instead  of 
joining  the  king  by  the  shortest  way,  the  envoys  tra- 
velled through  Thesssaly  and  Macedonia  by  easy  stages 
to  Pella,  there  to  await  the  king.  Thus,  a 
at.  Pella.  business  which  might  have  been  settled  in 

(b.'c.  340)-  eight  days  was  protracted  through  as  many 

June.  weeks  ; and  this  procrastination  was  due  to  a 
secret  understanding  with  the  Macedonians,  whose  hints 
were  submissively  obeyed  by  the  envoys,  while  they  con- 
temned the  commands  of  their  own  city.  Philip  was 
desirous  of  bringing  to  an  end  the  Thracian  campaign, 
which  he  had  opened  in  person  at  the  beginning  of  spring, 
without  being  troubled  by  the  expression  of  wishes  on  the 
part  of  the  Athenians.  The  Chersonnesus  he  had 
promised  to  spare  ; but  there  was  no  obligation  to  prevent 
him  from  taking  several  places  occupied  by  Athenian 
garrisons,  from  forcing  Cersobleptes  to  submit  to  his 
suzerainty,  and  from  gathering  in  at  his  ease  the  whole 
harvest  of  the  war,  while  the  envoys  were  waiting  in  his 
palace,  where  the  full  splendor  of  royalty  quenched  the 


Chap.  III.J 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


319 


last  remnants  of  republican  sentiment,  and  the  multitude 
of  deputies  from  the  widest  variety  of  states  produced  the 
impression,  that  Pella  was  the  spot  where  the  destinies  of 
the  Greek  world  were  decided. 

When,  therefore,  the  Athenians  brought  forward  their 
demands,  it  was  in  a very  tame  and  timid  fashion.  There 
was  no  longer  any  serious  question  as  to  the  restoration 
of  the  places  which  had  been  taken  since  the  conclusion 
of  the  peace  ; attention  was  already  exclusively  occupied 
by  what  was  about  to  happen.  For  it  was  soon  perceived 
that  Philip  had  not  the  slightest  intention  of  disarming  ; a 
general  peace,  which  had  been  hoped  for  at  Athens,  by  no 
means  formed  part  of  his  plans ; and  the  envoys  thought 
themselves  obliged  to  arrange  their  proceedings  accordingly. 

This  occasioned  fresh  quarrels  among  them.  Demos- 
thenes, ever  conscientious,  insisted  upon  its  being  their 
duty  simply  to  accomplish  the  orders  of  the  civic  assem- 
bly, while  iEschines  entertained  a totally  different 
opinion.  He  conducted  himself  in  a very  lordly  style, 
and  in  his  culture  as  a man  of  the  world  felt  himself  far 
superior  to  the  plain  burgher,  the  uncommunicative  and 
sullen  Demosthenes.  In  the  eyes  of  iEschines,  the  ad- 
ministering of  the  oath  was  a quite  secondary  matter  ; his 
desire  was  not  to  do  mere  messenger rs  duty,  but  to  engage 
in  statesmanship  on  his  own  account.  It  behooved  the 
embassy,  he  opined,  actively  to  advance  the  interest  of 
Athens  according  as  circumstances  permitted ; this  was 
the  reason  why  the  instructions  given  to  them  had  been  so 
vague ; and  if  Philip,  as  he  indubitably  would,  marched 
into  Phocis,  the  interests  of  Athens  involved  in  the  immi- 
nent Avar  ought  already  at  the  present  moment  to  be  as- 
serted. But  these  very  interests  were  viewed  by  iEschines 
from  a thoroughly  narrow-minded  party-stand-point ; for 
he  begrudged  the  Thebans  the  friendship  of  Philip,  and 
sought  to  irritate  the  latter  against  Thebes,  by  approv- 
ing in  general  of  his  intended  intervention  in  the  affairs 


820 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIS. 


of  Delphi,  and  merely  wishing  to  bring  about,  in  con- 
nexion therewith,  a humiliation  of  Thebes. 

Demosthenes  was  powerless  as  against  his  colleagues, 
yet  he  was  indefatigably  at  work  ; even  now  he  sought  to 
make  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  more  comprehensive, 
and  to  provide  for  the  accession  to  it  of  other  states.  But 
in  this  respect  again  Philip  would  not  consent  to  let  his 
freedom  of  action  be  fettered.  He  insisted  upon  the  Pho- 
cians  being  expressly  excluded  ; Cersobleptes,  too,  was  to 
be  mentioned  no  longer  as  an  Attic  confederate,  but  as 
one  of  the  allies  of  the  king;  and  similarly  the  inhabitants 
of  Cardia.  In  giving  way  on  this  head,  the  envoys  mani- 
festly exceeded  their  powers ; but  the  king  was  deter- 
mined upon  having  the  result  of  the  last  few  weeks  of  war 
recognized  as  an  accomplished  fact ; and  all  that  Demos- 
thenes was  able  to  obtain  was,  that  on  his  application  the 
king  promised  the  liberation  of  the  Attic  citizens  who 
were  still  living  as  prisoners-of-war  in  Macedonia  ; even  this, 
however,  was  not  granted  immediately,  but  merely  promised, 
in  order  that  the  fulfilment  might  be  a fresh  benefit 
conferred  by  the  king,  and  as  such  might  exercise  its  ef- 
fect at  the  proper  time.  The  services,  which  by  means  of 
representations,  advances  of  money  and  gifts,  Demosthenes 
was  able  to  render  to  his  fellow-citizens,  were  in  the  end 
the  solitary  bright  points  in  the  dark  proceeding  at  the 
royal  court,  which  daily  became  more  intolerable  to  him. 
For  he  had  to  see  the  envoys  from  Sparta,  Thebes,  Thessa- 
ly, Phocis,  assembled  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  seeking 
a cure  of  their  ills  from  him,  courting  his  favor,  submit- 
ting to  his  decision,  quarrelling  with  one  another  before 
his  very  eyes.  And  in  the  midst  of  his  deep  grief  he  had 
not  even  the  satisfaction  of  being  able  to  send  tidings  of 
the  truth  to  Athens ; for  the  report  was  drawn  up  in  the 
sense  of  the  majority.  In  this  fatal  Pella  he  was  as  it 
were  betrayed  and  sold  by  his  adversaries.  He  wished 
to  return  home  alone ; even  in  this  he  failed.  Philip  was 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


321 


not  willing,  that  already  at  the  present  moment  informa- 
tion should  reach  Athens  as  to  the  condition  of  affairs ; 
and  Demosthenes  found  himself  obliged  to  accompany  the 
king  conjointly  with  the  other  envoys  on  his  military  ex- 
pedition into  Thessaly. 

The  invitation  to  this  journey  was  appar-  The  envoys 
ently  a special  honor  ; for  Philip  pretended 
that  he  desired  to  claim  the  mediation  of  the  Thessaly, 
envoys  with  reference  to  the  city  of  Halus,  whose  case 
Athens  had  advocated.  But  in  point  of  fact  it  was  mere- 
ly an  application  of  force,  to  which  the  envoys,  partly  vol- 
untarily and  partly  against  their  will,  submitted,  and  an 
artfully  calculated  advantage  to  Philip.  For  to  him  it 
was  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  give  a peaceable  aspect 
to  the  march  of  his  army,  to  invest  his  personal  dignity 
with  splendor  by  means  of  a suite  composed  of  a series  of 
Greek  embassies,  and  as  long  as  possible  to  conceal  his 
real  intentions.  Lastly,  the  envoys  likewise  served  him 
as  pledges,  that  in  the  meantime  no  dangerous  resolutions 
would  be  taken  at  Athens,  which,  considering  the  general 
agitation  excited  by  the  king’s  new  armaments,  was  in  it- 
self not  impossible.  Incidentally,  the  march  through 
Thessaly  was  made  use  of  in  order  to  swear  the  towns  of 
the  land  as  allies  of  Philip  to  the  peace  concluded  be- 
tween him  and  Athens.  This  was  done  at  Pherse.  But 
this  act  in  more  than  one  respect  signified  in  reality  only 
a new  mockery  of  legal  right.  It  was  performed  in  an 
utterly  informal  way  at  an  inn  ; and  the  representatives 
of  the  communities  were  private  individuals,  whom  the 
king  had  seen  fit  to  summon  to  this  comedy,  while  several 
towns  were  not  represented  at  all.  But  since  a further 
circuit  on  the  part  of  the  envoys  was  not  at  the  present 
time  in  accordance  with  his  plans,  he  assumed  the  respon- 
sibility for  the  defective  execution  of  their  instructions, 
and  furnished  them  with  a letter  in  reference  to  this  point 
to  the  Council  and  civic  assembly.  This  disgrace  again 

14* 


322 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIS, 


Report  of 
the  embassy 
in  the  Coun- 
cil. 

01.  cviii.  2 
(B.  c.  346). 

9th  July. 

freedom. 


was  submissively  accepted  by  tbe  envoys  ; and  tbus,  after 
an  absence  of  seventy  days,  they  returned  to  their  fellow* 
citizens  who  were  awaiting  them  with  impatience.* 

Among  them  Demosthenes  alone  could  cross 
the  frontiers  of  his  native  state  with  a good 
conscience,  rejoiced  to  have  exchanged  the 
atmosphere  of  the  Macedonian  court  and  the 
odious  company  of  traitors  for  the  Attic  soil, 
where  he  could  again  breathe  and  speak  with 
At  last  he  found  himself  once  more  in  the 
midst  of  the  Council,  the  majority  of  which  knew  how  to 
appreciate  him ; and  here,  many  other  witnesses  being 
likewise  present,  he  gave  a full  account  of  the  entire 
course  of  the  embassy.  He  showed,  how  from  the  outset 
all  the  orders  given  by  the  city  had  been  treated  with 
contempt,  and  all  its  interests  neglected  ; he  showed,  how 
by  means  of  malignant  delays  Cersobleptes  and  the  Thra- 
cian towns  had  been  sacrificed ; he  laid  bare  the  continual 
private  understanding  with  the  king,  the  officious  promo- 
tion of  all  his  designs,  the  unwarranted  interference  to  the 
disadvantage  of  Thebes  ; he  described  the  march  through 
Thessaly,  on  which  the  envoys,  detained  under  deceptive 
pretexts,  had  been  obliged  to  accompany  the  king  as  far 
. as  Thermopylae,  where  he  now  stood  at  the  head  of  all 
his  forces,  in  order,  so  soon  as  he  saw  fit,  to  penetrate  into 
the  centre  of  Hellas.  In  fact,  Athens  could  hardly  have 
suffered  greater  losses  by  an  unfortunate  war,  than  by  this 
embassy  of  peace.  The  Council  thoroughly  shared  the 
indignation  of  Demosthenes ; a decree  of  the  Council  was 
drawn  up  in  his  sense,  and  laid  before  the  civic  assembly. 
From  the  latter,  too,  a similar  judgment  was  to  be  ex- 


* Decree  of  the  Senate  for  hastening  the  embassy,  obtained  by  Demos- 
thenes on  the  third  of  Munychion  (April  29th) : ZEschin.  ii.  91,  seq.  He  is  to 
be  regarded  as  the  leader  of  the  embassy ; ef.  Schafer,  ii.  241.  The  envoys 
at  Pella:  Dem.  xix.  255,  seq. ; i rapovroiv  rojv  7rpeV/3eo>r  w?  evos  einelv  cnracrqs 
ttjs  'EAAdSos,  .Slsehin.  ii.  112. — Philip  sworn  (alter  the  middle  of  June):  Dem. 
xviii.  32.  The  allies  sworn  : id.  xix.  158. 


323 


Chap,  hi.]  Athens  and  King  Philip. 

pected;  and  in  that  case  the  whole  situation  might  still 
change. 

In  the  assembly,  however,  the  debates  took  a Debates  in 
totally  different  and  unexpected  course.  Here  the  assembly, 
the  Macedonian  party  had  prepared  every-  oi.evm.^2 
thins;  in  the  best  possible  way  for  gaining  over 

s 1 . . 10  th  July. 

the  credulous  multitude.  iEschines  again 
played  the  principal  part.  He  had  not  the  least  inten- 
tion of  justifying  himself ; the  powers  of  the  envoys  were 
hardly  mentioned.  All  the  more  fully  he  discussed  the 
entire  general  situation  with  an  assured  insight,  such  as  was 
only  to  be  secured  by  a politician  initiated  into  the  secrets 
of  the  great.  Undoubtedly,  he  said  in  a light  tone,  Philip 
was  standing  at  Thermopylae,  but  upon  that  nothing  de- 
pended ; the  real  point  at  issue  was  the  nature  of  his  in- 
tentions. Now,  he  could  assure  them  that  Philip  was 
standing  there  as  a friend ; for  through  the  successful 
mediation  of  her  envoys,  Athens  had  secured  the  good-will 
of  the  powerful  king  to  such  a degree  that  she  was  on  that 
account  envied  by  all  states.  Neither  had  Philip  any  evil 
designs  as  against  Phocis ; on  the  contrary,  he  had  the 
ruin  of  another  city  in  view, — and  here  the  orator  was  not 
ashamed  to  place  before  the  citizens  the  prospect  of  the 
overthrow  of  Thebes  as  a piece  of  good  fortune,  which 
would  not  be  paid  for  at  too  dear  a price,  even  were 
Philip  on  this  occasion  to  chance  to  penetrate,  arms  in 
hand,  into  Hellas.  Thus  he  took  advantage  of  the  base 
impulses  in  the  character  of  the  Athenian  people  in  order 
to  gain  applause.  He  concluded  in  the  favorite  style,  by 
stating  that  for  the  present  moment  he  was  unfortunately 
still  obliged  to  preserve  silence  as  to  the  greatest  advan- 
tages of  all,  which  were  to  be  expected  from  the  king,  and 
left  it  to  the  fancy  of  his  hearers  to  interpret  this  to  mean 
the  acquisition  of  Euboea  and  Oropus,  the  restoration  of 
Platsese,  &c. 

Demosthenes,  desirous  of  warning  the  Athenians  who 


324 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


were  intoxicated  by  delusive  hopes,  could  not  obtain  a 
bearing ; bis  voice  was  drowned  in  clamor,  he  was  de- 
rided and  pushed  back.  Philocrates  and  bis  associates 
were  in  command  of  the  assembly ; be  was  even  able  to 
carry  the  motion,  that  the  blessed  bond  of  peace  which 
had  now  been  knit,  had  best  be  at  once  made  obligatory 
upon  all  subsequent  generations,  and  that  the  Athenians 
should  immediately  declare  their  readiness,  in  the  case  of 
a prolonged  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Phocians  against 
the  general  peace,  to  furnish  aid  to  the  king  for  its  estab- 
lishment. 

Philip  and  This  motion  was  of  course  likewise  based 
Thermopylae  Up0n  an  agreement  with  king  Philip,  from 
whom,  so  soon  as  everything  had  been  duly  prepared,  a 
letter  arrived,  in  which  he  invited  the  Athenians,  as  his 
newly-gained  allies,  to  march  out  with  him  against  Phocis, 
in  order,  in  the  interests  of  the  public  security,  to  put  an 
end  to  the  abominations  in  progress  there.  The  actual 
despatch  of  an  auxiliary  force  can  hardly  have  been  ex- 
pected ; to  the  king  it  sufficed  to  feel  himself  safe  on  the 
side  of  Athens  in  his  Phocian  schemes ; for  this  was  to 
him  the  main  point,  which  he  had  from  the  outset  had  in 
view  during  the  whole  of  the  transactions  concerning  the 
peace.  For  was  not  the  Attic  power  in  Thrace  so  near  to 
a collapse,  and  was  not  the  advantage  there  in  every  re- 
spect so  decidedly  on  the  side  of  Philip,  that  he  could  at 
any  time  execute  his  wishes  according  to  his  own  choice  ? 
But  the  case  was  different  with  his  schemes  in  Greece.  Here, 
Athens  was  a power  which  might  cause  him  serious  diffi- 
culties. For  if  he  wished  to  secure  his  immediate  object, 
it  was  requisite  for  him  to  be  master  of  Thermopylae,  which 
inlet  was  at  present  controlled  by  Phalsecus  with  his 
garrisons  at  Nicsea  and  Alponus.  The  king  was  unable 
to  advance,  so  long  as  the  Athenians  were  ready  to  support 
Phalsecus  and  again  to  throw  troops  into  the  pass  by  way 
of  the  Eubcean  Sea  (p.  80)  ; nor,  again,  was  Plialsecus  able 


Chap.  III.l 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


325 


to  hold  the  pass,  unless,  if  it  should  prove  necessary,  the 
Athenians  covered  his  rear  and  flank.  For  either  side, 
therefore,  everything  depended  upon  the  attitude  of 
Athens ; and  as  to  this  Philip  had  to  be  on  his  guard. 
For  while  it  was  of  course  by  no  means  part  of  his  inten- 
tion to  take  the  pass  by  storm  like  Xerxes,  yet  he  was  well 
aware  that  whatever  remnants  of  national  feeling  still  sur- 
vived among  the  Greeks  were  roused  by  the  name  of  Ther- 
mopyke ; it  was  even  now  an  idea  intolerable,  nay  all  but 
inconceivable,  to  them,  that  a foreign  king  should  appear 
with  an  armed  force  on  the  hither  side  of  that  pass.  The 
entrance  into  the  interior,  therefore,  still  remained  a diffi- 
cult task  for  Philip.* 

All  other  respects  circumstances  had  as-  phm 
sumed  as  favorable  an  aspect  as  possible  for  |^™°ned 
Philip.  The  Phocians  had,  notwithstanding  p^l0eis- 
the  defeat  of  Onomarchus  (p.  79),  remained  invincible  to 
the  Thebans,  and  were  still  masters  of  a great  part  of  the 
Boeotian  country,  holding  fortified  places  such  as  Orcho- 
menus  and  Coronea.  Balds  incessantly  occurred  from  the 
one  territory  into  the  other;  and  although  the  Thebans 
not  unfrequently  fought  with  success,  yet  upon  the  whole 
the  war  was  far  more  ruinous  to  them  than  to  their  adver- 
saries, because  they  mostly  conducted  it  on  their  own  soil 
and  by  means  of  their  own  men,  whose  places  were  not  so 
easily  filled  as  those  of  mercenaries.  The  war  protracted 
itself  from  year  to  year ; it  became  a more  and  more  in- 
tolerable national  pest  to  all  Hellas  ; nor  could  the  convic- 
tion be  escaped,  that  it  would  not  be  brought  to  a decision 
by  the  contending  parties.  Now,  if  a third  power  was  to 
intervene,  it  could  only  be  the  Macedonian,  to  which  all 
eyes  turned.  In  this  respect  the  Macedonian  party 
had  long  been  active ; it  had,  indeed,  brought  about  an 


* Report  delivered  before  the  Council : Dem.  xix.  31 ; in  the  civic  assem- 
bly, §19;  SEschin.  ii.  121.  Motion  of  Philocrates:  Dem.  xix.  47.  Philip’s 


326 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


application  on  the  part  of  Thebes  to  Philip  ; following  the 
example  of  Thessaly,  from  whose  fate  they  were  unable  to 
take  warning,  the  Thebans  supplicated  for  succor  at  the 
same  court,  which  had  once  been  in  a relation  of  inde- 
pendence towards  them  (p.  44).  The  Thessalians  too 
demanded  a Phocian  war  under  Macedonian  leadership; 
and  inasmuch  as  it  was  still  an  arduous  task  to  govern 
them,  Philip  now  had  the  best  opportunity  of  diverting 
them  from  home  affairs  by  means  of  a war  which  satisfied 
their  ambition  as  well  as  their  craving  for  vengeance,  and 
of  thereby  at  the  same  time  gaining  his  jaersonal  objects. 
He  was  able  in  a season  of  dire  national  distress  to  appear 
among  the  Greeks  as  their  one  possible  preserver,  whose 
services  in  this  capacity  were  on  several  sides  actually  de- 
sired ; and  his  sole  fear  was  that  the  power  of  the  Phocians 
might  possibly  without  his  intervention  collapse,  like  a fire 
at  an  end  of  its  fuel. 

And  in  truth  the  resources  of  the  robber-state  could  not 
but  gradually  exhaust  themselves.  Out  of  the  Delphic 
treasury  gold  and  silver  to  the  value  of  more  than  two 
millions  sterling  are  said  to  have  been  coined,  and  ex- 
pended upon  the  court  of  the  Tyrants  and  the  pay  of 
the  soldiery  (p.  75).  Finally  the  ebb  appeared,  without 
new  resources  opening  themselves.  This  also  involved  the 
internal  affairs  of  Phocis  in  worse  and  worse  complica- 
tions. After  the  death  of  Phayllus,  Phalsecus,  the  son  of 
Onomarchus,  had  become  captain-general  of  the  land. 
Under  him  disturbances  broke  out,  by  which  his  rule  too 
was  temporarily  interrupted.  Since  the  temple  had  now 
been  emptied,  a hunt  was  made  for  moneys  fraudulently 
appropriated,  w'hich  it  was  sought  to  force  out  of  the 
hands  of  their  possessors  by  means  of  penal  indictments. 

Hereupon,  however,  it  became  unavoidable  to  look 
around  for  help  from  abroad ; and  for  this  purpose 
Athens  was  by  far  the  most  important  State.  Upon  the 
relations  between  Athens  and  Phocis  depended  the  future 


Chap,  hi.]  Athens  and  King  Philip.  327 

of  Greece.  As  on  a former  occasion  the  Thebans,  so  now 
the  Phocians  sued  for  the  federal  aid  of  Athens  for  the 
warding-off  of  foreign  intervention  in  Central  Greece  ; for 
since  the  meeting  of  envoys  at  Pella  the  Athenians  might 
know  with  certainty,  that  they  would  be  the  next  object 
of  the  political  designs  of  Philip. 

The  relations  between  Phocis  and  Athens 

Athens 

had  originally  been  anything  but  unfriendly.  and  Phoeis. 
The  Athenians  had  formerly  favored  the  claims  of  the 
Phocians  upon  Delphi ; and  Pericles  had  not  mistaken 
the  fact,  that  the  existence  of  an  autonomous  priestly  state 
in  Central  Greece,  ever  ready  to  attach  itself  to  Sparta,  or 
even  to  powers  whose  interests  were  yet  more  foreign  to 
those  of  Athens,  could  not  be  in  accordance  with  hers. 
The  Phocians  had  therefore,  even  in  the  most  calamitous 
moment  of  Attic  history,  given  their  vote  in  opposition  to 
Thebes  for  the  preservation  of  Athens  (vol.  iii.  p.  570). 
They  could  reckon  upon  the  support  of  the  anti-Theban 
and  of  the  national  party.  But  at  the  same  time  their 
case  seemed,  on  the  other  hand,  in  many  respects  a very 
unfavorable  one.  The  present  government  by  dynasts 
could  not  arouse  any  sympathy,  and  with  incomprehensi- 
ble blindness  Phalsecus  had  treated  Sparta  as  well  as 
Athens  with  utter  scorn  ; he  knew  very  well,  that  if  they 
furnished  aid,  this  was  far  from  implying  that  they  sup- 
ported his  sway,  the  real  object  of  Sparta  being  to  take 
advantage  of  this  opportunity  for  restoring  her  patronship 
over  Delphi  (vol.  i.  p.  282),  and  of  the  Athenians,  to 
bring  into  their  possession  the  fastnesses  near  Thermo- 
pylae, which  were  situate  in  the  entirely  dependent  country 
of  the  Locrians.  He  had  therefore  rejected  the  offers  of 
the  Athenians,  when  they  had  equipped  fifty  vessels  under 
the  general  Proxenus,  in  order  to  occupy  the  Locrian 
places  which  had  been  solemnly  promised  to  them.  This 
occurred  about  the  very  time  when  the  Athenians  were 
opening  their  negotiations  with  Philip.  In  how  utterly 


328 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


different  a manner  might  not  Demosthenes  have  asserted 
himself  in  the  course  of  these  negotiations,  had  Proxenus 
gained  his  object,  and  had  the  city  been  under  an  obliga- 
tion of  honor  to  guard  the  frontier-posts  of  the  common 
fatherland ! At  present  the  Athenians  were  deeply  vexed 
on  account  of  the  unfair  treatment  which  they  had  experi- 
enced, and  the  agents  of  Philip  accordingly  found  their 
game  much  easier  to  play,  when  by  order  of  the  king 
they  incessantly  labored  to  separate  Athens  from  Phocis, 
and  to  cripple  the  sympathy  of  the  two  parties,  whose  po- 
litical stand-point  would  necessarily  have  inclined  them  to 
take  a warm  interest  in  the  fate  of  the  Phocians.  The 
national  party  was  disarmed  by  the  guileful  procrastina- 
tion of  the  peace-negotiations ; while  the  other  and  far 
more  numerous  party  which  hated  Thebes  and  begrudged 
it  any  advantage,  were  simply  told  a lie,  being  made  to 
believe  that  the  king’s  friendship  towards  the  Thebans  and 
hostility  against  the  Phocians  were  merely  a pretence. 

Thus  by  his  own  fault  Phaliecus  was  placed  in  the  most 
desperate  of  situations.  He  saw  the  Macedonians  approach- 
ing for  the  decisive  attack,  while  at  the  same  time  his 
resources  were  coming  to  an  end,  his  dominion  in  his  own 
country  was  tottering,  and  all  prospect  of  support  was 
vanishing.  For  Archidamus,  who  was  still  in  Phocis  at 
the  head  of  a thousand  men  of  heavy  infantry,  for  the 
purpose  of  observing  the  progress  of  events,  and  who 
perhaps  might  even  at  the  last  moment  have  resolved  to 
follow  the  example  of  Leonidas  and  defend  Thermopylae, 
returned  home  at  the  critical  moment,  after  the  delusive 
prospect  had  been  opened  to  the  Spartans  at  Pella,  that 
they  would  through  Philip  recover  their  ancient  rights  at 
Delphi.  The  Phocians  were  equally  unfortunate  at 
Athens,  where  they  were  not  indeed  represented  by  envoys 
with  regular  powers,  but  where  at  the  same  time  they  had 
their  agents,  who  reported  as  to  the  course  of  events  there, 
and  followed  the  progress  of  the  peace-negotiations  with 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


329 


the  most  eager  anxiety.  For  a time  they  ware  able  to 
hope  that  they  would,  in  accordance  with  the  proposal  of 
Demosthenes,  be  admitted  among  the  confederates  to  be 
included  in  the  treaty  of  peace ; but  they  soon  found 
themselves  deceived  in  this  expectation,  and  finally  the 
motion  of  Philocrates  (p.  324)  completely  destroyed  any 
hope  of  a succor  which  might  perhaps  even  now  be 
granted  at  the  last  hour.  Phalsecus  had  now  nothing  but 
enemies  in  his  front  and  in  his  rear  ; there  accordingly 
remained  to  him  no  means  of  preservation  except  an 
understanding  with  Philip.  In  the  middle  of  July  he 
declared  his  readiness  to  hand  over  the  fastnesses  of 
Thermopyke  to  the  king,  being  in  return 
granted  free  departure  for  himself  and  his 
8,000  mercenaries.  For,  however  great  a 
display  Philip  had  made  of  his  pious  zeal  on 
behalf  of  Delphi,  yet  he  had  very  little  inter- 
est in  carrying  out  the  punishment  of  the  despoilers  of  the 
temple,  and  in  causing  those  who  were  the  really  guilty  to 
pay  the  penalty  of  their  transgression.  He  had  achieved 
his  object.  He  had  the  keys  of  Greece  in  his  hands,  and 
could  advance  with  his  Macedonian  army  through  the  open 
passes  into  the  interior  of  the  land.  He  came,  not  as  a 
foreign  conqueror,  but  as  the  elected  federal  general  of 
Thessaly,  and  as  the  confederate  of  Thebes.  The  Thebans 
now  immediately  reassumed  what  had  long  been  denied 
to  them,  possession  of  the  entire  territory  of  Boeotia. 
Then,  the  allies  jointly  entered  Phocis ; and  the  king  en- 
joyed the  triumph  of  having  by  the  mere  fact  of  his 
approach,  without  striking  a blow,  put  a sudden  end  to 
the  ten  years’  war  under  which  Hellas  had  suffered  so 
severely.* 


Capitula- 
tion of 
Phaltecus. 

01.  eviii.  3 
(b.  c.  346). 
17th  July. 


* Thebes  summons  Philip : Diod.  xvi.  59.— Phalsecus’  scornfulness  towards 
Athens  and  Sparta:  fEschin.  ii.  133.  Proxenus : Dem.  xix.  74.  The  Pho- 
cians  had  agents  at  Athens  (SpopoKTjpwces) : iEschin.  ii.  130.  Demosthenes 
less  accurately  terms  them  Trpeapeis,  xix.  59.  Capitulation  of  Phalaecus  on 
the  23d  of  Seirophorion  (17th  of  July). 


330 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Philip  at  The  treaty  with  Phalsecushad  been  conclu- 
Deiphi.  ded  by  Philip  in  virtue  of  his  position  as 
commander-in-chief  with  absolute  powers.  The  subse- 
quent steps  he  took  in  conjunction  with  his  allies;  for  he 
wished,  not  to  interfere  arbitrarily  in  the  system  prevail- 
ing in  Greece  under  the  sanction  of  public  law  and 
treaties,  but  to  appear  in  the  character  of  a benefactor  of 
the  nation,  who  restored  its  national  institutions,  after  they 
had  been  subjected  to  a criminal  interruption.  And  this 
restoration  of  law  and  order  was  at  the  same  time  to  serve 
to  obtain  for  him  and  his  dynasty  a lasting  position  in  the 
Greek  confederation  of  states,  and  to  form  a legal  basis 
for  all  his  ulterior  schemes  with  reference  to  Greece. 
Already  his  sojourn  at  Thebes  had  made  him  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  Delphic  ordinances ; he  had  studied 
the  policy  of  Iason  (vol.  iv.  p.  470),  as  well  as  that  of  the 
Theban  statesmen  (vol.  iv.  p.  427),  accurately  enough  to 
be  aware,  even  without  advice  from  any  other  quarter, 
which  of  the  Delphic  statutes  he  could  use  for  his  pur- 
poses. 


De]phi  As  a general  victorious  in  a Sacred  War,  he 

reforms.  claimed  the  same  right,  which  had  of  old  after 
the  termination  of  the  first  Sacred  War  been  exercised  by 
Clisthenes  and  Solon,  when  he  restored  the  ancient  ordi- 
nances, and  at  the  same  time  established  new  institutions 
for  the  protection,  as  well  as  for  the  superior  glorification, 
of  the  national  sanctuary  (vol.  i.  p.  284).  Thus  Philip 
also,  in  conjunction  with  his  two  allies,  in  the  first  instance 
re-established  the  temple-authorities,  with  which  proceed- 
ing was  doubtless  combined  the  purification  of  the  temple 
and  of  its  domain.  Hereupon,  an  assembly  of  the  Am- 
phictyons  was  summoned.  But  this  again  was  to  be  a 
purified  one.  For  whosoever  had  more  or  less  directly 
taken  part  in  the  criminal  spoliation  of  the  temple,  had, 
according  to  the  view  of  the  allies,  forfeited  his  seat  and 
voice  in  the  Federal  Council.  But  in  the  matter  of  this 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


331 


exclusion  a distinction  was  drawn.  Sentence  of  ejection 
was  pronounced  in  the  case  of  the  Phocians,  who  were  de- 
clared to  have  forfeited  their  double  vote  once  for  all,  so 
that  it  could  be  transferred  as  a grateful  acknowledgment 
of  his  victory  to  Philip,  who  had  freed  the  sanctuary  out 
of  their  predatory  hands.  The  Spartans  were  likewise  ex- 
cluded, because  they  still  remained  under  the  ban  (vol.  iv. 
p.  427),  and  had  since  polluted  themselves  by  association 
with  the  Phocians  ; but  their  vote  seems  not  to  have  been 
considered  as  vacant  and  transferable.  A third  kind  of 
degradation  consisted  in  this,  that  certain  states  were  not 
summoned  to  the  first  meeting  of  the  Amphictyons  ; which 
course  was  pursued  in  the  case  of  Athens.  The  Athenians 
had  not  responded  to  the  invitation  of  the  king,  bidding 
them  to  join  him  as  allies  by  virtue  of  the  treaties  recent- 
ly concluded.  Now,  participation  in  the  re-organization 
of  the  Hellenic  League  of  states  was  to  be  a right  of  honor 
reserved  to  those  who  had  taken  arms  on  behalf  of  the 
Delphic  god,  in  other  words,  especially  to  the  Thessalian 
and  (Etsean  tribes,  also  to  the  Dorians  at  the  base  of 
Mount  Parnassus,  to  the  Locrians  and  the  Dolopes,  whose 
habitations  lay  between  Thessaly,  AStolia  and  Epirus. 
Thus  the  centre  of  gravity  of  the  League  had  been  once 
more  entirely  transferred  to  the  North,  where  it  had  lain 
in  the  earliest  times  (vol.  i.  p.  126) ; the  mountain-tribes, 
which  the  remaining  Greeks  despised,  and  which  had  long 
lost  all  importance, — the  very  tribes  which  in  the  Wars 
of  Liberation  had  fallen  away  from  the  national  cause,  and 
had  by  the  recognition  of  the  Persian  supremacy  forfeited 
their  good  name  (vol.  ii.  p.  304), — now  re-entered  history ; 
and  most  especially  it  was  a deep  satisfaction  to  the  ambi- 
tion of  the  Thessalians,  that  they,  who  had  so  long  been 
treated  with  contempt  and  excluded  from  Greek  history, 
were  now  again  becoming  respected  in  Hellas  and  saw  the 
plans  of  Iason  attain  to  a splendid  consummation.  How 
strangely  the  oldest  and  the  newest  elements  were  now 


332 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


placed  side  by  side  in  the  Delphic  Diet!  For  there  now 
existed  in  the  newly-regulated  League  three  kinds  of 
states,  which  severally  belonged  to  the  most  different 
periods  of  history  : first,  the  Thessalian  tribes,  which  had 
adhered  to  the  standpoint  of  cantonal  district  constitutions, 
such  as  the  Perrhsebians  and  others ; next,  the  tribes 
which  had  become  states,  such  as  the  Athenians  and  The- 
bans ; and  lastly,  in  the  midst  of  these  rural  or  city  re- 
publics an  Imperial  State,  which  did  not  in  consonance 
with  Hellenic  international  law  take  part  as  a popular 
community,  but  was  represented  in  the  person  of  its  king, 
who  received  the  federal  votes  of  the  Phocians  as  a right 
to  be  hereditary  in  his  dynasty. 

T,  Hereupon  further  debates  were  held  on  the 

Doom  1 

of  the  subject  of  the  Phocians  themselves.  The  loss 

Phocians. 

of  their  right  of  voting  appeared  to  be  an  in- 
sufficient punishment  for  their  violation  of  the  peace, 
although  the  really  guilty,  who  had  by  means  of  foreign 
troops  maintained  a rule  of  terror,  had  either  fallen  during 
the  war,  or  had  escaped  unhurt  at  its  conclusion,  while  on 
the  other  hand  the  Phocian  towns,  which  had  suffered  most 
severely  of  all  from  the  doings  of  the  mercenaries,  after 
the  departure  of  the  latter  offered  no  resistance  at  all,  but 
at  once  surrendered  unconditionally.  And  yet  the  hos- 
tility of  the  neighboring  tribes  refused  to  be  appeased ; 
they  were  unwilling  to  relinquish  their  hold  over  their 
victims,  until  they  should  have  thoroughly  glutted  their 
hereditary  lust  of  vengeance  (vol.  ii.  p.  306).  Indeed,  the 
CEteeans  went  so  far  as  to  propose  that  all  the  inhabitants 
of  Phocis,  who  were  of  an  age  liable  to  service,  should  be 
hurled  from  the  rocks  as  sacrilegious  despoilers  of  the 
temple. 

Against  such  brutality  on  the  part  of  members  of  their 
own  race — a brutality  all  the  more  revolting  in  that  savage 
hatred  assumed  the  mask  of  religious  zeal — it  became 
incumbent  upon  the  foreign  chief  of  the  army  to  protect 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


333 


the  Phocians.  He  was  solely  interested  in  completely 
disarming  the  land,  and  in  taking  care  that  no  fortified 
positions  should  be  left  in  it,  which  might  serve  as  bases 
for  vigorous  risings,  inasmuch  as  any  rising  on  the  part  of 
the  Phocians  might  endanger  the  advantage  which  he  had 
derived  from  the  war.  Accordingly,  two-and-twenty  towns 
were  deprived  of  their  walls,  and  their  citizens  being  dis- 
persed in  villages,  which  were  moreover  prohibited  from 
exceeding  a certain  number  of  houses ; the  inhabitants  were 
left  in  possession  of  them  lands,  but  were  forced  to  pay  out 
of  the  proceeds  of  these  a tax  to  the  temple,  which  was  to 
be  levied  until  the  temple-treasure  had  been  again  made 
good.  All  the  horses  were  sold,  all  the  arms  destroyed ; 
and  all  the  measures  of  this  judgment,  which  was  actually 
to  be  regarded  as  a manifestation  of  royal  clemency,  were 
intensified  by  the  provision  that  their  execution  was  com- 
mitted to  the  most  vengeful  enemies  of  the  Phocians.  The 
land  sank  into  unspeakable  misery.  Whoever  had  it  in 
his  power  took  flight ; and  it  was  once  more  the  sad  lot  of 
the  Athenians  to  be  able  to  do  nothing  for  a confederate, 
whose  ruin  their  inaction  had  allowed  to  take  place, 
beyond  offering  hospitality  to  the  fugitive  inhabitants. 
It  is  true  that  the  present  case  differed  from  that  of  Olyn- 
thus,  inasmuch  as  real  relations  of  confederacy  had  been 
impossible  with  the  Phocian  Tyrants.  All  the  greater,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  the  damage  which  this  victory  of 
Philip  had  inflicted  upon  Greece  proper,  and  all  the 
stronger  was  the  feeling  of  vexation  on  the  part  of  the 
Athenians,  that  they  had  allowed  themselves  to  be  so 
vilely  deceived  by  their  own  envoys. 

At  Athens  the  mood  of  public  feeling  had  The  uhe_ 
soon  changed.  The  last  resolutions  of  the  civic  nians  unde- 
assembly  had  been  passed  under  the  terrori- 
zing sway  ol  the  Macedonian  party,  which  contrived  to 
take  care  that  no  other  tendency  should  assert  itself,  and 
no  speaker  of  opposite  sentiments  should  be  allowed  a 


334 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIJ. 


hearing  (p.  324).  But  the  Athenians  had  after  all  begun 
to  experience  a feeling  of  great  uneasiness,  as  the  king 
drew  menacingly  near;  they  could  not  remain  contented 
with  the  promises  with  which  vEschines  had  calmed  their 
apprehensions  ; and  they  resolved  upon  a new  embassy  tc 
Philip,  in  order  that  he  might  be  observed  close  at  hand, 
and  exhorted  to  fulfil  his  promises.  It  was  natural  that 
for  this  purpose  the  same  men  should  be  desired,  who  had 
brought  home  the  tranquillizing  utterances  of  the  king. 
But  Aeschines  saw  fit  to  withdraw,  since  the  despatch  of 
this  embassy  had  not  been  proposed  by  his  party,  and 
since  no  glory  was  to  be  gained  by  him  from  the  business. 
For  if  his  information  proved  unauthentic,  the  result 
would  be  either  that  Philip  had  told  him  lies,  in  which 
case  he  must  indignantly  abandon  the  king,  or  that  he  was 
himself  revealed  to  be  a liar,  and  exposed  to  the  just  ire 
of  the  civic  assembly.  He  accordingly  caused  himself  to 
be  reported  sick,  and  remained  at  home.  Demosthenes 
likewise  on  this  occasion  gave  a most  decided  refusal. 
And  the  envoys  who  took  their  departure  for  the  royal 
head-quarters  never  reached  the  goal.  On  the  way  they 
learnt  that  Philip  had  occupied  Thermopylae  and  disarmed 
Phocis ; and  with  these  tidings  of  terror  they  in  a few  days 
returned  to  Athens. 

Here,  after  the  brief  intoxication  of  vain  hopes,  a bitter 
disappointment  now  ensued.  Instead  of  being  enabled 
through  Philip  to  triumph  over  their  enemies,  the  Athe- 
nians saw  that  the  direct  contrary  of  all  that  they  had 
fancied  to  themselves  had  taken  place.  It  was  they,  and 
not  the  Thebans,  who  found  themselves  deluded ; advan- 
tage had  been  taken  of  their  credulity,  to  secure  Ther- 
mopylae, to  ruin  their  allies,  to  aggrandize  their  enemies. 
They  had  supposed  themselves  to  be  by  the  much-lauded 
peace  once  more  acknowledged  as  a Great  Power, — and 
now  they  were  more  than  ever  excluded  even  from  Hel- 
lenic affairs.  Without  any  regard  being  paid  to  them, 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


335 


great  armies  were  passing  through  the  midst  of  Hellas, 
and  giving  it  a new  constitution.  Indeed,  they  felt  inse- 
cure in  their  own  proper  country ; for  Attica  was  envi- 
roned by  overbearing  foes,  without  allies,  open  and  defence- 
less.* 

Though  the  indignation  was  great  among  philipap. 
all  citizens  of  patriotic  sentiments,  yet  it  ^genss 
seemed  for  the  moment  impossible  to  give  ex-  01.  eviii.  3 
pression  to  this  current  of  feeling,  unless  the 
evils  of  the  situation  were  to  be  further  in- 
creased. Moreover,  Philip  had  done  his  utmost  to  calm 
the  citizens : he  had  immediately  after  his  entrance  into 
Phocis  written  them  a letter,  and  had,  so  to  speak,  excused 
himself  with  the  pressure  put  upon  him  by  the  Thebans 
and  the  Thessalians,  which  it  had  not  been  well  possible 
for  him  to  resist.  In  truth  it  was  a bitter  token  of  con- 
tempt, that  he  should  dare  to  seek  to  satisfy  the  Athenians 
with  such  mere  phrases ; but  being  seasoned  with  a varie- 
ty of  blandishments,  they  did  not  miss  their  effect.  Of 
this  effect  his  party  helped  to  make  the  most ; and  they 
even  cast  a share  of  the  blame  upon  the  Athenians,  as  not 
having  taken  an  active  part  as  the  allies  of  the  king.  At 
the  same  time  occurred  the  sending  home  of  the  Attic 
prisoners,  which  had  been  reserved  for  this  point  of  time ; 
and  in  the  end  there  remained  nothing  for  the  Athenians 
but  to  suppress  their  ire,  and  once  more  to  despatch  an 
embassy,  which  was  to  attend  to  the  interest  of  the  city  in 
Phocis.  This  time  Aeschines  did  not  refuse  ; indeed,  he 
put  himself  forward,  and  subsequently  credited  himself 
with  the  fact,  that  his  influence  had  succeeded  in  defeating 
the  sanguinary  proposal  of  the  CEtaeans. 

* Doom  of  the  Phoeians : Biod.  xvi.  60 ; Paus.  x.  3.  New  regulation  of  the 
League  : Schafer,  ii.  267. — To  the  Thessalians  were  restored  their  ancient 
honorary  rights  which  the  Phoeians  had  kept  from  them;  in  addition  to 
which,  they  received  special  rights  connected  with  the  presidency  (D'em.  v 
23 ; vi.  22.). 


336 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


In  other  respects  the  envoys  were  simply  the 
witnesses  of  the  brilliant  triumph  celebrated 
by  Philip.  With  an  exulting  multitude 
surging  around  him,  he  enjoyed  in  more  than 
full  measure  the  honors  thought  to  be  due  to 
a man  who  had  purified  the  most  venerable 
sanctuary  of  the  nation,  and  had  restored  the  interrupted 
rites  of  divine  worship.  The  lamentations  which  filled 
the  valleys  of  Phocis  were  forgotten ; the  ulterior  conse- 
quences for  Greece  remained  unperceived.  The  impres- 
sion of  the  most  recent  events  overpowered  all  other 
thoughts.  The  wretched  pettiness  of  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs at  home  intensified  the  admiration  of  the  man,  with 
whom  to  will  and  to  act,  to  come  and  to  conquer,  were 
one.  In  addition,  there  was  the  influence  of  the  splendor 
of  royalty,  to  which  this  age  was  so  open  (p.  217), — of 
the  overwhelming  dignity  attaching  to  a supreme  lord  of 
war,  for  whom  thousands  were  ready  to  risk  their  lives  in 
unconditional  obedience.  From  these  impressions  the  en- 
voys of  Athens  too  were  at  once  unable  and  unwilling  to 
escape.  They  found  Delphi  in  the  intoxication  of  a festi- 
val of  victory,  which  was  celebrated  by  means  of  heca- 
tombs, gorgeous  processions,  dedications  and  consecrated 
gifts ; JEschines  notably  had  no  scruple  about  fully  enter- 
ing in  the  innocence  of  his  heart  into  these  festivities,  as 
if  nothing  had  occurred  of  a nature  to  annoy  an  Athenian, 
although  at  Athens  itself  men  were  able  to  recognize  in 
the  victory  of  Philip  a grievous  defeat  of  the  city. 

Philip  could  not  long  remain  with  his  numerous  hosts 
of  soldiers  in  the  desolated  land  ; but  neither  was  he  will- 
ing to  quit  it,  until  a reorganization  of  the  state  of  things 
should  have  issued  from  Delphi  under  the  solemn  sanction 
of  its  authorities.  In  order  to  have  this  settled,  it  was  a 
favorable  circumstance,  and  one  which  Philip  doubtless 
took  into  timely  account,  that  a few  weeks  after  the  occu- 
pation of  Phocis,  about  the  middle  of  August,  the  time  ar- 


brates  the 
Pythia. 

01.  eviii.  3 
(B.  0.  346). 

Middle  of 
August. 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


337 


rived  for  the  festival  of  the  Pythia,  which  since  the  Cris- 
iean  War  recurred  every  four  years  (vol.  i.  p.  284).  On 
this  occasion,  then,  the  king  for  the  first  time  appeared  in 
full  activity  as  a member  of  the  Hellenic  Amphictyonv ; 
upon  him  was  conferred  the  honorary  office  of  conducting 
the  festival ; and,  as  was  customary  at  important  epochs 
of  the  national  sanctuaries,  so  that  which  now  occurred 
was  likewise  celebrated  by  the  introduction  of  a new  com- 
petitive game  in  addition  to  those  traditionally  in  use,  viz. 
a wrestling  and  boxing-match  between  boys.  But  for 
Philip  everything  now  depended  upon  obtaining,  while  he 
was  still  present  with  his  forces,  a universal  recognition  for 
his  ordinances  with  regard  to  the  festival  and  with  regard 
to  the  Amphictyonic  League,  lest  cavils  might  be  raised 
against  them  as  illegal.  In  particular  he  was  interested  in 
securing  the  assent  of  Athens,  because  relations  of  peculiar 
intimacy  existed  between  her  and  Delphi,  and  because 
Athens  was  an  authority  in  matters  of  religious  law. 

The  Athenians  had  little  inclination  for  such  a recogni- 
tion. They  saw  in  his  innovations  nothing  but  acts  of  force, 
unwarranted  interference,  and  violation  of  law.  They  were, 
moreover,  offended  by  the  transference  to  Philip  of  the 
Promanteia,  i.  e.  the  right  of  being  the  first  to  address 
questions  to  the  Oracle  ; in  other  words,  the  right  of  pre- 
cedence in  the  presence  of  the  Delphic  god,  which  had 
been  granted  to  them  since  the  times  of  Pericles  : accord- 
ingly, they  had  on  this  occasion  sent  no  official  festive  em- 
bassy to  the  Pythian  festival. 

It  was  desirable  for  Philip  that  this  ob-  D hjc 
stinacy  should  be  immediately  broken.  With  embassy  of 
the  lively  assent  of  the  other  Amphictyons, 
among  whom  ill-will  against  Athens  predominated,  a 
Macedono-Thessalian  embassy  was  therefore  deputed,  to 
bid  the  Athenians  account  for  their  reception  of  the  fugi- 
tive Phocians,  and,  secondly,  acknowledge  the  Delphic 
Amphictyony  as  at  present  constituted.  It  was  a question 


338 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


of  decisive  importance  for  Athens,  and  for  Greece,  and  one 
to  which  it  was  necessary  to  give  a short  and  precise  an- 
swer. 

The  citizens  were  agitated  in  a high  degree.  JEschines 
could  not  even  obtain  a hearing.  All  the  more  eagerly 
were  the  orators  of  the  opposite  party  listened  to,  who 
loudly  declared,  that  a decided  protest  was  the  only 
answer  to  this  offensive  demand  reconcilable  with  the  dig- 
nity of  Athens.  There  was  much  danger  of  imprudent 
steps  being  taken.  For  such  a protest  would  have  had 
no  other  consequence  than  this,  that  the  army  of  the  Am- 
phictyons,  united  and  ready  for  battle  as  it  was,  would 
have  continued  the  Sacred  War  against  Athens,  who  stood 
utterly  isolated,  and  had  not  even  her  slight  war-forces 
collected  on  one  spot. 

Demosthe-  Demosthenes,  who  so  often  experienced  the 
nes  de  Pace,  pain  of  observing  that  his  fellow-citizens  were 
in  the  most  pacific  of  moods  when  the  moment  had  arrived 
for  war,  and  demanded  war  when  peace  alone  could  bring 
salvation,  was  now,  however  repugnant  it  might  be  to 
him,  obliged  to  advocate  the  maintenance  of  the  peace 
concluded  with  Philip.  He  was  one  of  the  few  who  clear- 
ly  judged  the  situation  as  it  was,  the  solitary  orator  who, 
free  from  all  party  considerations,  kept  steadily  in  view 
nothing  but  the  welfare  of  the  city. 

‘ The  peace  which  you  have  concluded,’  he  said,  ‘ is 
neither  fair  to  look  upon  nor  worthy  of  you ; but,  what- 
ever may  be  its  character,  this  is  certain : that  it  would 
have  been  better  never  to  conclude  it  than  to  put  an  end 
to  it  now  ; for  in  it  we  have  sacrificed  much  of  that 
which,  so  long  as  we  possessed  it,  was  of  essential  advan- 
tage to  us  for  the  successful  conduct  of  a war.  The 
second  point  in  this,  ye  men  of  Athens,  that  we  must  take 
care  not  to  force  those  states  which  now  call  themselves 
the  Amphictyons,  to  engage  in  a joint  war  against  us. 
For,  should  we  again  fall  out  with  Philip  on  a subject  of 


Chap.  III.] 


Athens  and  King  Philip. 


339 


no  interest  to  the  Thessalians,  the  Argives,  the  Thebans,  I 
do  not  believe  that  any  one  of  these  states  will  take  arms 
against  us ; for  so  much  sense  even  the  most  stolid  among 
them  possess,  as  to  perceive,  that  in  such  quarrels  all  the 
burdens  would  fall  upon  them,  while  all  the  advantages 
would  accrue  to  one  who  lies  in  ambush  in  the  background. 
But  at  the  present  moment  circumstances  are  as  unfavor- 
able as  they  could  be  for  us.  For  if  some  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians are  hostile  to  ns,  because  they  believe  that  we 
are  siding  with  Sparta  against  them ; — if  the  Thebans  are 
more  wroth  than  ever,  because  we  have  received  among 
us  the  fugitive  Boeotians ; — if  the  Thessalians  hate  us  as 
friends  of  the  Phocians,  and  Philip  is  angry  at  our  having 
refused  to  acknowledge  his  Amphictyonic  position : then 
it  is  to  be  feared  that  all  of  them,  each  on  his  own  partic- 
ular grounds,  will  obey  the  impulse  of  their  anger,  will 
seize  upon  the  decrees  of  the  Amphictyons  as  a pretext, 
and  will  in  their  joint  war  against  us  be  carried  on  by  the 
current  beyond  that  which  is  to  the  advantage  of  each 
individually,  as  also  happened  in  the  case  of  the  Phocians.’ 
“ Are  we  then  from  sheer  fear  to  do  all  that  we  are  bid- 
den? And  this  you,  Demosthenes,  demand  from  us?” 
‘ By  no  means ; we  must  consent  to  nothing  which  is 
unworthy  of  us,  but  at  the  same  time  we  must  seek  to 
preserve  to  ourselves  the  glory  of  a prudent  conduct  of 
public  affairs.  And  those,  who  will  not  listen  to  any 
recommendations  of  caution,  I ask  to  consider  what  course 
our  city  has  on  former  occasions  followed.  We  have  left 
Oropus  in  the  hands  of  the  Thebans,  and  Amphipolis  in 
those  of  Philip ; we  have  allowed  Cardia  to  be  severed 
from  the  Chersonnesus ; we  have  given  up  to  the  Carian 
princes  Chios,  Cos,  Bhodes ; and  the  Byzantians  we  have 
allowed  to  seize  Attic  vessels.  Why  have  we  submitted 
to  all  this  ? Assuredly  only  for  this  reason,  that  we  hoped 
to  secure  greater  advantages  for  our  commonwealth,  if  we 
kept  peace,  than  if  we  entered  into  war  on  account  of 


340 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  Vh. 


those  objects.  If  then  you  have  abstained  from  quarrel- 
ling with  a series  of  single  foes  on  matters  which  involved 
your  most  important  and  proper  interests,  it  w7ould  be  un- 
pardonable folly,  were  you  for  the  sake  of  something  utterly 
insignificant,  were  you  for  the  sake  of  the  shadow  of 
Delphi,  now  to  enter  upon  a war  against  all.’ 

It  was  thus  that  Demosthenes  spoke  in  favor  of  the 
peace.  The  review  of  a series  of  instances  of  humble 
submissiveness  was  intended  to  shame  the  hotspurs,  who 
clamorously  insisted  upon  the  glory  of  the  city,  and  who 
opined  that  Athens  ought  not  to  be  untrue  to  herself.  If 
the  war  demanded  by  honor  had  been  so  often  avoided 
even  when  the  prospects  were  favorable,  a decree  of  war 
at  the  present  moment  meant  the  downfall  of  the  city,  the 
ardently  desired  triumph  of  her  numerous  and 
overwhelming  foes. 

The  envoys  received  a measured,  but  pa- 
cific answer.  Athens  declared,  as  we  may  as- 
sume, that  she  would  raise  no  protest  against 
the  Amphictyonic  organization,  and  would  in  future  send 
deputies  to  the  festivals.  Hereby  the  insidiously  expec- 
tant enemies  were  deprived  of  any  pretext  for  war ; and 
in  the  autumn  Philip  returned  home  to  Macedonia.* 

* The  prisoners  duly  arrived  according  to  promise  (Dem.  xix.  39)  at  the 
Panathenrea  (vii.  38).  The  time  of  the  Pythia  is  now  established  from 
inscriptions  ; cf.  K irchhoff,  Monatsberichte  d.  Preu$$.  Akad.  1864,  p.  129.  Am- 
phictyonic embassy  at  Athens:  Dem.  xix.  111. 


Philip 

returns 

home 

01.  cviii.  3 
(b.  c.  346). 

Autumn. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLES  FOR  THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF 
GREECE. 

Thus,  then,  had  by  means  of  repeated  embassies  and 
treaties  been  terminated  the  state  of  war,  which  had  ob- 
tained between  king  Philip  and  Athens  since  the  capture 
of  Amphipolis ; but  a real  peace  had  not  been  hereby 
effected.  Neither  had  Philip  as  yet  gained,  nor  had 
Athens  as  yet  lost,  all.  Upon  the  sham  war  which  had 
dragged  its  weary  course  for  ten  years,  there  accordingly 
ensued  seven  years  of  a sham  peace,  during  which  the 
germs  of  the  decisive  struggle  developed  themselves. 

With  the  conclusion  of  peace  an  essential  pOSitionof 
change  had  taken  place  in  the  situation  of  af-  ^^onciu- 
fairs.  It  was  to  have  served  to  fetter  the  Pon  of 

the  peace. 

freedom  of  action  which  the  king  had  obtained 
by  the  fall  of  Olynthus;  but  instead  of  this  the  king  had 
employed  it  for  placing  a restraint  upon  the  Athenians, 
until  he  should  on  the  one  hand  have  effected  his  purposes 
in  Thrace,  and  on  the  other  have  made  himself  master  of 
Thermopylae  and  Phocis.  The  king  of  Macedonia  now  no 
longer  stood  as  a foreign  power  in  a threatening  attitude 
on  the  frontiers,  but  he  had  taken  up  a position  in  the 
centre  of  the  Greek  world.  He  was  the  presiding  member 
of  the  League  of  the  Greek  states;  he  kept  the  passes 
occupied,  the  protection  of  which  was  the  duty  of  the 
League  ; he  was  the  governor  set  over  the  national  sanc- 
tuary for  its  protection.  A Greek  country  of  high  im- 
portance on  account  of  its  central  situation  and  its  vigorous 
population,  viz.  Phocis,  lay  prostrate  at  his  feet  with  its 
towns  destroyed.  The  mightiest  tribes  of  Greece,  the 

341 


342 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Thessalians  and  the  Boeotians,  were  gathered  around  him 
as  their  lord-in-war,  while  the  Athenians  were  entirely 
isolated,  humiliated,  and  by  the  imposition  of  a federal  re- 
lation shackled  in  their  freedom  of  action.  The  treasures 
of  the  Delphic  god,  which  had  been  accumulated  during 
the  course  of  centuries,  and  which,  if  expended  in  the  na- 
tional interest,  would  have  made  possible  an  extraordinary 
display  of  power,  had  been  in  a few  years  wasted,  to  the 
ruin  of  the  nation.  Where  was  there  any  longer  left  a 
force  capable  of  resistance  ? 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  Philip  had  not  yet  reached  the 
goal.  Delphi  had  long  ceased  to  be  the  centre  whence 
Greece  might  be  ruled.  Southern  Hellas  was  still  per- 
fectly independent ; the  threads  of  the  life  of  the  Hellenic 
states  were  not  yet  united  in  the  hand  of  the  king;  in  those 
communities  which  lay  outside  his  present  sphere  of  power 
he  had  still  to  begin  to  knit  such  threads,  in  order  that  the 
authority  which  he  claimed  as  head  of  the  Amphictyons 
might  become  a reality. 

It  was  accordingly  in  the  first  instance  not 
schemes.  part  of  Philip’s  plan,  to  advance  by  force ; but 
he  rather  intended  quietly  to  extend  his  in- 
fluence, by  skilful  treatment  gradually  to  tame  the  Hel- 
lenes, and  to  accustom  them  to  his  guidance.  For  he  was 
desirous,  not  of  ruling  as  lord  and  master,  as  Xerxes  had 
intended  to  rule,  but  of  assuming  the  direction  of  confede- 
rate states,  as  was  in  accordance  with  native  tradition,  and 
as  Sparta,  Athens,  and  Thebes  had  repeatedly  attempted 
to  do,  though,  greatly  to  the  damage  of  the  nation,  they 
had  never  succeeded  in  accomplishing  their  purpose  in 
such  a way  as  to  control  the  whole  of  Greece,  or  enduringly 
to  maintain  their  authority.  Herein  lay  the  power  and 
importance  of  this  exhausted  people,  and  this  was  the 
blessing  brought  by  its  glorious  history:  that  its  land  could 
not  be  looked  upon  like  any  other  portion  of  the  earth, 
which,  so  soon  as  sufficient  strength  for  the  purpose  was  at 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  343 

hand,  had  simply  to  be  conquered  and  subjected, — as 
Philip  had  done  unhesitatingly  with  many  districts,  and 
with  the  colonial  territories  likewise.  The  Greek  mother- 
country  required  to  be  treated  with  far  more  considera- 
tion ; and  here  it  was  necessary  to  show  as  much  tenderness 
as  possible  towards  existing  legal  relations,  so  far  as  was 
at  all  reconcilable  with  the  Macedonian  schemes  of  do- 
minion. This  was  no  weakly  whim  on  the  part  of  the 
king,  but  a historical  necessity.  For  the  position  occupied 
in  the  world  by  his  royal  dynasty  was  based  upon  its  ap- 
propriation to  itself  of  Hellenic  culture;  and  its  policy 
was  no  other  than  that  of  continually  extending  this  cul- 
ture, and  turning  it  to  increasingly  good  account  for  the 
splendor  and  power  of  the  growing  empire.  It  was  there- 
fore impossible  for  the  king  to  be  desirous  of  devastating 
the  home  of  Hellenic  culture,  and  of  destroying  the  intel- 
lectual life  still  flourishing  there ; and  impossible  for  him 
to  intend  to  rule  over  Hellenes  otherwise  than  after  a 
Hellenic  fashion. 

For  the  present,  therefore,  the  king  could  do  nothing 
more  than  attract  to  himself  the  states  which  still  stood 
outside  the  combinations  recently  formed,  establish  more 
firmly  his  maritime  supremacy,  deprive  of  all  power  of 
doing  harm  those  confederate  districts  in  which  resistance 
still  showed  itself;  and  prevent  any  combination  among 
the  states  which  still  preserved  their  independence.  If 
such  a combination  should  form  itself,  the  one  point  from 
which  it  could  proceed  was  Athens.  Her  constitution, 
her  history,  her  ways  of  thinking  made  Athens  the  focus 
of  free  Greek  nationality ; here  there  still  existed  a feel- 
ing for  honor  and  justice,  which  might  with  desperate 
determination  confront  the  ultimate  and  inevitable  de- 
mands of  Philip.  Of  this  the  king  was  well  aware ; and 
these  points  of  view  determined  his  proceedings  in  the  nex£ 
ensuing  year. 

Thus  he  in  the  first  instance  took  decisive  steps  in  Thes- 


344 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Phiii  in  saly,  f°r  the  purpose  of  breaking  all  recalci. 
ThessaFy.  trance  in  this  quarter.  Frequently  enough 
01.  eviii.  4 (b.  pad  Demosthenes  counselled  his  fellow-citi- 

C.  344). 

zens  to  secure  a Thessalian  alliance.  In  Thes- 
saly there  were  still  large,  unimpaired  resources  of  popula- 
tion, and  there  still  existed  a desire,  though  of  a kind  not 
clearly  conscious  of  its  ends,  to  assert  the  strength  of  these  re- 
sources,— in  particular  at  Pherse,  where  since  the  days  of 
lason  men  had  accustomed  themselves  to  believe  in  a new 
era  for  Thessaly.  They  had  unhesitatingly  followed  the 
foreign  lord-in-war,  in  order  by  means  of  him  to  satisfy 
their  ancient  bitter  wrath  against  Phocis.  After  this  had 
been  accomplished,  they  thought  it  would  be  possible 
again  to  withdraw  from  the  pressure  of  the  supremacy  of 
their  foreign  protector.  In  their  delusion  they  failed  to 
perceive,  that  they  had  been  nothing  but  the  tools  of 
Philip’s  policy ; and  no  sooner  had  the  first  symptoms  of  a 
desire  for  resistance  shown  themselves,  than  the  king  pro- 
ceeded with  the  utmost  rigor,  sent  troops  into  the  country, 
placed  a garrison  in  the  castle  of  Pherse,  and  established 
there  a Board  of  Ten  on  the  Lysandrian  model,  which 
was  composed  of  partisans  of  his  own,  and  which  bowed 
the  defiant  spirit  of  the  citizens  under  a military  yoke. 
At  the  same  time  the  whole  of  Thessaly  was  more  firmly 
than  ever  united  with  the  Macedonian  hereditary  domin- 
ions.* 

JIjs  On  the  other  side  of  the  Isthmus,  opportuni- 

gress  in  Peio-  ties  likewise  offered  themselves  for  extending 

ponnesus.  # t ° 

the  influence  of  Macedonia.  For  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian states,  from  the  first  accustomed  to  abstain  from 
carrying  their  interests  beyond  the  peninsula,  continued 
according  to  their  wont  to  live  on  in  absolute  freedom 
from  anxiety,  and  were  by  no  means  intent  upon  settling 
their  internal  party  conflicts,  or  putting  an  end  to  the  an* 


Ae/cafiopxi'ai : Dem.  vi.  22;  xix.  260.  Pherse:  vii.  32;  ix.  12. 


Chap,  iv.]  j Imt  Struggles  for  Independence.  345 

cient  border-feuds,  in  view  of  the  menacing  growth  of  the 
power  in  the  North.  The  jealousy  between  Sparta  and 
the  states  which  had  been  withdrawn  from  her  influence 
endured,  and,  in  order  to  heighten  the  existing  confusion, 
there  now  in  addition  arrived  the  Phocian  mercenaries, 
who,  after  the  capitulation  of  Phakecus  (p.  326),  moved 
about  from  place  to  place.  Where  unoccupied  mercena- 
ries made  their  appearance,  they  became  the  curse  of  the 
country ; glimmering  sparks  of  hatred  were  kindled  into 
a flame ; opportunity  was  offered  to  party-fury  of  deeds 
of  blood  ; and  every  ambitious  scheme  had  a chance  of 
execution.  Thus  in  Peloponnesus  too  open  civil  conflicts  en- 
sued, which  in  the  end  redounded  to  the  sole  advantage 
of  the  king,  who  was  ever  lying  in  wait,  who  left  no 
movement  unused,  and  to  whom  the  same  mercenaries, 
who  had  worked  so  admirably  and  prepared  a way  for 
him  in  Central  Greece,  now  also  opened  the  passage  into 
the  peninsula.  So  it  befell  in  Elis. 

Elis  was  one  of  those  petty  states  which  E]. 
were  at  all  times  full  of  ambitious  schemes, 
and  ever  anxious  to  carry  on  political  action  on  a grand 
scale.  Because  they  were  in  possession  of  Olympia,  the 
Eleans  fancied  themselves  superior  to  the  other  Pelopon- 
nesians ; and  for  this  reason  they  also  enjoyed  special  con- 
sideration at  the  hands  of  foreign  Great  Powers  (vol.  iv.  p. 
486).  But  since  their  relations  to  Sparta  had  become 
hostile,  the  Eleans  were  unable  to  restore  a tranquil  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  their  own  country  ; they  were  torn 
asunder  by  parties  ; and  inasmuch  as  their  power  was  one 
in  itself  utterly  the  reverse  of  independent,  they  were: 
obliged  to  lean  upon  this,  now  upon  that,  other  state.  As 
allies  of  the  Thebans  they  had  promoted  the  restoration  of 
Man  tinea  (vol.  iv.  p.  437) ; after  the  Arcadian  War  (vol. 
iv.  p.  492)  they  had  sided  against  Thebes  ; and  Sparta,  to 
whom  any  aid  against  Megalopolis  was  welcome,  had,  by 
giving  way  with  respect  to  Triphylia,  contrived  again  to 

15* 


346 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


bring  them  over  to  her  side  (p.  259).  During  this  period 
the  aristocracy,  which  from  the  outset  was  very  powerful 
in  the  land,  had  the  commonwealth  in  its  hands,  while  the 
popular  party  was  in  exile.  It  was  the  latter  party  which 
took  advantage  of  the  presence  of  the  mercenaries,  in 
order  to  effect  by  force  its  return  home.  A murderous 
conflict  ensued,  in  which  the  city-party  ultimately  with 
Arcadian  aid  secured  the  victory.  But  its  leaders,  Euxi- 
theus,  Cleotimus,  and  Aristsechmus,  were  not  content  with 
glutting  their  lust  of  vengeance  after  the  most  savage 
fashion,  and  with  causing  four  thousand  mercenaries  to  be 
put  to  death  as  sacrilegious  despoilers  of  the  temple ; but, 
in  order  to  anticipate  future  revolutions,  they  now  also 
entered  into  connexion  with  Philip,  who  was  extremely 
rejoiced  to  establish  a firm  footing  in  the  land  of  the 

Philip  pro-  Olympian  Zeus,  and  readily  accorded  his  pro- 
Eiis0rof  tection.  Thus  the  Elean  aristocracy  became 
01  cix  i (B  c a body  of  partisans  of  Philip,  and  brought 
343)>  Elis  under  the  influence  of  the  king.  Such 

was  the  sanguinary  epilogue  to  the  Phocian  War  (01. 
cix.  1 ; b.  c.  343). 

of  Messenia  Philip  succeeded  with  yet  greater  ease  in 
AreJos°poIis’  those  states  which,  having  been  founded  by 
Thebes,  were  from  the  first  obliged  to  depend 
upon  foreign  protection,  and  urgently  needed  it  as  against 
Sparta.  For  the  Spartans,  who  at  Pella  had  been  not  less 
than  the  Athenians  deluded  by  false  pretences,  so  long  as 
king  Archidamus  was  with  his  troops  in  Phocis  still  capa- 
ble of  creating  difficulties  for  the  king,  in  their  short- 
sighted policy  continued  to  threaten  their  neighbors  anew, 
and  furnished  Philip  with  the  desired  opportunity  for  en- 
tering upon  the  Theban  course  of  policy.  Thebes  had, 
nine  years  ago,  for  the  last  time  performed  the  duties  of 
her  office  in  the  peninsula  (p.  261)  ; she  now  resigned  it  to 
her  powerful  ally,  who  took  upon  himself  the  protection 
of  the  communities,  sent  troops,  and  forwarded  distinct 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


347 


orders  to  the  Spartans  to  abstain  from  all  encroachments. 
These  successes,  easily  gained,  but  of  extreme  importance, 
followed  immediately  upon  the  Phocian  War,  and  seemed 
to  spring  as  it  were  as  a matter  of  course  from  the  posi- 
tion secured  in  Central  Greece.  The  portal  of  the  penin- 
sula, which  Epaminondas  had  burst  asunder,  was  now  also 
open  to  the  king ; his  orders  prevented  the  Spartan  troops 
from  moving  beyond  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas ; Elis, 
Messenia,  Megalopolis,  and  Argos  likewise  felt  themselves 
dependent  upon  the  new  protector. 

On  the  northern  side  of  the  Isthmus  the  king  of  Meo.ara 
directed  his  attention  to  Megara,  a commer- 
cial city  at  that  time  enjoying  great  wealth  and  prosperi- 
ty, which  had  been  able  rigorously  to  guard  its  independ- 
ence as  against  its  near  neighbor  Thebes.  Here,  too,  he 
brought  over  to  his  side  the  aristocratic  party.  In  the 
same  way  he  again  stretched  forth  his  hand  towards  Eu- 
bcea,  which  was  utterly  defenceless,  since  Thermopylae  had 
become  Macedonian  property,  and  since  an  end  had  been 
put  to  all  resistance  in  Central  Greece.  Finally,  he  was 
already  preparing  the  operations  which,  with  Epirus  as 
his  basis,  were  to  make  him  the  master  of  the  Ionian  and 
Corinthian  Seas. 

With  Athens  the  peace  was  maintained,  and  Relations 
yet  the  object  of  all  Philip’s  measures  was  to  with  Athens, 
surround  that  city  more  and  more  closely  with  a network 
of  strong  points  of  attack,  and  to  cut  off  all  its  lines  of 
foreign  communication.  In  the  Thracian  Sea,  too,  the 
king  made  use  of  his  vessels,  so  as  under  the  pretext  of  ex- 
terminating piracy  to  hold  certain  islands,  such  as  Halon- 
nesus,  occupied ; and  although  he  apparently  took  no 
notice  at  all  of  the  Athenians,  yet  could  their  growing 
helplessness  have  in  no  way  been  more  painfully  brought 
home  to  them  than  when  they  saw  the  king  extending  his 
power  by  land  and  by  water,  in  the  north  and  in  the 
south.  Athens  was  more  than  ever  the  head-quarters  of 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


3 to 


the  adversaries  of  Philip,  the  single  spot  where  men  ex- 
isted who  followed  his  stejis  with  a vigilant  glance,  and 
who  regarded  the  peace  of  Philocrates  as  nothing  better 
than  a truce.* 

At  the  time  of  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  the  warning 
voice  of  Demosthenes  had  been  unable  to  prevail ; the 
Athenians  wished  to  be  deceived,  and  therefore  willingly 
listened  to  such  persons  as  .ZEschines  and  Eubulus.  More- 
Pubiic  over,  their  city  had  more  reason  than  any 
Athens  'after  °^er  t°  desire  peace,  as  guaranteeing  to  the 
Phiioerate°f-  Poor  the  unimpaired  enjoyment  of  the  festi- 
vals, while  the  wealthy  and  the  middle-class 

the  party  _ J > 

of  material  which  bow  had  to  bear  its  share  of  the  public 

interests.  x 

burdens  (p.  119),  were  glad  to  have  nothing 
further  to  hear  at  present  of  war-taxes  and  of  the  equip- 
ment of  ships.  Free  traffic  by  sea  was  not  only  the  inter- 
est of  the  ship  owner  and  the  wholesale  merchant,  but  also 
of  every  inhabitant  of  Athens ; because  in  this  city,  which 
had  to  a great  extent  to  depend  upon  foreign  corn,  the 
character  of  that  traffic  determined  the  prices  of  the  neces- 
sary means  of  life.  Moreover,  Athens  was  the  spot  where 
there  were  still  to  be  found  the  best  artists,  manufacturers, 
and  handicraftsmen  ; all  articles  of  luxury  were  to  be  ob- 
tained here;  and,  accordingly,  no  city  was  more  harmed 
by  the  war,  or  derived  more  advantage  from  the  peace, 
than  Athens.  After  a long  blockade  the  Northern  har- 
bors were  once  more  opening,  where,  in  consequence  of  the 
rapidly  increasing  Hellenization  of  Macedonia,  and  of  the 
growing  abundance  of  pecuniary  resources,  the  demand 
for  the  productions  of  Greek  artistic  industry  likewise  per- 
ceptibly rose.  The  court  of  Philip  once  more  gave  its 
orders  for  such  wares  at  Athens.  In  Greece,  too,  since  the 
emptying  of  the  Delphic  treasury,  a quantity  of  gold  and 
silver  had  come  into  circulation,  which  had  lain  dormant 


* Elis : I>iod.  xvi.  16,  scij.  Arcadia,  &c. : Dem.  xix.  201 ; xviii.  64. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  349 

for  centuries  as  an  unproductive  capital.  Tliis  could  not 
but  in  general  cause  prices  to  rise,  and  life  to  become 
dearer ; and  the  Athenians  were  all  the  more  obliged  to 
depend  upon  their  gains  by  trade  and  manufactures,  in 
that  the  native  sources  of  profit  were  decreasing.  The 
annihilation  of  their  maritime  supremacy  was  necessarily 
a heavy  blow  also  for  the  material  prosperity  of  the  citi- 
zens ; and  the  silver-mines  of  Laurium  began  to  grow  less 
productive  about  the  very  time  when  the  metallic  trea- 
sures of  Thrace  opened  with  an  abundance  hitherto  un- 
divined. For  although  the  author  of  the  essay  on  the 
Revenues  (p.  182)  still  speaks  in  a very  boastful  vein,  so 
as  to  affirm  the  inexhaustible  character  of  the  silver-mines, 
yet  his  artificial  proposals  for  the  advance  of  the  Attic 
smelting  system  in  themselves  clearly  enough  betray  the 
fact  that  the  citizens  no  longer  placed  any  genuine  confi- 
dence in  this  kind  of  investment,  and  promised  themselves 
little  profit  from  the  sinking  of  new  shafts  beyond  the  dis- 
trict fully  turned  to  account  by  their  ancestors, — a view 
which  subsequent  times  thoroughly  justified.  Under  these 
circumstances,  freedom  of  traffic  became  more  and  more 
the  main  source  of  material  prosperity.  “ ITow  foolish, 
then,”  we  read  in  the  same  essay,  “ is  the  judgment  of 
those  who  think  that  Athens  loses  glory  and  authority  by 
the  peace ! In  war,  the  city  will  only  involve  itself  in 
humiliation  and  contempt ; but  in  quiet  times  who  is  not 
in  need  of  Athens  ? In  such  times  the  ship-owners  and  mer- 
chants, the  corn-dealers,  the  wine,  and  oil-producers,  the 
wool-growers,  besides  those  who  deal  with  intellectual  capi- 
tal, the  artists,  the  philosophers,  the  poets,  and  again,  all 
who  desire  to  delight  ear  and  eye  by  artistic  enjoyments  ; 
finally,  those  who  wish  to  sell  or  buy  rapidly, — all  of  them 
have  to  depend  upon  Athens.  In  war,  Athens  is  misera- 
ble and  weak  ; but  in  peace  she  is  great  and  mighty — the 
acknowledged  centre  of  the  educated  world.  For  this  rea- 
son, then,  her  foreign  policy,  too,  ought  to  be  a policy  of 


350 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


peace ; she  ought  not  to  seek  to  bring  the  neighboring 
states  to  her  side  by  force  and  by  offensive  claims  of  do- 
minion, but  by  benefits  conferred  upon  them ; she  ought 
to  obtain  influence  and  secure  allies  by  means  of  em- 
bassies, without  pecuniary  sacrifices  or  the  troubles  of 
war.”  This  was  precisely  the  congress-policy  recom- 
mended by  Eubulus  and  -ZEschines  (p.  301)  ; and  when 
we  read  further  in  the  same  author  : “ If  you,  Athenians, 

after  this  fashion  earnestly  set  to  work  throughout  Hellas, 
that  the  sanctuary  at  Delphi  may  regain  its  former  inde- 
pendence, I deem  it  by  no  means  improbable  that  you 
will  have  all  the  Hellenes  unanimously  on  your  side  as 
allies  against  those  who  now  after  its  evacuation  by  the 
Phocians  seek  to  make  themselves  masters  of  that  sanctu- 
ary ; ” — it  is  assuredly  manifest,  that  the  essay  belongs  to 
no  other  period  than  that  of  the  Peace  of  Philocrates,  and 
that  it  expresses  the  opinion  of  those  Athenians  who  re- 
garded the  power  of  the  allied  Macedonians,  Thessalians, 
and  Thebans  as  one  which  was  illegal  and  insecure  in  it- 
self, and  which  required  to  be  put  an  end  to  by  peaceable 
means.* 

About  the  same  time  the  aged  Isocrates 
Phiiippus.8  composed  his  oration  to  Philip.  He,  too,  in- 
veighs against  the  unblessed  demagogues,  as 
ever  anew  desirous  of  involving  the  city  in  war,  in  order 
to  recover  for  it  a position,  which  in  reality  was  irre- 
coverably lost,  and  which  had  never  been  a real  blessing, 
because  it  had  invariably  been  based  upon  injustice,  and 
had  never  admitted  of  being  established  except  by  blood 


* Xenophon  (so-called)  nepi  n po<r6!>u>v,  extols  the  mines,  c.  27.  The  passage 
translated  in  the  text  is  treated  by  Boeckh,  P.  Ec.  of  Ath.  vol.  ii.  p.  393  [Eng. 
Tr.];  but  his  interpretation  is  intolerably  artificial,  and  was  only  made  in 
order  to  save  the  supposed  authorship  of  Xenophon,  which  has  meanwhile 
already  been  questioned  in  another  quarter  (Onclcen,  Isocr.  u.  A.  p.  9(i).  My 
view,  developed  in  the  text,  I find  confirmed  by  Hagen  in  Eos  ii.  2,  149.  This 
renders  unnecessary  the  hypothesis  of  Cobet,  Mnem.  yii.  409.  Cf.  Philol 
Xxiii.  657. 


Chap,  iv.j  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  351 

and  iron  at  tlie  expense  of  material  prosperity.  For  this 
reason  Isocrates  had  already  uttered  his  imprecations 
against  the  war  about  Amphipolis,  and  had  advanced  the 
peace-negotiations,  when  they  at  last  began,  in  every  pos- 
sible way.  But  in  this  view  the  Macedonian  power  was, 
not  a national  calamity,  which  it  might  be  hoped  would 
soon  pass  away,  but  the  long-desired  commencement  of  a 
better  future,  of  a new  age  of  salvation.  The  Hellenic 
republics  are  mutually  irreconcilable ; what  is  needed  is 
a great  man,  a hero  standing  above  the  parties  and  unit- 
ing the  states.  Several  times  Providence  has  already 
shown  such  a man  to  our  view;  Archidamus,  Iason, 
Dionysius,  seemed  to  be  the  men  summoned  to  the  mission. 
At  last  he  has  actually  appeared, — a man,  whose  historical 
mission  is  not  open  to  doubt,  a prince  of  the  race  of  the 
Heraclidse,  as  Archidamus  was.  He  is  the  new  Agamem- 
non, who  shall  again  lead  the  Hellenes  into  the  field 
against  their  hereditary  foe.  In  him  confidence  should  be 
placed,  and  no  hearing  should  be  given  to  the  orators  who 
abuse  him,  and  who  thereby  inflict  the  greatest  damage 
upon  their  native  land.  The  evil  he  has  done  to  indi- 
vidual Hellenes  is  the  consequence  of  the  hostility  unwisely 
fomented  against  him.  It  is  the  War  which  is  cruel,  not 
Philip.  Thus  to  him  Isocrates  attaches  the  national 
hopes ; and  for  this  reason  now  also  addresses  himself  im- 
mediately to  him,  entreats  him  not  to  expose  his  person 
too  much,  and  begs  him  not  to  allow  his  opponents  to 
irritate  him  against  Athens.  Let  him  render  the  peace 
which  has  been  concluded  a lasting  one,  and  on  the  basis 
of  it  recommence  the  long-interrupted  National  War,  as 
to  the  successful  issue  of  which  there  can  be  no  doubt,  in 
view  of  the  weakness  of  the  said  Persian  Empire  as  proved 
by  Cyrus  and  Agesilaus.  This  was  the  ancient  policy  of 
Cimon:  that  of  putting  an  end  to  the  quarrels  at  home  by 
means  of  a war  with  Persia  (vol.  ii.  p.  411), — an  idea 
which,  as  a promising  subject  of  eloquence,  had  already 


352  History  of  Greece.  [Booe  vu 

frequently  been  treated  by  other  rhetors,  in  particular  by 
Gorgias  and  Lysias,  in  public  festive  orations,  but  to  which 
Isocrates  first  again  restored  a political  significance. 

Finally,  there  existed  a third  party,  which 
fronds1.  s was  zealous  for  the  peace  neither  on  patriotic 
grounds,  nor  from  consideration  for  the  general 
material  prosperity,  but  on  account  of  its  personal  relations 
to  Philip’s  court.  We  may  assume  with  certainty,  that 
since  the  time  when  the  attitude  of  the  Athenian  civic 
community  had  necessarily  become  an  object  of  anxious 
attention  to  Philip,  i.  e.  since  the  dispute  about  Ampliipo- 
lis  (p.  56),  he  had  his  agents  at  Athens,  who  were  at  work 
in  his  interest,  in  order  to  restrain  the  citizens  from  vigo- 
rous resolutions,  to  confirm  them  in  their  careless  con- 
fidence in  the  royal  promises  and  pretences,  and  to  place 
Philip  under  obligations  to  themselves  by  means  of  menial 
services  on  his  behalf.  They  fomented  and  took  advantage 
of  all  the  moods  of  public  feeling  advantageous  to  the 
purposes  of  Philip,  the  warlike  (p.  257)  as  well  as  the 
peaceable ; and  the  nearer  the  power  of  the  king  ap- 
proached, the  more  audaciously  they  revealed  their  senti- 
ments. Did  not  Philocrates  boast  before  the  whole  people 
of  the  money  which  he  had  received,  and  openly  display 
the  prosperity  which  he  owed  to  the  favor  of  the  king  ? 
The  others  proceeded  with  greater  caution.  But  iEschines 
too  had  received  landed  property  in  Macedonia ; he  too 
now  openly  avowed  himself  on  the  side  of  Philip,  and 
anticipated  all  kinds  of  benefits  at  the  hands  of  the  same 
man,  whom  he  had  recently  attacked  as  the  worst  foe  of 
his  native  city.  These  men  and  their  fellow-partisans, 
Pythocles,  Hegemon,  Demades,  now  bore  themselves  as  if 
all  the  rest  had  proved  to  have  been  the  victims  of  a delv- 
sion,  and  as  if  they  alone  were  the  true  statesmen  and 
the  politicians  of  influence  at  the  present  time. 

Thus  we  find  after  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  three 
political  parties  at  Athens,  which  we  may  call  those  of 


Chap,  r/.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  353 

Eubulus,  Isocrates,  and  Philocrates, — three  par-  The  three 

ties,  which  notwithstanding  all  the  difference 
in  their  standpoints  were  agreed  in  viewing  the 
recently-concluded  peace  in  the  light  of  a blessing  for 
Athens,  and  in  representing  all  those  who  endangered  its 
endurance  as  her  enemies.  In  his  “ Philip  ” Isocrates  in- 
veighs against  those  “ who  rage  on  the  orators’  tribune,” 
those  “who  are  envious  of  the  powerful  king,  who  inces- 
santly cast  suspicion  upon  him,  create  confusion  among 
the  cities,  find  in  the  common  peace  a snare  for  liberty, 
and  talk  as  if  the  power  of  the  king  were  growing,  not  on 
behalf  of  Hellas,  but  against  it,  as  if  after  regulating  the 
affairs  of  Phocis  he  had  no  other  end  in  view  but  the  sub- 
jection of  all  Greece, — together  with  other  follies,  which 
they  advance  with  as  much  certainty  as  if  they  had  most 
accurately  ascertained  the  truth  of  everything.  It  was 
thus  that  an  Attic  patriot,  the  venerated  head  of  a wide 
circle,  would  represent  the  policy  of  Demosthenes,  whom 
the  bought  partisans  not  less  abused  as  one  of  those  unquiet 
minds,  which  made  it  so  difficult  for  the  magnanimous 
king  to  carry  out  his  benevolent  intentions  towards 
Athens.* 

And  yet  neither  was  Demosthenes  so  de- 
serted, nor  his  position  so  unsupported,  as  might  weS^points. 
be  expected.  His  activity  had  not  been  in 
vain ; his  personal  authority  had  risen.  While  to  the 
aged  Isocrates,  who  was  old  enough  to  have  witnessed  the 
full  distress  of  the  Peloponnesian  War,  the  history  of  the 
Attic  free  commonwealth  seemed  like  an  orbit  which  had 
attained  to  its  conclusion  and  could  not  be  begun  afresh,  a 
younger  generation  had  grown  up,  in  whose  breasts  the 
words  of  Demosthenes  had  struck  fire.  The  circumstances 
of  the  times  were  likewise  in  his  favor;  for  they  at  all 
events  served  to  cause  no  doubt  to  remain  as  to  the  situa- 


* Isocrates  (xii.  76)  describes  in  Agamemnon  the  person  of  Philip,  and 
Inveighs  (v.  73 ; 129)  against  Demosthenes. 


354 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VI L 


tiou  of  affairs,  and  to  destroy  false  conceptions.  How 
could  the  delusion  be  now  any  further  indulged,  that  the 
king  might  be  stayed  by  embassies  and  peaceable  com- 
pacts, as  the  followers  of  Eubulus  wished ! And  with 
reference  to  the  hopes  of  an  Isocrates,  the  royal  answer  to 
this  address  had  been  given  in  the  destruction  of  the  Pho- 
cian  cities,  which  ensued  immediately  upon  the  transmis- 
sion of  his  last  oration ; the  terrible  events  in  the  Chalci- 
dian  peninsula  had  repeated  themselves  in  the  very  heart 
of  Greece.  Could  any  sober  mind  still  continue  to  give 
itself  up  to  the  delusion,  that  Philip  really  desired  to  be 
nothing  more  than  a leader  of  the  Hellenes  in  national 
deeds  of  arms  ? And  the  other  partisans  of  Philip,  who 
behaved  with  so  lordly  an  arrogance,  as  if  they  had 
already  won  their  game,  could  not  but  by  their  treacher- 
ous sentiments  forfeit  all  respect  in  any  circle  where  Hel- 
lenic civic  virtue  was  still  held  of  any  account.  For  even 
the  less  guilty  among  them  had  revealed  themselves  before 
the  people  as  self-seeking,  characterless  turncoats,  as  un- 
trustworthy go-betweens  who  had  repeatedly  deceived  their 
fellow-citizens  by  means  of  delusive  fictions.  How  could 
it  be  intended  to  concede  to  them  an  influence  upon  public 
affairs  ? 


Growing  -^s  against  all  the  three  peace-parties  De- 
of  Demos  mostlienes  accordingly  could  not  fail  to  gain 
thenes.  in  authority ; and  thus  it  came  to  pass,  that 
immediately  after  the  heaviest  defeat  which  had  been  suf- 
fered by  his  policy,  his  personal  individuality  stood  forth 
more  powerfully  than  ever  from  among  the  midst  of  the 
citizens.  Not  only  among  the  younger  generation,  but 
among  the  older  citizens  too  he  became  trusted.  For  it 
being  known,  how  on  the  Macedonian  side  no  higher  im- 
portance was  attached  to  any  voice  than  to  his,  the  inde- 
pendence of  his  character,  inaccessible  to  all  temptations, 
and  the  immovable  fixity  of  his  personal  convictions 
could  not  fail  to  secure  him  a constantly  increasing  respect 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


355 


He  alone  had  remained  true  to  himself;  he  alone  was  in- 
cessantly at  work  on  behalf  of  the  city,  had  established 
connexions  with  the  traders  in  Thrace,  Macedonia,  and 
Thessaly,  was  always  readiest  with  full  information  ; and, 
although  he  had  for  a time  believed  in  the  possibility  of 
an  honest  peace,  had  now  himself  attained  to  a clearer 
view  of  the  condition  of  affairs.  And  if  notwithstanding 
this  he  had  on  the  occasion  of  the  last  embassy  anew 
counselled  peace  (p.  338),  yet  this  speech  for  peace  was  in 
reality  only  a summons  to  war,  but  to  a war  prepared  with 
prudence,  a war  in  which  the  Athenians  should  not  be 
confronted  by  the  momentarily  existing  armed  league,  and 
which  would  not  turn  upon  the  Amphictyonic  innovations, 
which  assuredly  must  collapse  so  soon  as  Philip’s  power 
should  have  been  broken,  but  in  which  it  might  be  possible 
to  fight  under  more  favorable  circumstances  on  behalf  of 
the  essential  and  indispensable  possessions  of  Athens. 

It  is  the  preparation  for  this  decisive  struggle 
which  Demosthenes  pursues  with  unabating  0fEthe°cYty!S 
force.  Everything  therefore  depends  upon 
strengthening  the  conviction  of  its  necessity,  upon  estab- 
lishing connexions,  and  upon  increasing  the  means  of 
offence  and  defence.  The  resources  of  the  city  were  still 
by  no  means  small.  It  was  poor  by  reason  of  its  bad 
financial  system,  but  the  people  were  comparatively  well- 
to-do;  and  Demosthenes  could  with  a brave  heart  exclaim 
to  his  fellow-citizens:  “Look,  ye  men  of  Athens,  upon 
your  city ! In  it  there  exists  a wealth,  I may  indeed  say, 
like  unto  that  of  all  other  cities  taken  together.”  Nor  was 
there  as  yet  any  lack  of  public  spirit.  Men  are  mentioned, 
such  as  Nausicles  and  Diotimus,  who  in  the  trierarchic 
services  distinguished  themselves  by  their  self-sacrificing 
efforts.  Moreover,  immediately  after  the  conclusion  of 
the  peace,  the  Athenians  had  set  to  work  to  give  complete- 
ness to  the  harbors  of  war,  to  build  new  ship-sheds,  and  to 
create  an  arsenal,  which  under  the  direction  of  the  archi- 


356 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU 


Consti- 

tutional 

reforms. 


tect  Philon  became  an  object  of  patriotic  pride  on  tbe  part 
of  tbe  Athenians;  to  this  purpose  an  annual  sum  of  ten 
talents  (£2,437)  was  devoted  from  the  year  01.  cviii.  2 
(b.  c.  347),  and  the  wealthy  resident  aliens  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  State  likewise  in  part  contributed  with 
great  ardor.  The  superintendence-in-chief  was  confided  to 
Eubulus.* 

About  the  same  time  earnest  attention  had 
also  been  devoted  to  the  improvement  of  home 
affairs,  as  is  already  attested  by  the  essay  “on 
the  Revenues The  Athenians  were  not,  however,  satisfied 
with  mere  proposals  but  set  actually  to  work,  therein 
partly  following  the  same  standpoints,  which  are  indicated 
in  the  above-named  essay.  Thus  provision  was  made  for 
an  improvement  of  the  judicial  system,  and  a law  was 
passed,  according  to  ivhich  law-suits,  the  protraction  of 
which  was  specially  damaging  to  the  progress  of  traffic,  in 
particular  suits  having  reference  to  commerce  and  naviga- 
tion, had  to  be  settled  within  a month.  Meanwhile,  not 
only  were  the  interests  of  trade  kept  in  view,  but  it  was 
also  sought  to  remove  the  more  deep-lying  abuses.  Thus 
most  rigorous  measures  were  taken  against  all  those  who 
were  suspected  of  having  engaged  in  attempts  at  bribing 
the  citizens  in  the  popular  assembly  and  in  the  courts  of 
law.  A certain  Demophilus  distinguished  himself  in  this 
matter  by  his  patriotic  ardor ; and  the  same  statesman  in 
01.  cviii.  3 (b.  c.  346)  proposed  a general  examination  of 
the  list  of  citizens.  This  was  beyond  doubt  a measure 
intended  to  purge  the  city  of  strangers,  indifferent  to  its 
welfare  and  untrustworthy,  and  in  general  to  re-elevate 
the  spirit  of  the  civic  community ; it  was  a measure  of  an 


* Multifarious  connexions  of  Demosthenes  with  the  Greeks  traveling  or 
resident  in  Macedonia,  Thrace,  and  Thessaly:  Dem.  viii.  14;  and  Rehdantz 
ad  loc. — The  resources  of  Athens : Dem.  xiv.  25 ; Boeckh,  P.  Ee.  of  Ath.  vol.  ii. 
p.248  [Eng.  Tr.]. — Zeal  of  the  meloeci:  ib.  p.  230;  G.  Curtius  in  Philol.  xxiv. 
268. — Naugicles  and  Diotimus:  Schafer,  ii.  309. 


Chap,  iv.}  Xasi!  Struggles  for  Independence.  357 

aristocratic  tendency,  like  the  corresponding  law  of  Aristo- 
plion  of  old  (vol.  iv.  p.  71.) 

With  these  measures  is  also  connected  an  innovation 
with  regard  to  the  popular  assembly.  Here  the  evil  of 
clamorous  lawlessness  had  continuously  increased.  The 
presidency  over  the  citizens  had  been  transferred  from  the 
Prytanes  (vol.  iii.  p.  543)  to  the  Proedri,  a commission  of 
nine  men,  chosen  by  lot  out  of  the  civic  tribes  not  repre- 
sented in  the  presiding  prytany.  Now,  a new  way  was 
adopted.  For  every  popular  assembly  one  of  the  ten 
tribes  of  the  civic  body  was  designated,  which  assumed  the 
responsibility  of  preserving  order  and  decency;  to  this 
tribe  seats  were  given  in  the  vicinity  of  the  orators’  tri- 
bune, so  that  it  might  protect  the  orator  against  any  unfair 
treatment ; it  was  in  fact  a commission  of  persons  appointed 
out  of  the  midst  of  the  citizens  for  the  preservation  of 
order.  Hereby  it  was  designed  to  reanimate  the  sense 
of  honor  in  the  community,  and  to  counteract  the  efforts 
of  those  who  observed  with  inner  satisfaction  the  growing 
decay  of  the  popular  assembly,  because  they  regarded  this 
as  a confirmation  of  their  view,  that  a democracy  like  the 
Attic  was  utterly  incapable  of  an  independent  and  effec- 
tive policy.  It  is  not  improbable,  that  about  the  same 
time  the  Areopagus  too  was  again  allowed  a greater  influ- 
ence upon  public  life,  and  that  powers  were  again  con- 
ferred upon  it,  particularly  for  proceeding  with  the  utmost 
rigor  against  public  treason.  We  therefore  recognize 
after  the  humiliation  brought  upon  the  Athenians  by  the 
Peace  of  Pliilocrates  and  by  the  ruin  of  Phocis  an  honora- 
ble striving  to  improve  the  public  state  of  things,  and  to 
remedy  the  abuses  of  the  democracy, — such  as  had  also 
shown  itself  after  the  Sicilian  calamity  (vol.  iii.  p.  437), 
and  after  the  rule  of  the  Thirty.  In  other  words,  there 
still  existed  an  efficient  stock  of  citizens  possessed  of  a 
healthy  spirit  and  of  a lively  feeling  for  the  welfare  of  the 
city,  and  refusing  to  despair  of  its  future.  It  was  only 


358 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VI I. 


indispensable  to  unite  and  guide  those  who  were  animated 
by  patriotic  sentiments.* 

r Demosthenes  was  from  the  first  no  party-’ 

thenes  and  mau  (p.  274).  His  was  an  uncommonly  inde- 
ties-  pendent  nature;  he  was  wont  to  pursue  his 

own  paths,  and  confided  in  the  power  of  truth,  as  one  from 
which  the  civic  community  would  in  the  end  be  unable  to 
escape.  But  at  the  same  time  it  could  not  fail  to  happen, 
that  his  views  in  many  respects  agreed  with  the  stand- 
points of  the  older  parties  among  the  citizens.  Thus  he 
shared  with  the  Boeotian  party  (p.  87)  a love  for  the 
constitution,  a vigorous  spirit  of  enterprise,  and  a determi- 
nation not  to  allow  any  start  to  Sparta.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  approached  to  Callistratus’  policy  of  the  mainte- 
nance of  a balance  of  power  (p.  99),  and  shared  his 
aversion  from  Boeotia, — an  aversion,  which  after  the  ne- 
gotiations of  the  Thebans  with  Persia  (vol.  iv.  p.  482  seq.) 
and  during  the  Phocian  War  had  become  continuously 
more  intense  and  general  at  Athens.  In  the  speech  for 
Megalopolis  he  considers  it  the  most  important  point  of 
view  for  Attic  policy,  to  allow  neither  Sparta  nor  Thebes 
to  become  powerful ; and  in  the  speech  against  Aristocrates 
he  is  able  to  regard  the  discord  prevailing  among  the 
Hellenes  as  the  good  fortune  of  Athens.f  Gradually  the 
aspect  of  things  changed.  In  proportion  as  the  times  be- 
came increasingly  serious,  Athens  became  more  decidedly, 
as  she  had  been  in  the  Persian  Wars,  the  head-quarters  of 
all  efforts  for  liberty;  all  narrow-hearted  considerations 
with  regard  to  the  other  states  fell  more  and  more  into  the 


* Expedition  of  procedure  in  commercial  suits,  recommended  by  “Xen.” 
m.  s.  iii.  3 ; introduced  before  the  transactions  concerning  Halonnesus 
(“  Dem.”  vii.  12). — Atai/oj^uri;  on  the  motion  of  Demophilus:  iEschin.  i.  77; 
Seh&fer,  ii.  289. — Tlpoe&pot,  cf.  ante  Note  to  yol.  iv.  67 ; Viseher,  Epigr.  Beitr.  aus 
Gr.  63.— i'vK'ri  irpoeSpevovo-a:  ZEschin.  i.  33;  Ferd.  Schultz,  Demosthenes  und  d’e 
Redefreihe't , 21. — Areopagus : Meier  u.  Schomann  Alt.  Prozess,  344.  As  the  text 
shows,  several  extraordinary  commissions  occur  in  this  period,  which  are 
entrusted  to  the  Areopagus, 
f Policy  of  a balance  of  power ; Dem.  xvi.  4;  xxiii.  102. 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


m 


The 

Patriot- 

party: 


background ; the  national  idea  attained  to  more  and  more 
powerful  prominence,  and  by  it  was  formed  a new  party. 
This  party  gathered  round  Demosthenes. 

Men  took  up  their  position  by  his  side,  who, 
stimulated  by  his  speeches  and  action,  or 
moved  by  an  impulse  in  themselves,  pursued 
the  same  aims ; men  in  whom  the  sentiments  of  a better 
age  revived  once  more,  orators  and  statesmen  of  a truly 
Republican  character,  whose  glance  was  vigilant,  like  that 
of  Demosthenes,  wherever  the  honor  of  the  city  was  at 
issue,  near  at  hand  and  afar  off.  Among  them  was 
Hegesippus  of  Sunium,  formerly  an  adhe-  Hegesippus> 
rent  of  Leodamas  (p.  87),  a fiery  patriot,  who 
already  in  the  year  357  had  ardently  advocated  the  preser- 
vation of  Cardia,  when  that  important  city  was  sacrificed 
(p.  140) ; in  the  same  sense  he  had  urged  upon  the  Athe- 
nians an  energetic  alliance  with  the  Phocians,  so  long  as 
they  still  possessed  power  of  resistance,  and  had  most  de- 
cisively withstood  the  Peace  of  Philocrates.  Of  yet  higher 
mark  were  Lycurgus  and  Hyperides.  Lycur-  Lycurgus 
gus,  the  son  of  Lycophron,  was  slightly  senior 
to  Demosthenes,  and  belonged  to  the  ancient  priestly 
family  of  the  Eteobutadse.  He  was  an  Attic  nobleman  in 
the  best  sense  of  the  word.  Of  a lofty  spirit  and  loyal  to 
the  traditions  of  his  home,  he  as  it  were  towered  into  the 
present  out  of  a better  past.  But  he  stood  towards  his 
times  in  no  attitude  of  unsympathetic  and  hostile  contra- 
diction ; he  was  thoroughly  moderate,  and  therefore  ready 
to  consent  to  concessions  and  open  to  conciliation,  although 
he  made  rigorous  demands  upon  others  as  well  as  upon 
himself.  At  the  same  time,  he  was  an  enemy  of  all  under- 
hand intrigues,  truthful,  simple  in  manners  and  pious,  a 
patriot  animated  by  the  keenest  sense  of  honor  and,  if  only 
for  this  reason,  decidedly  anti-Macedonian,  although  other- 
wise he  was  not  a member  of  the  popular  party,  but  rather 
had  aristocratic  leanings.  His  was  an  idealizing  nature. 


360  History  of  Greece.  [BookVii. 

With  a certain  enthusiastic  bent  he  gave  himself  up  to  the 
impression  left  upon  him  by  the  ancient  poets;  he  had  a 
receptive  sense  for  plastic  art;  he  was  an  admirer  of  Plato, 
but  refused  to  allow  this  to  restrain  him  from  an  active 
participation  in  public  life.  On  the  contrary,  he  trained 
himself  with  the  utmost  conscientiousness  as  an  orator, 
and  took  advantage  of  the  influence  which  he  gained  in 
this  capacity  never  to  weary  in  throwing  light  upon  all 
the  defects  in  the  State,  in  chastising  treason  and  immo- 
rality, in  maintaining  the  honorable  traditions  of  the  past, 
and  in  insisting,  as  in  the  houses  of  the  citizens,  so  also  in 
the  affairs  of  the  commonwealth,  upon  discipline  and  order. 

Hyperides  Hyperides,  too,  the  son  of  Glaucippus,  was 
of  a family  of  repute,  and  an  eager  champion 
of  national  independence;  but  in  other  respects  he  was  the 
antitype  of  Lycurgus.  For  his  was  a sensual  nature, 
devoid  of  any  moral  anchorage,  prone  to  indulgence  in  all 
pleasures  ; though  at  the  same  time  he  contrived  like 
Alcibiades  to  keep  his  intellectual  vigor  unimpaired.  He 
was  a man  of  original  power,  to  a far  higher  degree  than 
Lycurgus  a born  orator,  rapid  and  skilful  in  the  combina- 
tion of  ideas,  pointed  in  expression,  fresh  and  natural  and 
Poiveuctea  ready  wit.  These  men  were  joined  by  others, 
Caiiisthenes,  gueP  ag  p0lyeuctes  of  Sphettus;  Callisthenes, 

Nan  sides,  who  after  the  destruction  of  the  Phocian  towns 

Biotimus, 

Timarchus.  called  upon  the  Athenians  to  place  city  and 
country  in  a condition  of  defence;  Aristonicus, 
the  Anagyrasian;  Xausicles,  who  as  general  had  guarded 
Thermopylae  (p.  79)  the  patriotic  Diotimus;  and  lastly 
Timarchus,  Arizelus’  son,  an  Athenian  of  uncommon  ac- 
tivity, who  was  on  many  occasions  entrusted  with  pub- 
lic missions,  and  in  his  policy  stood  entirely  on  the  side 
of  Demosthenes,  as  is  proved  by  the  law  proposed  by  him 
01.  cviii.  2,  B.  c.  347-6,  in  which  he  moved  that  the 
penalty  of  death  should  be  incurred  by  all  those  who  sup- 
plied the  king  with  ships’  furniture  or  arms. 


chap,  iv.j  Xa st  Struggles  for  Independence. 


361 


Tlius  Demosthenes,  who  for  a series  of  years  had  been 
left  in  so  solitary  a position,  now  saw  himself  surrounded 
by  a considerable  group  of  sympathetic  associates.  The 
serious  significance  of  the  times  had  exercised  its  effect. 
Their  demands  were  so  clear  and  so  inevitable,  that  men 
of  the  most  various  tendencies,  aristocrats  and  democrats, 
philosophers  and  men  of  the  world,  idealizing  and  simply 
practical  natures,  without  any  previous  understanding 
united  in  common  points  of  view.  It  is  true  that  at  the 
same  time — and  indeed  it  cannot  be  otherwise  in  party-life 
— some  elements  united  which  originally  were  not  homo- 
geneous, impure  characters  attached  themselves  to  the 
pure  Demosthenes ; yet  after  all  it  amounted  to  a great 
progress,  that  in  the  place  of  the  stolid  indifference,  such 
as  had  formerly  prevailed,  views  standing  in  bold  contrast 
to  one  another  had  now  formed  themselves  at  Athens. 
The  three  fractions  of  the  Peace-party  were  now  con- 
fronted by  a Patriot-party,  which  regarded  Demosthenes 
as  its  leading  champion.* 

But  the  more  that  the  national  party  in  „ , 

1 J Party-eon- 

Athens  drew  together,  the  more  inevitable  be-  lests  in  *he 

. , . law-courts. 

came  the  conflict  between  it  and  its  adversa- 
ries. In  particular  it  could  not  be  endured,  that  the 
partisans  of  the  king  should  now  as  heretofore  present 
themselves  as  honest  citizens  before  the  civic  body.  Right 
and  wrong  must  become  clearly  distinguished,  so  that  the 
consciences  of  men  might  become  more  keen.  This  pur- 
pose had  to  be  served  by  the  law-courts,  which  among  the 
Athenians  were  so  closely  connected  with  public  life,  and 
from  which  it  was  customary  to  expect  the  ultimate  deci- 
sion even  in  political  differences.  Those  proceedings, 
which  had  not  been  settled  in  the  popular  assembly,  had 

* Hegesippus  on  behalf  of  Cardia:  Dem.  vii.  43. — Hyperides,  son 

TKavKimrov  tov  pyjropoi ; but  the  distinguished  character  of  his  origin  is 
shown  by  the  hereditary  tomb  before  the  Horsemen’s  Gate:  Vit.  X.  Oral 
849. — Callisthenes : Pern.  xix.  8fi.  Cf.  as  to  the  Attic  statesmen  of  the  na- 
tional party,  Schafer,  ii.  298 — 312. 

16 


362 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


to  be  resumed  by  means  of  public  law-suits;  for  judicial 
sentences  were  required  to  establish  the  fact,  that  the 
civic  community  bad  been  most  vilely  deceived  by  its 
plenipotentiaries,  in  order  that  hereby  the  citizens  might 
be  forced  once  for  all  to  dissolve  the  connexion  between 
themselves  and  such  guides.  The  suits  concerning  the 
embassy  were  therefore  uot  due  to  a petty  appetite  for 
vengeance  or  to  personal  scheming  ; neither  were  they 
useless  squabbles  about  matters  settled  and  irremediable  ; 
on  the  contrary,  they  were  struggles  necessary  in  order  to 
make  clear  the  stand-point  of  the  parties,  and  together 
with  the  authors  of  the  peace  to  bring  the  whole  matter 
of  the  peace  itself  in  its  true  aspect  before  the  eyes  of  the 
Athenians. 


Demos-  Demosthenes  took  the  first  step,  by  calling 

jEschine's  ADschines  to  account.  The  customary  form 
was  that  of  a question  being  promulgated  to 
all  the  citizens  by  the  Board  of  Account  within  thirty 
days  after  the  completion  of  an  official  task  : whether  any 
one  had  any  information  to  bring  forward  as  to  neglect  of 
official  duties.  Demosthenes  presented  an  act  of  accusa- 
tion, and  declared  himself  ready,  together  with  Timarchus, 
who  had  placed  his  name  together  with  that  of  Demos- 
thenes on  the  presentment,  to  prove  that  iEschines  had 
performed  his  office  of  ambassador  in  a manner  contra- 
vening duty  and  conscience. 

„ , Demosthenes  had  every  reason  for  reckon- 

Condemna-  J 

tion  of  Timar-  ing  on  success  ; but  he  had  associated  himself 
cbus.  p ’ 

with  a man,  who  had  nothing  in  common  with 
him  except  the  immediate  party-object,  and  whose  fellow- 
ship became  very  disadvantageous  to  the  whole  case. 

„ Timarchus  was  a man  of  loose  habits  of  life, 
(b.  0.345).  who  had  publicly  offended  against  propriety; 
and  however  little  importance  really  attached  to  these 
faults  of  character  in  connexion  with  the  matter  at  issue, 
yet  fEschines  contrived  with  extreme  cunning  to  take 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  363 

advantage  of  this  circumstance.  He  busily  accumulated 
whatever  objectionable  incidents  were  to  be  discovered  in 
the  wild  youth  of  Timarchus,  and  with  a hypocritical  zeal 
on  behalf  of  virtue  attacked  him  so  effectively,  that  he  was 
declared  to  have  forfeited  his  honor  as  a citizen.  The 
consequence  was,  that  the  entire  accusation  became  in- 
valid, and  that  iEschines  not  only  personally  rose  in  au- 
thority with  many  citizens,  but  that  at  the  same  time  an  un- 
favorable light  fell  upon  Demosthenes  and  his  case,  on  ac- 
count of  his  association  with  such  a reprobate.  The  party- 
manoeuvre  had  succeeded  to  perfection.  The  Philippic 
faction  was  again  full  of  confidence  ; and  the  king  doubt- 
less remembered  to  encourage  his  partisans  by  all  kinds 
of  new  promises.  They  once  more  dared  publicly  to  de- 
clare themselves  in  his  favor ; iEschines  himself  already 
in  his  speech  against  Timarchus  points  anew  to  the  benevo- 
lent intentions  of  Philip ; and  seizes  the  occasion  for  in- 
veighing against  Hegesippus,  and  against  Demosthenes  as 
a man  dangerous  to  the  city  and  of  pernicious  influence 
upon  its  youth.  The  entire  speech  was  a party-speech ; 
and  here  iEschines  was  in  his  own  most  proper  sphere, 
acting  the  moralist,  with  his  pathos  acquired  on  the  stage, 
and  under  this  mask  continuing  successfully  to  ward  off 
the  assault  of  the  national  party. 

But  a decision  could  not  be  brought  about  by  this  suc- 
cess ; it  was  nothing  more  than  a truce.  Demosthenes 
sustained  the  indictment  even  after  the  condemnation  of 
Timarchus  ; and  although  he  abstained  from  immediately 
resuming  it,  he  only  did  this  because  he  was  awaiting  a 
more  favorable  moment  for  the  further  prosecution  of  the 
suit.  In  consequence  of  the  composition  of  the  Attic  juries 
the  entire  success  of  such  disputes-at-law  depended  upon 
the  mood  of  the  civic  community  ; and  Demosthenes  could 
safely  calculate  upon  many  a thing  speedily  happening 
which  would  remove  the  guilt  of  iEschines  beyond  all 
question.  For  it  was  already  suspicious  enough  that 


364 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


iEschines  Lad  raised  a protest,  wLen  Demosthenes  after 
the  termination  of  the  second  embassy  submitted  himself 
to  the  Board  of  Account,  in  order  to  render  an  account  of 
his  proceedings  ; iEschines  maintained  that  there  was  no 
special  account  required  in  the  case  of  this  second  em- 
bassy, which  was  nothing  but  a continuation  of  the  former 
and  rested  on  the  same  instructions  and  powers.  This 
view  was,  as  was  to  be  expected,  rejected  by  the  authori- 
ties, who  caused  Demosthenes,  and  probably  also  the  other 
envoys,  to  render  an  account,  while  the  indictment  re- 
mained suspended  over  iEschines. 

, The  next  years  were  not  favorable  to  the 
Antiphon.  repute  of  iEschines.  In  particular  it  wore  an 
01.  cviii.  r evil  aspect  for  him,  that  he  took  up  the  case 

(b.  c.  344).  1 1 

of  a certain  Antiphon,  whom  Demosthenes 
had  caused  to  be  arrested,  because  he  was  very  strongly 
suspected  of  having  entered  into  a treasonable  engagement 
with  the  Macedonians,  and  having  promised  in  return  for 
gold  from  Philip  to  set  fire  to  the  ship-sheds  of  the  Pirseeus. 
iEschines  declared  the  procedure  of  Demosthenes,  who 
had  here  doubtless  intervened  in  some  official  capacity,  to 
be  an  unconstitutional  encroachment,  a violation  of  civic 
liberty  and  of  the  lawful  sanctity  of  a man’s  house ; he 
contrived  to  gain  over  the  popular  assembly  to  his  side 
and  to  bring  about  the  liberation  of  the  guilty  man, 
although  the  name  of  the  latter  was  expunged  from  the 
lists  of  the  citizens.  But  at  this  point  the  Areopagus  in- 
terfered, which  we  on  this  occasion  see  for  the  first  time 
coming  forward  as  armed  with  special  powers ; by  its  or- 
ders Antiphon  was  arrested  anew,  brought  before  a jury, 
and,  his  guilt  having  been  proved,  put  to  death. 

Condemna  fresb  blow,  suffered  by  the  Macedonian 

tion  of  Philo-  party,  proceeded  from  Hyperides.  It  was 
crates.  1 J 7 1 J 1 

about  this  time  that  he  subjected  to  an  indict- 

01.  cix.  1 (b.  . J 

a.  343).  ment  Philocrates,  the  most  audacious,  arro- 

gant, and  reckless  of  all  the  Macedonians  in  the  Attic  camp. 


Chaf.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


365 


The  affair  was  not  treated  according  to  the  ordinary 
course  of  law,  but  in  the  form  of  an  Eisangelia,  or  Indict- 
ment of  Information,  was  brought  immediately  before  the 
civic  assembly,  in  order  to  stir  up  the  whole  community 
against  a popular  orator,  who  counselled  it  against  the  in- 
terests of  the  city,  and  who  stood  in  the  pay  of  the  for- 
eigner. Proof  was  given  of  the  damage  which  the  decep- 
tive embassy-reports  of  Philocrates  had  inflicted  upon  the 
city;  and  as  the  judgment  concerning  his  personal  char- 
acter was  established  beforehand,  he  was  in  spite  of  the 
assistance  of  iEschines  unable  to  ward  off  the  blow  dealt 
against  him.  He  was  forced  to  acknowledge  himself  van- 
quished, before  the  sentence  had  been  passed ; while  in 
exile,  he  was  found  guilty  of  the  heaviest  crimes,  and  con- 
demned to  death.* 

Although  even  after  this  event  iEschines  bore  himself 
as  if  he  had  had  no  concern  with  the  sentenced  Philo- 
crates, yet  already  during  this  case  Demosthenes  had 
taken  advantage  of  every  opportunity  for  proving  the  con- 
trary, and  for  making  clear  to  the  citizens  the  absolutely 
equal  degree  of  culpability  in  fEschines.  And  the  extent 
to  which  his  authority  had  suffered  by  the  fall  of  Philo- 
crates and  by  his  association  with  the  traitor  Antiphon, 
very  soon  became  manifest  on  another  occasion,  when  the 
matter  in  hand  was  to  select  a trustworthy  man  among  the 
Attic  orators,  who  was  to  be  honored  with  a public  com- 
mission of  a most  peculiar  kind. 

In  the  Cyclades,  and  even  in  Delos,  the  The  Dellan 
island  most  closely  connected  with  Athens,  a t (B 

party  had  likewise  formed  itself  under  Mace-  c- :m>- 

* Rendering  of  account : Dem.  xix.  211 ; iEsehines  said : r;  Trpeo-pela  eVi 
7reTrpayp€F0ts  eyi'yreTo  (ii.  123). — Antiphon:  Dem.  xviii.  132;  Plutarch,  Dem.  14 
(<rij>6Spa  apurTOKpaTiKov  iroKiTev  pa).  Criminal  attempts  by  traitors  upon  the 
arsenal  mentioned  also  on  other  occasions : Ar.  Acham.  887.  That  Philip 
should  have  hired  a fellow  for  this  purpose  is  incredible;  it  is  possible  that 
the  latter  thought  to  earn  a reward  ex  post  facto.  Boeckh  (in  Abhandl.  der 
Berlin.  Akad.,  1834,  12)  connects  the  deed  with  the  8uu|o)<#>uris. — Philocrates: 
Hyperides  pro  Euxmipp.  c.  39. 


366 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


donian  influences,  which  raised  its  head  against  the 
claims  to  supremacy  maintained  by  the  Athenians ; in- 
deed, their  right  to  the  administration  of  the  Delian 
sanctuary  was  called  into  question.  Undoubtedly  these 
movements  were  connected  with  the  efforts  of  the  Ma- 
cedonian party,  to  obtain  during  the  continuance  of 
peace  more  and  more  ground  in  the  regions  surrounding 
Athens,  and  gradually  to  undermine  the  remnant  of  Attic 
power,  which  still  existed  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Attica 
itself.  And  it  must  have  been  most  especially  in  conso- 
nance with  the  designs  of  Philip,  to  be  here  too  admitted 
into  the  presidency  over  a national  sanctuary,  as  he  had 
succeeded  in  being  admitted  in  the  case  of  Delphi,  and  as 
he  undoubtedly  also  intended  with  regard  to  Olympia  (p. 
346).  The  true  meaning  of  these  movements  is  already 
manifest  from  the  circumstance,  that  the  proceedings  of 
the  Delians  were  directed  by  a Macedonian  partisan, 
Euthycrates,  the  same  who  had  betrayed  Olynthus,  and 
that  they  proposed  that  the  legal  dispute  should  be  settled 
at  Delphi  ; for  was  not  this  an  excellent  opportunity  for 
giving  a political  significance  to  the  new  Federal  Council 
there,  and  for  elevating  the  “ Shadow  of  Delphi  ” into  a 
power  in  Greece  ? Athens  was  not  in  a situation  allowing 
her  to  reject  the  proposal  of  the  Delians;  and  it  was  now  of 
the  highest  importance  to  find  the  right  man  to  represent 
the  cause  of  Athens  before  the  Federal  Tribunal  of  arbi- 
tration. The  civic  assembly  chose  iEschines,  who  seemed 
to  be  the  born  spokesman  in  all  Amphictyonic  affairs. 
Now,  this  choice  could  not  but  appear  in  the  highest  de- 
gree dangerous  to  all  patriots.  How  could  the  most 
sacred  interests  of  Athens  be  entrusted,  as  against  Euthy- 
crates, to  a man  who  was  himself  likewise  an  adherent  of 
the  policy  of  Philip  and  an  instrument  of  it,  in  particular 
before  a tribunal  itself  standing  under  Macedonian  influ- 
ence ? The  national  party,  therefore,  set  all  its  strength 
in  motion,  in  order  to  reverse  the  resolution  of  the  assem- 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  367 

bly,  and  was  able  to  carry  its  proposal  that  the  decision 
concerning  this  question  of  election  should  be  left  to  the 
Areopagus.  This  authority  annulled  the  first  election, 
and  appointed  as  agent  for  the  Athenian  case  Hyperides, 
who  had  quite  recently,  by  the  suit  against  Philocrates, 
given  proof  of  his  patriotism  as  well  as  of  his  energy.  He 
showed  himself  fully  worthy  of  the  confidence  reposed  in 
him ; and  since  Philip  considered  it  unadvisable  to  settle 
this  matter  by  force,  the  Athenians,  by  means  of  the 
‘ Delian  ’ speech  made  by  Hyperides  at  Delphi,  obtained  a 
judicial  decision  which  solemnly  recognized  their  claims 
anew.* 

After  this  new  defeat  had  been  inflicted  upon  fEschines, 
Demosthenes  thought  that  the  right  moment  had  arrived 
for  himself  to  resume  the  law-suit — the  carrying  through 
of  which  was  a matter  of  conscience  to  him.  He  had  un- 
changeably maintained  his  position,  and  left  no  opportu- 
nity unused  for  openly  designating  his  adversary  as  a 
traitor  and  enemy  of  his  native  city.  The  time  was  come 
for  the  civic  community  to  adopt  his  judgment  as  its  own. 

One  would  suppose  that  this  might  have  Resurnp. 
been  accomplished  without  difficulty.  For  if  tion  of  the  in- 

a J dictment  de 

Philocrates  was  a traitor,  then  JEschines  could  f'!hil  le‘Ja- 

hone. 

not  be  innocent,  although  he  had  now  re- 
nounced his  former  associate.  In  the  present  case,  how- 
ever, success  was  far  less  assured.  For  iEschines  was  a 
man  of  cunning  and  caution,  who  never  exposed  himself 
like  the  clumsy  Philocrates ; he  was  a model  of  genteel 
propriety,  a personage  whose  whole  bearing  made  it  im- 
possible to  suspect  anything  dishonorable  in  him.  He  still 
possessed  a very  powerful  following,  because  he  was  the 
most  talented  exponent  of  the  views  of  the  party  of  Eubu- 
lus  ; and  as  an  orator  and  politician  he  was  still  a favorite 
of  the  people.  Demosthenes,  therefore,  instead  of  turning 


* Delian  suit : Dem.  xviii.  134 ; Boeckh  in  Abhandl.  der  Berlin.  Akad.  1834* 
11  seq. 


368 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII, 


against  him  with  an  indictment  of  information  before  tho 
civic  assembly,  as  Hyperides  had  done  in  the  case  of 
Philocrates,  summoned  him  before  the  Board  of  Account, 
and  even  here  brought  forward  no  definite  motion  for 
punishment,  but  simply  undertook  to  juove  iEschines’  ad’ 
ministration  of  his  office  of  envoy  to  have  been  dishonest, 
while  the  settlement  of  the  penalty  was  after  this  to  be  left 
to  the  judicial  court,  which  the  Board  of  Account  was  to 
summon. 

Although  Demosthenes  had  adopted  the  regular  course 
of  judicial  procedure,  yet  the  whole  case  was  by  its  nature 
not  adapted  for  a rigorous  lawyer-like  treatment.  For 
what  was  in  question  was  not  the  transgression  of  this  or 
that  law,  but  the  unpatriotic  spirit  in  which  the  office  en- 
trusted to  JEschines  by  the  confidence  of  the  citizens  had 
been  administered,  the  change  in  his  political  position, 
which  was  only  to  be  explained  by  external  influences, 
and  his  dishonest  bearing  towards  the  citizens.  Here, 
facts  of  public  notoriety  were  at  hand,  rendering  superflu- 
ous any  demonstration  rigorously  based  upon  evidence. 
The  entire  civic  community  could  be  appealed  to  in  wit- 
ness of  how  fEschines  had  formerly  borne  himself  as  a 
fiery  patriot,  and  how  a change  had  come  over  him  in 
consequence  of  his  sojourn  at  Pella ; how  he  had  since 
acted  in  the  interests  of  Philip,  and  had  deceived  the 
citizens  by  fictitious  pretences.  Demosthenes  is  indeed 
obliged  to  concede  that  his  adversary  may  possibly  have 
been  deluded  himself,  and  have  in  good  faith  communi- 
cated to  his  fellow-citizens  the  royal  promises.  But  sup- 
posing this  to  have  been  the  case,  assuredly  after  being 
undeceived  iEschines  should  have  averted  himself  with 
indignation  from  the  party  of  the  king.  Instead  of  which 
he  had  not  allowed  himself  to  be  in  the  least  degree  dis- 
turbed in  his  amicable  relations  towards  Philip,  and  had 
even  in  the  most  joyous  mood  joined  in  the  royal  celebra- 
tions of  the  victory  over  the  Phocians,  in  whose  ruin  he 


Chap,  iv.]  hast  Struggles  for  Independence.  369 

had  borne  a hand.  The  logical  conclusion  was  therefore 
this : that  he  had  intentionally  deceived  his  fellow-citizens 
in  the  most  important  affairs  of  State,  and  had  know- 
ingly done  his  utmost  to  bring  the  peace  to  pass  after  a 
fashion,  than  which  none  could  have  been  more  advanta- 
geous for  Philip,  and  none  more  humiliating  and  perni- 
cious for  Athens. 

But  although  nothing  could  have  been  clearer  than  the 
main  point  upon  which  for  Demosthenes  everything  de- 
pended, yet  in  the  case  of  such  a man  as  Aeschines  it  is 
intelligible  enough  that  it  should  have  been  extremely 
difficult  to  establish  the  measure  of  guilt,  to  distinguish 
accurately  between  weakness  and  bad  intentions,  and  to 
prove  treasonable  sentiments  from  particular  facts.  In 
attacking  Aeschines,  Demosthenes  contended  against  all 
traitors,  whose  number  was  daily  growing  in  Greece  ; his 
wrathful  zeal  carried  him  away  with  it,  and  the  exuberance 
of  his  charges  redounded  to  the  advantage  of  his  adver- 
sary. For  when  AEschines  was  represented  by  Demos- 
thenes as  the  man  who  had  betrayed  Thermopylae  and  had 
introduced  the  foreign  king  into  the  heart  of  Greece,  when 
to  him  were  ascribed  the  ruin  of  Phocis,  the  overthrow 
of  Cersobleptes, — the  points  of  such  accusations  could  be 
easily  broken  on  particular  heads  ; AEschines  could  prove 
that  the  capital  of  the  Thracian  chieftain  had  fallen 
already  before  the  embassy  had  started  on  its  journey,  and 
that  the  Tyrants  of  Phocis  had  been  the  causes  of  their 
own  ruin.  He  could  deny  the  secret  conversations  with 
king  Philip  with  which  he  was  charged,  as  resting  on  in- 
sufficient evidence ; he  could  in  particular  point  out,  how 
unjust  it  was  to  make  him  responsible  before  all  other  men 
for  everything,  and  to  treat  him  as  if  he,  and  he  alone, 
were  accountable  for  Philip  and  for  the  peace.  And  most 
especially  was  the  position  of  AEschines  favorable  in  this 
respect,  that  the  personal  attack  upon  him  was  at  the  same 
time  an  attack  upon  the  peace  itself,  and  could  not  there- 

16* 


370 


[Book  VII. 


History  of  Greece. 

fore  but  cause  apprehension  in  all  peace-loving  citizen^ 
For  a condemnation  of  iEschines  would  have  amounted  to 
a new  rift  between  Philip  and  Athens,  to  an  indirect  decla- 
ration on  the  part  of  the  civic  community,  that  it  desired 
to  redeem  its  honor,  which  the  peace  had  pledged  away. 

iEschines  was  quite  the  man  to  turn  to  the  fullest 
account  this  favorable  conjuncture  of  existing  circum- 
stances. Like  a skilful  wrestler  he  slips  from  the  grasp 
of  his  overwhelmingly  powerful  adversary,  and  instead  of 
entering  upon  a serious  justification  of  himself  against  the 
gist  of  the  accusation,  he  takes  advantage  of  every  par- 
ticular weakness,  mocks  at  the  overflowing  measure  of  re- 
sponsibility cast  upon  his  poor  head,  and  represents  the 
entire  case  as  one  of  political  differences,  which  a law-court 
is  an  altogether  unfit  place  to  decide.  As  against  this 
savage  agitator,  he  is,  he  declares,  the  victim  of  the  party- 
tendency  anxious  to  preserve  to  the  Athenians  the  peace, 
which  after  all  has  not  yet  failed  to  prove  a blessing  to 
their  city  in  reference  to  material  prosperity,  not  less  than  to 
their  civic  constitution.  He  made  use  of  the  good  opinion 
which  prevailed  concerning  him  personally  among  the 
Athenians,  in  order  to  designate  such  crimes  as  those  im- 
puted to  him  as  utterly  irreconcilable  with  his  character. 
He  exerted  all  the  art  of  eloquence,  all  the  charm  of  his 
voice  which  moved  the  hearts  of  men.  At  the  same  time 
he  was  favored  by  the  circumstance,  that  it  was  he  who 
spoke  last,  and  that  his  opponent  had  no  opportunity  of 
effacing  again  the  impression  of  the  iEschinean  eloquence; 
lastly,  personages  so  highly  respected  as  Eubulus  and 
Pliocion  came  forward  in  his  behalf;  so  that  the  mighty 
Acquittal  of  contest  between  the  two  greatest  orators  of 
iEsehines.  Athens  in  the  fourth  year  after  its  commence- 
(bACI343).  ment  ultimately  closed  with  JEschines  being 
acquitted  on  the  indictment  for  violation  of  his 
duty,  and  being  declared  free  from  all  obligation  to  rendel 
an  account. 


chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  371 

But  a victory  it  was  not, — rather  the  reverse.  For  only 
thirty  votes  acquitted  the  accused ; and  those  who  were 
aware  of  the  situation  of  affairs  knew  very  well  that  this 
majority  was  not  founded  on  a conviction  of  the  innocence 
of  .ZEschines;  but  that  it  had  been  brought  together  by 
external  influences,  by  currents  of  feeling,  considerations 
and  views,  which  were  quite  remote  from  the  real  question 
of  law.  Although,  therefore,  the  result  achieved  was  not 
that  which  had  been  desired,  yet  Demosthenes  had  no 
cause  to  repent  the  labor  which  he  had  bestowed  upon  this 
contest;  for  with  the  better  part  of  the  citizens  his  au- 
thority had  after  all  only  increased,  and  they  had  attained 
to  a clearer  distinction  between  Right  and  Wrong.* 

During  these  contests  within  the  city,  for-  Fnreign 
eign  affairs  too  had  again  become  a subject  of  affairs : 

0 J Peloponne- 

discussion  ; and  just  as  among  the  citizens  De-  sus. 

mosthenes  incessantly  pursued  the  party  of  Philip,  so 
he  had  outside  Attica  followed  the  king  himself  in  all  his 
undertakings,  tracing  out  every  one  of  his  designs,  and  op- 
posing them  with  all  the  resources  at  his  command. 

The  first  occasion  was  offered  by  the  affairs  of  Pelopon- 
nesus. Here  a task  of  special  difficulty  awaited  the 
policy  of  Athens.  Sparta  was  the  most  vigorous  and  in- 
dependent among  the  states  of  the  peninsula;  but  no 
overtures  could  be  made  to  her,  lest  her  adversaries 
should  be  rendered  wroth,  and  driven  over  completely  to 
the  Macedonian  side.  And  the  attention  of  Demosthenes 
had  above  all  to  be  directed  towards  preventing  any 

* npetr/Seta?  ebdvvai,  Hem.  xix.  103,  before  the  Logislce  (in  contradistinction 
to  the  eiuay-yeAta  7rapa7re(7/3etas,  .ZEschin.  ii.  139):  Schafer,  ii.  358 — 390.  Discus- 
sion of  the  same  points  without  express  reference  to  a previous  law-suit 
(hence  the  doubts  with  reference  to  the  latter  already  ap.  P!  atareh,  Hem.  15, 
and  in  our  days  in  0.  Haupt,  Leben  des  Lem.,  who  in  opposition  to  the  testi- 
mony of  Idomeneus  considers  both  orations  party-pamphlets)  thirteen 
years  afterwards  in  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  ZEschines  for  and 
against  Ctesiphon.  Concerning  the  contradictions  between  the  earlier  and 
later  speeches,  see  L.  Spengel,  Lem.  Vertheidig.  des  Etesiph.,  1866- 


372 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Greek  State  from  furnishing  an  opportunity  to  the  king 
of  extending  the  domain  of  his  supremacy  under  a legal 
pretext.  It  was  therefore  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
open  the  eyes  of  the  Peloponnesian  communities  to  the 
true  character  of  the  Macedonian  policy,  and  there  as  at 
Athens  to  excite  against  Philip  that  mistrust,  which  was 
the  fundamental  condition  of  a firm,  national  attitude. 

Demosthe-  For  this  purpose,  by  the  advice  of  Demes- 
nes in  Peio-  thenes  envoys  proceeded  to  the  peninsula, 

ponnesus.  J 1 17 

oi  cviii  4 (B  after  Philip  had  already  commenced  his  politi- 
c.  344).  cal  action  there,  had  promised  aid,  had  sent 

mercenaries  and  had  issued  ordinances  as  a supreme 
authority  (p.  345).  Demosthenes  himself  was  the  leader 
of  the  embassy.  His  speeches  were  spread  outside  Athens 
too  as  fly-sheets ; and  thus  he  appeared  before  the  citizens 
at  Messene  as  well  as  at  Argos  as  a friend  of  the  people, 
well  known  and  admired  on  account  of  his  love  of  liberty, 
in  order  to  warn  them  against  the  king,  whose  attention 
was  now  directed  towards  Peloponnesus,  and  who  was  in- 
troducing himself  among  them  as  their  friend  and  bene- 
factor, and  as  the  guardian  of  their  independence.  But 
let  them  look  around  them  and  convince  themselves,  from 
the  example  of  other  states,  what  were  the  real  fruits  of 
the  favors  of  a Philip.  He  bade  them  think  of  Olynthus. 
“ Consider,”  he  said,  “ ye  men  of  Messene,  how  full  of  con- 
fidence were  the  Olynthians,  and  with  what  indignation 
they  listened  to  any  one  who  blamed  the  king,  when  he 
made  them  a present  of  Anthemus  and  Potidsea.  Was  it 
well  possible  for  them  in  those  days  to  expect  such  a doom 
as  that  which  they  afterwards  suffered  ? W ould  they  not 
have  laughed  in  the  face  of  any  one  who  should  have  pro- 
phesied it  to  them  ? And  yet  they  have  deceived  them- 
selves so  bitterly,  and,  after  for  a short  time  enjoying  the 
territory  of  their  neighbors,  they  have  for  ever  lost  their 
own,  have  been  shamefully  driven  out,  and  not  only  been 
conquered,  but  also  betrayed  and  bartered  away  by 


Chap,  iv.]  AasZ  Struggles  for  Independence . 373 

their  own  fellow-citizens ! From  this  ye  may  learn,  that 
to  free  states  no  advantage  ever  results  from  intimate  in- 
tercourse with  Tyrants.  And  was  the  lot  of  the  Thessa- 
lians perchance  a better  one  ? When  Philip  expelled 
their  Tyrants,  when  he  bestowed  upon  them  Nicasa  and 
Magnesia,  do  ye  suppose  that  they  then  expected  the  in- 
troduction of  the  Ten,  by  whom  they  are  now  governed, 
and  that  they  could  believe  that  the  prince,  who  restored  to 
them  their  seat  and  vote  in  the  Amphictyonic  League, 
would  appropriate  to  himself  their  revenues  and  tolls  ? 
Assuredly  not ; and  yet  every  one  knows  that  this  has 
actually  come  to  pass.  See,  then,  what  Philip  is,  with  his 
gifts  and  his  promises  ! God  grant,  that  ye  too  may  not 
speedily  make  acquaintance  with  Philip  and  his  decep- 
tions ! Many  inventions  have  been  made  by  men,  in  order 
to  protect  their  cities,  such  as  ramparts  and  walls  and 
fosses  and  other  artificial  works.  Intelligent  men  possess 
a natural  resource  of  defence,  which  is  useful  and  salutary 
to  all,  but  most  especially  to  free  communities  against 
Tyrants.  This  resource  is  that  of  mistrust.  This  I be- 
seech you  to  preserve  to  yourselves ; this  will  save  you  ! 
For  what  is  it  above  all  to  which  your  efforts  are  di- 
rected ? Liberty,  ye  reply.  So  be  it.  Do  ye  not  see, 
how  already  the  title  of  Philip  is  in  conflict  with  this  ? 
For  whosoever  is  a King  or  Tyrant,  he  is  an  enemy  of  lib- 
erty and  of  civic  constitutions.  Be  then  well  on  your 
guard,  lest,  while  endeavoring  to  escape  from  a war,  ye 
saddle  yourselves  with  a despotic  master.” 

The  mighty  force  of  Demosthenes  had  its  The  bear 
effect.  His  words  excited  applause  and  ad-  jngofthe 

1 A Pelopon- 

miration ; the  more  high-minded  among  the  Asians, 
citizens  of  Messene  and  Argos  were  illuminated  by  a just 
understanding  of  the  situation,  and  set  aglow  with  a Hel- 
lenic love  of  liberty.  But  the  sentiments  of  the  multitude 
it  was  impossible  to  change.  The  appearance  of  Demos- 
thenes was  only  like  the  performance  of  a brilliant  visitor 


374 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


on  the  stage.  No  sooner  had  it  passed  away,  than  the 
hearts  of  his  hearers  grew  cold ; and  with  their  forme! 
indifference  they  again  pursued  the  narrow-hearted  inter- 
ests of  their  selfish  domestic  policy,  which  was  afraid  of 
nothing  hut  Sparta.  Nowhere  was  the  self-seeking  ten- 
dency which  besets  the  policy  of  petty  states  more  potent 
than  in  the  peninsula ; nowhere  were  men’s  eyes  more 
determinedly  shut  against  the  broad  aspect  of  affairs 
important  to  the  world  at  large.  They  fancied  themselves 
thoroughly  secure  behind  the  passes  of  the  Isthmus,  and 
deemed  it  sheer  folly  that  it  should  be  attempted  to 
frighten  the  mountain-towns  of  Peloponnesus  with  the 
burning  of  Olynthus.  It  was  too  convenient  for  them  to 
find  the  protection  formerly  furnished  by  Thebes  at  once 
supplied  by  a prince  mighty  in  war,  whose  orders  in  truth 
the  states  of  secondary  rank  far  more  willingly  obeyed 
than  those  of  a Hellenic  commonwealth,  which  had  itself 
only  recently  stepped  forth  from  the  number  of  the  secon- 
dary states. 

Notwithstanding  this,  the  proceedings  of  Demosthenes 
had  frightened  the  partisans  of  Macedonia ; their  chief 
leaders,  Neon  and  Thrasylochus  at  Messene,  Myrtis,  Tele- 
damus  and  Mnaseas  at  Argos,  would  not  listen  to  any 
proposals  for  the  termination  of  the  discords  at  home; 
they  redoubled  their  exertions ; after  the  admonitions  of 
Demosthenes  they  only  all  the  more  persistently  excited 
their  fellow-citizens  against  Sparta,  and  at  the  same  time 
against  all  supposed  friends  of  Sparta,  whom  they  declared 
to  be  also  the  foes  of  Peloponnesian  liberty;  and  they 
cast  suspicion  upon  Athens  herself,  as  having  arrived  at  a 
secret  understanding  with  Sparta.  From  Macedonia  this 
movement  was  encouraged,  in  order  that  difficulties  might 
be  created  for  the  Athenians,  and  damage  inflicted  upon 

Pei opon-  democratic  party ; and  thus  an  embassy 

embass  was  sent  Athens  on  the  part  of  the  cities,  to 
at  Athens,  demand  explanations  as  to  the  relations  be* 


Chap,  iv.]  last  Struggles  for  Independence.  375 

tween  Sparta  and  Athens.  Macedonian  envoys  arrived  at 
Athens  together  with  the  Peloponnesian,  in  order  to  sup- 
port the  cause  of  the  latter,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
proffer  complaints  as  to  the  uninterrupted  insults  heaped 
upon  the  king  on  the  Attic  orators’  tribune.* 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  efforts  of  Demosthenes.  In- 
stead of  the  Peloponnesians  having  been  severed  from 
Philip,  they  were  more  closely  united  than  ever,  and  con- 
fronted the  Athenians  as  one  party.  But  this  failed  to 
break  his  courage ; it  merely  offered  him  an  opportunity 
for  indicating  with  increased  firmness  and  clearness  the 
standpoint  of  himself  and  his  friends ; as  he  did  in  the 
popular  assembly,  in  which  the  reply  to  be  made  to  the 
foreign  envoys  was  debated. 

“ In  order  to  settle  what  we  have  to  do,” — „ 

such  was  the  gist  of  this  speech — “ we  must  Philippic, 
know  what  Philip  intends.  If  he  is  the  friend  01-  eix- 1 

1 (b.  c.  344). 

of  the  Hellenes,  as  he  pretends  to  be,  those 
are  in  the  right  who  follow  him  ; but  if  he  is  the  reverse, 
we  are  in  the  right  who  contend  against  him  with  all  the 
resources  at  our  command.  Now,  the  answer  to  this  ques- 
tion, which  is  decisive  as  to  our  conduct,  lies  in  the  facts 
within  the  experience  of  all  of  us.  Philip  has  gone  for- 
ward, step  by  step,  in  order  to  make  the  Hellenes  his  sub- 
jects ; his  measures  show  that  he  shrinks  from  no  act  of 
force.  He  is  no  king  desirous  of  justice  ; he  seeks  domin- 
ion and  naught  else.  He  makes  himself  master  of  one 
after  the  other  of  the  bulwarks  and  inlets  of  Hellas ; and 
now  also  advances  in  the  peninsula  according  to  a definite 
plan.  Therefore,  in  spite  of  all  treaties  of  peace  concluded 
by  him,  Philip  is,  and  remains,  the  enemy  of  all  Hellenes, 
and  our  enemy  in  particular.  For  the  real  goal  which  he 
keeps  in  view  is  Athens.  Athens,  he  well  knows,  he  can- 


* Of  his  speech  at  Messene,  Demosthenes  furnishes  a report,  yi.  20.  The 
party-leaders : Dem.  xviii.  295.  Envoys  in  Athens  from  Philip  also : Liba- 
nius,  Introd  to  Dem.  6, 


376 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU 


not  catch  by  the  bait  of  false  pretences,  as  he  has  caught 
Thebes  and  the  Peloponnesian  cities.  It  is  a sign  of 
honorable  recognition,  paid  by  him  to  the  civic  communi- 
ty of  Athens,  that  he  should  not  even  venture  upon  the 
attempt  to  make  you  his  allies  by  temptations  unworthy 
of  you,  and  thus  to  divert  you  from  your  Hellenic  mis- 
sion ! ” After  the  orator  had  thus  under  the  eyes  of  the 
foreign  envoys  impressively  shown  to  his  fellow-citizens,  as 
well  as  to  the  Greeks  who  were  present,  what  sentiments 
all  true  Hellenes  ought  to  entertain  towards  Philip,  he 
brought  forward  the  draft  of  the  reply  which  ought  to  be 
made.  Doubtless  satisfactory  declarations  were  made  to 
Messene  and  the  other  cities  as  to  the  fact  that  Athens 
had  no  intention  of  subjecting  them  once  more  to  the  yoke 
of  Sparta ; while,  on  the  other  hand,  a firm  resolve  was 
expressed  to  defend  Sparta  against  any  attack ; for  this, 
it  was  declared,  was  the  patriotic  task  which  Athens 
would  never  shrink  from  fulfilling : in  every  quarter  to 
protect  existing  rights  and  to  oppose  foreign  attempts  at 
interference. 

It  was  long  since  such  an  assembly  of  the  citizens  had 
been  held  at  Athens.  The  city  of  Aristides  seemed  to 
have  come  to  life  again.  The  Peloponnesians  could  not 
refrain  from  acknowledging  the  grandeur  of  the  bearing 
of  a civic  community  under  such  leaders  ; and  in  so  far 
Demosthenes  actually  gained  his  immediate  object,  that 
the  dangerous  hostilities  in  the  peninsula  were  appeased, 
and  that  no  opportunity  was  given  to  Philip  for  interven- 
tion. Now,  since  about  the  same  time  the  Macedonian  at- 
tempt upon  Megara  (p.  347)  likewise  failed,  and  this  city 
joined  Athens,  who  would  seem  to  have  furnished  effec- 
tive neighborly  succor,  Philip  deemed  that  he  ought  no 
longer  to  remain  an  inactive  spectator  of  the  gradual  pro- 
cess by  which  the  defiant  spirit  of  independence  was  ac- 
quiring more  and  more  strength.  It  amounted  to  an  in- 
voluntary recognition  paid  by  him  to  the  successes  ob- 


chap,  iv.]  .Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  377 

tained  by  his  great  adversary,  that  he  should  have  re- 
solved to  send  an  embassy  to  Athens,  in  order  to  justify 
his  policy,  and  to  enter  a solemn  protest  against  the  suspi- 
cions cast  upon  it.  It  was  simultaneously  a confession  of 
his  belief  that  the  men  of  his  party  at  Athens  were  incapa- 
ble of  performing  this  task ; they  had  incurred  too  great 
a loss  of  authority,  to  be  able  to  stem  the  growing  feeling 
of  ill-will  against  him.  He  therefore  considered  a direct 
message  on  his  part  called  for,  and  selected  as  the  bringer 
of  it  a Greek  orator,  who  had  received  his  education  at 
Athens,  and  who  seemed  to  be  an  adequate  adversary  of 
Demosthenes  and  his  associates.  This  was  Python,  a 
native  of  Byzantium.  In  order  to  make  this  python 
mission  more  impressive,  Philip  surrounded  Athens- 
this  envoy  with  a stately  suite.  His  allies  oicixn 
were  instructed  to  take  part  in  the  embassy. 

He  wished  hereby  not  only  to  display  his  power  in  its  full 
splendor,  but  also  to  make  the  other  communities  wit- 
nesses of  his  ability  to  humiliate  the  champions  of  liberty 
on  the  Attic  tribune. 

In  fact  he  already  bore  himself  as  a monarch,  who 
learns  with  displeasure  the  movements  of  discontent  and 
contradiction  in  his  states,  and  addresses  his  dependants  in 
ungracious  terms,  because  they  give  ear  to  men  who  make 
it  their  task  to  attack  all  the  measures  of  the  king.  He 
renews  the  assurance  of  his  benevolent  intentions.  But 
at  the  same  time,  he  declares,  a continuance  of  mistrust 
would  really  have  the  result  of  converting  the  benefactor 
into  an  enemy.  Instead  of  incessantly  vituperating  the 
peace  once  concluded,  the  Athenians  ought  rather  once 
more  to  review  and  examine  the  treaties.  For  this  pur- 
pose he  offered  his  co-operation,  and  declared  himself  ready 
to  consent  to  alterations  which  seemed  desirable  in  the 
interests  of  the  city. 

The  skilful  and  brilliant  speech  of  Python  had  its  effect ; 
an  apparent  readiness  for  concessions  was  the  best  way  for 


378 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


depriving  the  incessant  attacks  upon  the  peace  of  their 
force ; and  the  Philippic  orators  at  Athens,  with  whom 
Python  had  from  the  first  established  an  understanding, 
felt  that  a point  had  been  gained  in  their  favor,  since  they 
could  now  appeal  to  the  royal  message,  as  simply  confirm- 
ing what  they  had  invariably  asserted.  But  their  adver- 
saries refused  to  be  allowed  themselves  to  be  silenced. 
Demosthenes  demonstrated  after  so  vigorous  a fashion  the 
false  game  played  by  Philip,  that  the  confederates  present 
were  themselves  obliged  publicly  to  attest  the  truthfulness 
of  his  argument,  and  to  acknowledge  the  mistrust  of  the 
Athenians  to  be  well  founded.  Hegesippus  on  the  other 
hand  entered  into  the  subject  of  the  proffered  revision  of 
the  treaties,  in  order  to  test  the  extent  to  which  the  king’s 
intentions  were  serious  on  this  head.  The  Peace  of  Philo- 
crates  had  been  concluded  on  the  basis  of  the  status  quo ; 
each  was  to  retain  “ what  he  had.”  This  provision,  in 
itself  unfavorable  after  the  conquests  made  by  the  king, 
had  become  yet  more  so  in  consequence  of  the  treacherous 
delay  of  the  actual  conclusion  of  the  peace.  Hegesippus 
therefore  proposed  an  alteration  of  the  expression  in  the 
treaty,  to  the  effect  that  each  should  retain  “ his  own 
and  as  the  envoys  made  no  protest,  it  was  thought  possible 
that  the  king  might  accede  to  this  basis,  and  at  all  events 
in  certain  points  allow,  not  the  mere  status  quo,  but  the 
right  of  possession  to  be  decisive.  In  this  the  proposers 
specially  had  in  view  the  island  of  Halonnesus  (p.  347). 
Hegesippus  proved  how  a real  peace  could  only  be  brought 
about,  if  the  one  side  acknowledged  the  rights  of  the  other, 
and  if  the  provisions  of  the  peace  were  made  secure  against 
arbitrary  encroachments.  Secondly,  if  the  peace  was  to 
endure,  all  the  Hellenes  ought  to  be  allowed  to  accede  to 
it,  and  the  independence  of  all  neutral  states  ought  to  be 
solemnly  guaranteed.  In  this  sense  Hegesippus  moved  a 
revision  of  the  treaties,  which  the  king  himself  had  sug- 
gested as  feasible ; on  this  basis  he  asked  that  negotiations 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


379 


Hegesippus 
in  Macedo- 
nia. 

01.  cix.  1 
(b.  c.  343). 


with  Philip  might  proceed,  in  order  that  it  might  become 
clear,  whether  he  was  the  peace-loving  prince  which  he 
was  represented  to  be  by  Python. 

The  motion  was  passed,  and  an  embassy 
deputed  to  Pella  under  the  leadership  of  the 
proposer  of  the  motion.  Philip  received  it 
with  undisguised  vexation.  The  very  persons 
of  the  envoys  revealed  to  him  the  change  which  had  taken 
place  in  public  opinion  at  Athens.  He  accordingly 
treated  them  at  Pella  as  his  adversaries,  offered  them  no 
hospitality,  and  even  punished  the  poet  Xenoclides,  who 
had  received  them  into  his  house,  by  banishing  him  from 
the  realm.  Their  proposals  he  refused  to  condescend  to 
discuss.  He  regarded  it  as  criminal  insolence,  that  it 
should  be  dared  to  call  into  question  the  entire  basis  of  the 
treaties,  that  important  seaports  should  be  demanded  back, 
that  it  should  be  desired  against  his  clearly-expressed  will 
to  admit  other  states  to  participation  in  the  treaties,  and 
to  bring  about  as  against  himself  a combination  of  states, 
the  sole  purpose  of  which  was  to  hinder  him  in  his  under- 
takings. For  the  present,  however,  he  contented  himself 
with  sending  home  the  envoys  with  an  abrupt  rejection 
of  their  demands ; and,  without  paying  any  further  atten- 
tion to  Athens,  where  Desmosthenes  was  fighting  out  his 
quarrel  with  iEschines,  Philip  calmly  continued  to  pursue 
the  execution  of  his  schemes,  the  object  of  which  was  to 
assume  positions  of  increasing  strength  and  fixity  in  the 
circuit  of  the  Hellenic  states.  Now,  from  this  point  of  view 
no  country  possessed  greater  importance  for 
him  than  Euboea.  Here  he  might  take  Athens 
on  her  most  vulnerable  side ; here  he  found  0]  cix  x 
the  best-situated  points  of  attack  ; here  he  com-  (B'  °- 343)' 
manded  the  route  of  supplies  to  Athens,  and  inserted  him- 
self with  his  power  between  the  city  and  the  Cyclades, 
where,  as  the  case  of  Delos  shows,  his  party  was  already 
extremely  active.  In  Euboea  he  had  no  lack  of  the  de« 


Philip’s 
troops  in 
Euboea. 


380 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


sired  opportunities  (p.  27 5 seq.) ; for  in  all  the  island-towns 
the  civic  body  was  divided,  and  the  friends  of  Macedonia 
were  in  conflict  with  the  patriots.  Ambitious  party- 
leaders  were  on  the  watch  for  the  support  of  the  king,  in 
order  by  means  of  it  to  subject  to  themselves  the  commu- 
nities ; and,  while  the  credulous  among  the  Athenians  still 
held  fast  to  the  hope,  which  Philocrates  and  his  friends 
had  fostered,  that  the  day  was  not  distant  when  the 
benevolent  Philip  would  hand  over  the  whole  island  to 
them,  they  now  had  to  see  dispositions  made  rendering  two 
of  its  chief  cities  strong  points  of  support  for  the  Macedo- 
nian arms.  From  Eretria  the  national  party  was  expelled 
by  Philippic  mercenaries;  and  this  city  as  well  as  Oreus, 
the  territory  of  which  at  that  time  included  a quarter  of 
the  whole  island,  and  which  by  its  situation  commanded 
the  most  important  maritime  routes  (vol.  ii.  p.  451),  were 
by  Parmenio  delivered  up  into  the  hands  of  Tyrants,  who 
held  sway  there  as  royal  vassals.  Gersestus  and  Chalcis 
still  maintained  their  independence ; and  the  latter  city 
now  acquired  a prominent  importance.  Here  there  was 
most  political  activity  ; here  the  plan  was  devised  of  bring- 
ing about  a combination  among  the  Euboean  towns;  and 
Callias,  one  of  the  most  highly-considered  among  the 
leaders  of  the  citizens,  sought  to  obtain  support  for  this 
scheme  at  the  Macedonian  court.  But  to  the  designs  of 
Philip  every  movement  of  independent  policy  among  the 
Greeks  and  every  combination  among  Hellenic  commu- 
nities were  repugnant;  and  since  Callias  had  no  inclination 
to  submit  unconditionally  to  the  royal  orders,  while  at 
Thebes  too  he  failed  to  find  any  support  for  his  plans,  he 
turned  to  Athens,  and  caused  his  fellow-citizens  to  furnish 
him  with  powers  for  proffering  a defensive  alliance  to  the 
latter  city.  The  matter  came  under  discussion,  probably 
soon  after  the  termination  of  the  suit  concerning  the 
embassy  (p.  368).  iEschines  was  the  representative  of  the 
Euboean  governments  friendly  to  Macedonia.  He  warned 


Chap.  IV.j 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


381 


the  Athenians  against  accepting  such  proposals,  which 
would  bring  on  the  war  with  Philip ; and  in  order  also  to 
put  forward  a seemingly  patriotic  reason  for  rejecting  the 
offer,  the  orators  of  his  party  declared  it  not  to  be  in  con- 
sonance with  the  dignity  of  Athens  that  she  should  asso- 
ciate herself  with  Chalcis,  a city  formerly  subject  to  her, 
on  conditions  of  equality.  But  Demosthenes  A|lianpe 
refuted  these  arguments,  and  brought  about  between 
the  conclusion  of  a defensive  and  offensive  chalois- 
alliance  with  Chalcis.  This  was  the  first  determined  act 
of  the  civic  community,  which  was  recovering  the  vigor 
of  its  ancient  spirit  of  liberty ; and  its  consequence  was, 
that  the  control  of  the  Euripus-channel,  which  the  king 
thought  already  to  have  in  his  hands,  was  successfully 
taken  out  of  his  grasp.* 

At  the  same  time,  ever  indefatigable,  he 

° 7 Revolu- 

was  at  work  in  the  seas  on  the  other  side  of  t>°nary  . 

changes  in 

Greece.  Here  he  had  already  several  years  Epirus, 
previously  (p.  65)  established  intimate  con-  2 (B- 

nexions  with  the  royal  house  of  the  Molos- 
sians, — connexions  which,  as  will  be  remembered  to  have 
been  the  case  in  all  other  places,  at  first  wore  a very 
friendly  and  peaceable  aspect,  until  it  seemed  good  to 
him  to  reveal  his  real  intentions.  Arybbas  had  been 
highly  delighted  to  see  the  mighty  neighbor-prince  a 
suitor  for  the  hand  of  his  niece,  and  thought  himself  here- 
by made  safe  in  his  own  dominion.  But  together  with 
Olympias  her  brother  Alexander  had  also  come  to  the 
Macedonian  court.  The  latter  had  now  grown  up  to  man- 
hood, and  had  become  a useful  instrument  for  converting 
the  country  of  Epirus  into  a Philippic  vassal-state.  The 
king  hereupon  at  the  head  of  an  army  conducted  his 
brother-in-law  into  his  father’s  kingdom,  and  availed  him- 

* Python:  ZEschin.  ii.  125;  Sch&fer,  ii.  352.  Hegesippus  (€<arepov<s  HxeLV 
eavTuiv  instead  of  a e'xovcm/),  author  of  the  (so-called  Seventh  Philippic)  Oration 
TTcpi c A\ovvt)(tov.  Xenoclides : Dem.  xix.  331. — Callias.  .ZEschin.  iii.  89. 


382 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


self  of  this  opportunity  to  subjugate  the  Gre«k  colonies  on 
the  coast ; he  went  on  as  far  as  the  gulf  of  Ambracia,  and 
established  connexions  with  the  iEtolians,  the  most  vigor- 
ous of  the  tribes  of  Central  Greece,  whom  he  brought  over 
to  his  side  by  promising  them  in  a special  treaty  the  re- 
covery of  Naupactus,  which  was  at  this  time  in  the  hands 
of  the  Achseans.  Naupaetus  was  the  ancient  place  of 
transit  to  Peloponnesus,  and  moreover  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant posts  of  the  Attic  naval  power ; and  of  course  the 
king  had  the  port  in  view  only  for  his  own  purposes. 

The  eyes  of  the  Athenians  followed  all  the  movements 
of  the  king.  It  was  clear,  that  after  the  failure  of  his  at- 
tempt upon  Megara  he  was  anxious  to  open  to  himself  a 
new  way  of  access  to  the  peninsula.  They  accordingly 
without  delay  sent  envoys  into  the  regions  now  threatened, 
in  order  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  Corinthians  and 
Achseans,  of  the  Acarnanians,  Leucadians,  and  Ambra- 
ciotes  to  the  danger,  to  summon  them  to  be  vigilant,  and 
to  promise  them  aid.  In  order  to  give  impressiveness  to 
their  words,  they  about  the  same  time  sent  auxiliary 
troops  to  the  Acarnanians,  their  ancient  allies  (vol.  iii.  p. 
150),  and  without  hesitation  openly  acknowledged  as 
their  friend,  and  gave  refuge  to,  the  expelled  king  of  the 
Epirotes,  who  had  fled  to  them.  Finally,  while  Philip 
was  in  Epirus,  they  also  sought  to  agitate  Thessaly,  and 
the  Attic  envoy  Aristodemus  was  able  successfully  to  es- 
tablish connexions  leading  to  important  results  with  the 
towns  in  that  country. 

Philip  rapidly  returned  home  across  Mount 
Pindus,  and  let  the  Thessalians  experience  the 
heaviness  of  his  hand.  It  was  time,  he 
thought,  for  them  at  last  to  be  thoroughly 
cured  of  their  craving  for  change  and  freed 
from  the  delusion,  that  the  Phocian  War  had  caused  them 
to  enter  into  a new  era  of  national  movement.  The  crafty 
king  made  use  of  the  division  into  districts,  which  had 


Thessaly 
divided 
among  te- 
trarchs. 

Ol.  eix.  2 (b. 
c.  342). 


chap,  '.v.j  Aasi  Struggles  for  Independence.  383 

been  established  under  the  sway  of  the  Aleuadse  for  the 
purpose  of  a distribution  of  military  burdens  (vol.  ii.  p. 
273),  in  order,  while  apparently  following  ancient  nation- 
al ordinances,  to  divide  the  country  into  four  parts,  to 
place  the  several  parts  of  territory,  torn  from  one  another, 
under  tetrarchs  entirely  dependent  upon  himself,  and 
thus  to  dispose  absolutely  over  all  Thessaly  and  its  re- 
sources. In  no  other  way  could  the  unquiet  spirit  of  the 
people  have  been  more  despotically  bent.  There  was  no 
longer  any  Thessaly  in  existence ; and  the  numerous  sepa- 
rate Hellenic  town-communities  were  no  longer  anything 
but  villages  devoid  of  rights  and  belonging  to  Macedonian 
provinces.  The  Aleuadse,  to  whom  at  the  present  time  all 
national  interests  were  as  foreign  as  at  the  period  of  the 
Persian  Wars,  consented  to  fill  the  posts  of  tetrarchs  con- 
ferred upon  them.* 

It  was  probably  during  his  stay  in  Thessaly  that  Philip 
again  entered  into  communications  with  Athens.  He  was 
perl  laps  conscious  of  the  fact,  that  on  the  occasion  of  the 
last  embassy  he  had  broken  them  off  too  harshly.  But 
his  real  reason  lay  in  his  wish  to  bind  the  hands  of  the 
Athenians  by  means  of  new  treaties ; for  to  his  painful 
astonishment  he  became  aware  of  the  change  in  their 
bearing,  and  saw  them  coming  forward  against  him  with 
great  determination  in  Peloponnesus,  in  Acarnania,  nay 
even  in  the  domain  of  his  own  alliance,  in  Thessaly.  The 
war-resources  of  Athens  were  by  sea  still  superior  to  his 
own,  and  well  capable  of  hindering  him  in  the  execution 
of  his  wider  schemes.  But  it  was  always  a dangerous  sign 
when  Philip  sought  to  approach  the  Athenians ; for  every 


* Epirus:  Dem.  i.  13;  Harpoer.  s.  v.  ’Apu/3<is  (’Api5/3£as  in  inscriptions; 
Apu'pj3as  a p.  Diod.;  Plutarch;  Justin,  vii.  6). — Ambracia  and  Naupaetus  • He- 
gesippus,  l 32 ; Dem.  ix.  27. — The  embassy  of  Aristodemus  to  Thessaly  is  a 
fact  which  has  only  recently  become  known  to  us,  from  the  Schol.ad  iEsehin 
iii.  83  (7rpeo73eu<rai'Tos  instead  of  4maTpaT€v(xavTo^.  ed.  F.  Schultz,  p.  181).  See 
Schultz  in  Neue  Jahrb.  fur  Phil.  1866,  p.  311.  Wreaths  bestowed  upon  the  en- 
voys: iEsehin.  u.  «. — Thessaly  divided  into  four  parts  : Dem.  ix.  26. 


384 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


attempt  of  the  kind  was  wont  to  be  the  predecessor  of 
undertakings,  in  the  execution  of  which  he  had  to  expect 
a justifiable  resistance  on  the  part  of  Athens. 

Kjn<r  This  time  he  made  his  advances  by  means 

fo'th'e  Athe61'  a ^etter>  which  he  had  very  skilfully  drawn 
mans.  up  in  such  terms,  that  it  seemed  readily  to 

01.  cix.  2 enter  upon  the  wishes  of  the  Athenians,  indeed 
to  offer  even  more  than  was  desired.  Halonne- 
sus,  he  wrote,  should  not  be  the  cause  of  any  discord  be- 
tween them  ; he  would  make  a present  to  the  Athenians 
of  the  island,  which  he  had  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
pirates.  In  future  Macedonia  and  Athens  should  in  com- 
mon guard  the  sea  and  suppress  buccaneering.  At  the 
same  time  he  offered  a commercial  treaty,  which  was  to 
unite  the  two  countries  more  closely  than  before,  and  re- 
peated his  willingness  to  engage  in  a revision  of  the  points 
objected  to  in  the  treaties,  with  only  this  reservation, 
that  he  must  declare  it  never  to  have  been  his  intention  to 
abandon  the  basis  of  the  actual  statics  quo  of  possessions  at 
the  time  of  the  conclusion  of  the  peace.  But,  though  he 
had  formerly  declined  the  admission  of  the  hitherto  neu- 
tral states  into  the  treaty,  he  was  now  no  longer  opposed 
to  their  acceding  ex  post  facto,  and  thereby  acquiring  a 
guarantee  for  their  independence.  On  the  other  hand,  as 
to  the  cities  which  were  said  to  have  been  occupied  by 
him  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  as  well  as  to  the 
questions  of  territorial  possession  in  the  Chersonnesus,  he 
proposed  that  a tribunal  of  arbitration  should  decide. 

These  were  the  main  points  in  this  most  important 
message,  in  which  he  had  brought  together  everything 
capable  of  creating  an  impression  upon  the  Athenians, 
apparent  concessions  and  courteous  offers,  earnest  protests 
against  hostile  tendencies  and  warnings  against  unbending 
obstinacy,  promises,  menaces; — in  short,  the  letter  was 
such  a mixture  of  kindness  and  severity,  that  he  might 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence, 


385 


thereby  hope  to  terrify  some,  and  gain  over  or  confirm  in 
their  attitude  the  others. 

His  envoys  did  what  was  in  their  power  to  Rpeech  of 
comment  upon  the  letter  according;  to  the  Hegesippus 
meaning  of  its  author ; his  partisans  helped  Haionnesus. 
them  to  accommodate  the  proposals  as  well  as  possible  to 
the  ears  of  the  Athenians,  and  urgently  recommended 
their  acceptance.  It  was  therefore  no  easy  task  for  the 
patriots  to  counteract  the  impression  made  by  this  mes- 
sage, and  to  induce  the  citizens  to  give  an  answer  worthy 
of  the  city.  This  task  fell  above  all  to  the  lot  of  Hegesip- 
pus, to  whose  embassy  the  reply  proper  had  now  been 
made  ; and  he  was  quite  the  man  to  make  clear  in  a 
straightforward  way,  intelligible  to  all  and  impressive, 
the  true  stand-point  from  which  it  behooved  them  to  judge 
the  offers  of  Philip.  In  the  first  instance  he  claimed  for 
all  Athenians  perfect  liberty  of  speech,  and  protested 
against  Philip’s  taking  upon  himself  to  signify  his  ap- 
proval or  disapproval  of  speeches  made  before  the  civic 
assembly.  Then  he  passed  to  the  subject  of  Haionnesus. 
The  island,  he  said,  belongs  to  the  Athenians,  whose  rights 
of  property  are  not  cancelled  through  a temporary  occu- 
pation by  pirates.  What  is  ours,  we  cannot  accept  as  a 
gift;  nor  can  we  ever  permit  the  king  to  dispose  of 
Hellenic  soil  according  to  his  choice,  and  in  so  doing  even 
to  play  the  part  of  a magnanimous  donor,  and  to  bestow 
benefits  upon  us, — benefits  which  it  is  humiliating  for  us 
to  accept.  And  as  to  the  tribunal  of  arbitration,  the 
power  of  Athens  is  at  an  end,  if  we  consent  to  carry  on 
law-suits  concerning  our  possessions,  concerning  our 
islands,  with  the  man  of  Pella ; and  it  is  equally  little  in 
consonance  with  the  honor  of  Athens  for  us  to  divide  with 
him  the  watch  over  the  sea.  His  only  desire  is  hereby 
to  acquire  the  right  of  putting  in  with  his  ships  of  war  at 
whatsoever  points  he  chooses.  The  commercial  treaty 
offered  is  likewise  merely  a trap.  In  itself  by  no  means 
17 


386 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


indispensable,  its  sole  purpose  is  to  make  the  court  of 
Philip  the  highest  tribunal  of  appeal  in  national  affairs, 
while  it  was  formerly  customary  that  all  treaties  con- 
cluded with  Athens  received  their  final  ratification  at  the 
hands  of  the  civic  body. 

With  reference  to  the  revision  of  the  treaties  offered, 
Hegesippus  said,  Philip  had  by  a previous  embassy 
declared  in  the  hearing  of  everybody  his  readiness  to  enter 
upon  proposals  for  alterations.  His  own  (Hegesippus’) 
proposal,  which  the  citizens  had  accepted,  was  indeed  in 
conflict  with  the  compact  of  Philocrates,  but  on  the  other 
hand  alone  in  consonance  with  justice  and  with  the  true 
interests  of  Athens.  That  Philip  would  have  nothing  to 
do  with  it,  simply  proved  that  he  was  altogether  not  in 
earnest  as  to  the  proffered  revision. 

The  same  was  the  case  with  regard  to  the  admission  of 
the  other  Hellenes,  who  had  hitherto  had  no  part  in  the 
treaties.  This  Athens  had  required  as  being  equitable, 
and  Philip  himself  at  present  conceded  the  equity  of  the 
demand.  He  was  accordingly  desirous,  that  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  Greek  states  should  be  guaranteed  by  the 
enlargement  of  the  treaties ; but  at  the  same  time  were 
taking  place  the  occupation  of  Pherse,  the  application  of 
force  to  Epirus,  the  campaign  against  Ambracia,  the 
subjugation  of  the  colonies  on  the  Ionian  Sea.  How  was 
it  possible  in  view  of  such  facts  to  trust  the  words  of  the 
king,  and  to  credit  him  with  respect  for  Plellenic  commu- 
nal liberty  ? The  same  was  likewise  his  course  of  proceed- 
ing1 in  the  affairs  of  the  Chersonnesus,  where  he  was 
continuing  to  refuse  to  give  up  Attic  property  to  the 
Athenians,  and  anxious  to  bring  a fact  clear  as  day,  such 
as  the  boundary-settlement  with  regard  to  Cardia,  before 
a tribunal  of  arbitration. 

Demosthenes  supported  the  speech  of  Hegesippus  ; and 
specially  pointed  out  the  fact  that  a tribunal  of  arbitration 
which  treated  disputed  questions  with  justice  and  indepen' 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


387 


dence,  was  absolutely  not  to  be  discovered.  In  spite  of 
all  the  counter-efforts  of  tbe  Macedonian  par-  phillp,g 
ty,  the  civic  assembly  declared  in  favor  of 
Hegesippus,  and  tbe  proposals  of  Philip  were  i jx 
rejected  as  unacceptable.  This  rejection  very  (»•  c.  342). 
considerably  increased  the  previous  uneasiness  of  rela- 
tions ; the  peace  outwardly  continued,  but  in  fact  it  had 
been  terminated ; the  citizens  had  repeatedly  given  ex- 
pression to  their  objections  to  the  existing  treaties,  while 
they  had  declined  the  revision  which  accorded  with  the 
wishes  of  the  king.  Hereupon  it  was  inevitable  that  soon- 
er or  later  the  sham  peace  should  come  to  an  end ; and 
war  broke  out,  not,  however,  in  Hellas  itself,  but  in  the 
Chersonnesus.* 

The  Thracian  peninsula  was,  notwithstand-  The 
ing  its  remoteness,  connected  with  Athens  in  Thracian 
the  very  closest  intimacy  of  relations ; for  it  nesus- 
was  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  permanent  traditions  of 
Attic  policy  to  look  upon  this  peninsula,  because  it  com- 
manded the  northern  maritime  routes,  in  the  light  of  a 
transmarine  part  of  Attica.  On  this  head  the  civic  com- 
munity was  more  provident,  vigilant,  and  resolute  than  in 
all  the  other  fields  of  foreign  policy.  The  Chersonnesus 
was  regarded  as  an  inalienable  public  domain,  where  the 
State  had  the  right  of  disposing  over  the  soil ; and  even 
during  the  period  in  which  all  the  other  relations  of 
Athens  beyond  the  sea  had  grown  slack,  the  practice  was 
continued  of  sending  out  colonies  to  the  Chersonnesus, 
after  the  precedent  of  Pericles  (vol.  ii.  p.  534),  in  order  to 
provide  for  Athenians  not  possessed  of  property,  and  to 
secure  the  dominion  of  Athens  there. 

Shortly  before  the  Social  "War,  the  territorial  relations 

* The  oration  wepl  ‘ AXovnjcrou,  or  more  precisely  (according  to  Dionysius), 
‘ frpos  rows  $L\ijnTov  7rpe'<r/3ets  ’ or  7rpos  rpr  eTTioToApr  feat  rous  jrpeo-/3ets  to  Os  tt  apd. 
4>tAtjrirov.  Demosthenes  too  declines  to  accept  Halonnesus,  et  SLSuiaiv  aAAa 
p-t)  a7roSiSwo-t.  Verbal  quibbling,  according  to  aSschin.  iii.  83. 


388 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  Vjfl. 


in  the  Chersonnesus  had  been  advantageously  organized 
by  the  successes  of  Chares  (p.  113  ?)  ; six  years  later  Ses- 
tus  had  been  taken  (p.  234) ; and  the  entire  peninsula  was 
Attic  land  from  the  southernmost  point  up  to  Cardia.  In 
the  upper  country  it  was  sought  to  maintain  Attic  influ- 
ence by  means  of  connexions  with  the  native  princes, — 
a policy  which  Demosthenes  had  recommended,  as  in 
clear  accordance  with  the  interests  of  Athens,  in  his  speech 
against  Aristocrates. 

In  proportion  as  hereupon  Philip  established  himself 
more  firmly  in  the  ujiper  country,  made  Cersobleptes  his 
vassal,  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Cardia,  and  revealed 
his  intention  of  extending  his  dominion  in  the  direction  of 


the  Propontis  and  the  Pontus,  it  became  the  more  import- 
ant to  be  vigilant,  and  to  strengthen  the  positions  in  this 
endangered  outwork,  which  was  not  of  less  significance 
to  Philip,  than  it  was  to  Athens.  Accordingly,  before  the 
year  was  out  in  which  the  letter  of  Philip  had  occasioned 
the  discussion  at  Athens  concerning  a revision  of  the 
treaties,  a number  of  citizen-colonists  were  despatched  to 
the  Chersonnesus,  in  order  to  strengthen  the  colony 
there.  In  consideration  of  the  difficult  state  of  affairs,  a 
Diopithes  man  talent  as  a general  and  of  acknow- 

]°e"pontHel"  ledgefl  bravery  of  heart,  Diopithes,  was 

chosen  as  leader  of  this  band  of  citizens.  He 

01.  eix.  2 (b. 

c.  342).  was  a man  resolved  not  to  allow  the  interests 

of  his  native  city  to  be  prejudiced  in  his  hands,  and  one  who 
was  bold  enough  to  proceed  on  his  own  responsibility,  in 
case  the  authorities  at  home  should  leave  him  in  the  lurch. 

This  came  to  pass  soon  enough.  Diopithes,  meeting 
with  resistance,  contrived  to  obtain  moneys  by  privateer- 
ing operations,  for  the  purpose  of  hiring  troops,  and  then 
advanced  against  Cardia,  which  entertained  hostile  senti- 
ments and  received  support  from  Philip.  Indeed,  in  the 
year  341  he  even  invaded  Macedonian  territory,  pillaged 
the  country,  took  fortified  places,  and  sold  the  prisoners. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  389 

This  daring  conduct  caused  extreme  astonishment.  It 
was  the  first  time  since  the  peace  that  the  proceedings 
of  the  Athenians  had  passed  the  limits  of  bold  speeches, 
of  answers  declining  proposals,  of  embassies  stimulating 
others  to  movement,  and  of  military  demonstrations. 
Philip  immediately  raised  a complaint  and  demanded 
satisfaction,  while  he  already  stood  with  his  troops  in 
Upper  Thrace  and  drew  to  him  reinforcements  from 
Macedonia  and  Thessaly. 

In  the  summer  the  affair  came  to  be  discussed  in  the 
civic  assembly.  The  parties  were  directly  opposed  to  one 
another.  The  adherents  of  Philip  took  full  advantage  of 
the  opportunity  for  attacking  their  adversaries,  who,  they 
said,  were  with  criminal  frivolity  involving  the  State  in  the 
most  perilous  quarrels,  who  could  not  even  hold  their  hands, 
when  Philip  was  so  far  distant  from  the  Attic  frontiers. 
They  demanded  the  recall  of  Diopithes,  and  the  infliction 
of  punishment  upon  him  for  his  self-willed  proceedings, 
whereby  he  had  by  land  and  by  sea  broken  the  peace. 

The  facts  were  not  to  be  denied  ; it  only  qpeeoh  of 
depended  upon  the  light  in  which  they  were  Demosthe- 
viewed.  And  now  Demosthenes  appeared  be-  iEs the  Cher 

1 sonnesus. 

fore  the  civic  assembly,  in  order  to  put  the 

J r 01.  eix.  3 (b. 

question  before  it  from  another  point  of  view.  c.  3 ii>. 

The  guilt  or  innocence  of  Diopithes  he  declared  to  be 
a secondary  question  ; the  real  point  at  issue  was  the  con- 
dition of  affairs,  not  a mere  question  of  persons.  It  was 
very  well  for  the  opposite  party  to  say  that  the  present 
state  of  things  was  insupportable  ; that  either  open  war 
should  be  declared  to  the  king,  or  peace  honestly  kept. 
“ This  decision,”  says  Demosthenes,  “ is  not  in  our  power 
at  all.  Philips  maintained  that  he  was  keeping  the  peace, 
when  he  was  marching  his  troops  into  Oreus,  occupying 
Cardia.  and  pulling  down  the  walls  of  Pherae.  If  Philip 
takes  Attic  property  and  destroys  Greek  cities,  that  is  no 
msus  belli ; but  if  we  once  in  a way  proceed  to  action,  and 


390 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


anywhere  hold  our  own,  complaints  are  made  about  a vio- 
lation of  legal  obligations.  Are  those  who  judge  after 
this  fashion  Athenians  ? Such  tenderness  of  conscience  is 
nothing  but  treason.  We  must  at  all  times  be  armed  for 
warding  off  his  blows,  since  when  he  comes  he  always 
comes  Unexpectedly.  And  now,  when  our  troops  happen 
to  be  on  the  spot,  we  are  of  our  own  free  impulse  to  grati- 
fy the  king  by  leaving  the  Hellespont  uncovered,  and 
this  at  the  time  of  the  Etesian  winds,  which  will  soon  pre- 
vent us  from  sailing  thither,  while  he  is  assembling  his 
troops  there ! And  the  general,  who  once  in  a way  dis- 
plays determination,— this  general  we  are  to  punish,  while 
in  fact  no  one  else  is  at  fault  but  the  citizens  them- 
selves, that  objections  can  be  raised  against  the  conduct 
of  Diopithes ; for  it  is  only  the  want  of  home  support 
which  has  forced  him  to  seek  for  means  of  maintenance 
elsewhere  ! Ourselves  we  ought  to  accuse,  not  him.  We 
ought  to  be  ashamed  of  sending  round  envoys  to  all  the 
states,  in  order  to  call  upon  them  to  be  vigilant  against 
Philip,  while  we  do  nothing  ourselves  for  our  preservation. 
For  it  is  our  preservation  which  is  in  question ; this  we 
ought  clearly  to  perceive.  We  must  make  up  our  minds 
to  the  fact  that  Philip  hates  us,  our  city,  the  ground  on 
which  it  stands,  all  its  inhabitants,  even  those  who  now 
boast  of  his  friendship,  but  first  and  foremost  our  constitu- 
tion. And  for  this  he  has  good  reason  ; for  he  is  very 
well  aware  how,  even  should  he  have  brought  everything 
else  into  his  power,  he  yet  can  call  nothing  his  own  in 
safety,  so  long  as  here  among  us  popular  government  pre- 
vails, inasmuch  as,  should  any  disaster  happen  to  him, 
such  as  may  in  many  ways  befall  a man,  all  those  whom 
he  now  holds  together  by  force  will  come  to  us  and  take 
refuge  here ; for  you  Athenians  are  by  your  character 
and  your  constitution  not  adapted  for  making  conquests 
and  founding  a dominion,  but  on  the  other  hand  you  are 
indeed  adapted  for  placing  yourselves  in  the  path  of  the 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  391 

grasping  ambition  of  others,  for  taking  from  them  their 
spoils,  and  for  helping  all  men  to  secure  liberty.”  The 
still  continuing  strong  aversion  of  the  Athenians  from  ex- 
pense and  exertion  Demosthenes  combats  by  calling 
upon  them  to  consider  what  awaits  them,  unless  they  do 
what  is  requisite.  “ For,”  he  says,  “ supposing  you  to 
have  one  of  the  gods  as  a security  for  Philip’s  leaving 
you  untouched,  in  case  you  hold  your  hands  and  abandon 
everything  : it  is  indeed,  by  Zeus  and  all  the  gods,  shame- 
ful for  you  and  your  city  to  sacrifice  in  indolent  stolidity 
the  whole  number  of  the  other  Hellenes ; and  I for  my 
part  would  rather  be  a dead  man  than  give  such  advice. 
But  if  another  says  it  and  convinces  you, — be  it  so ; ab- 
stain from  defending  yourselves ; give  up  everything ! 
But  of  course  the  fact  is,  that  no  man  believes  in  any  such 
thing.  On  the  contrary,  we  all  know  : the  more  we  allow 
him  to  take,  the  further  he  advances,  and  the  more  power- 
ful he  becomes,  to  our  cost  and  to  our  damage.  Therefore 
we  ought  assuredly  to  arrive  at  a decision  as  to  the  point 
up  to  which  we  are  willing  to  fall  back,  and  at  which,  ye 
Athenians,  we  are  ready  to  begin  to  do  our  duty.”  ‘ Well 
then,  when  the  moment  of  necessity  arrives.’  “ But  that 
which  free  men  call  necessity  has  already  long  ago  and 
abundantly  come  upon  us ; since  for  such  men  there  is 
nothing  more  intolerable  than  the  shame  aroused  by  what 
they  are  forced  to  see  done  every  day.  But  that  which 
slaves  call  necessity — chastisement  and  outrage — may  the 
gods  never  let  us  undergo  ! ” 

Thus  Demosthenes  expounds  to  his  fellow-citizens  the 
serious  nature  of  the  situation  ; he  calls  upon  them  to  keep 
the  troops  together,  to  pay  property-tax,  to  unite  the  Hel- 
lenic states  for  the  pursuit  of  a common  policy,  and  to 
inflict  punishment  upon  those  statesmen  who  serve  the  foe 
of  the  fatherland. 

The  mighty  speech  produced  its  effect.  The  Macedo- 
nian partisans  suffered  a fresh  defeat,  and  Diopithes  was 


392 


History  of  Greece. 


(Book  VII. 


not  recalled.  But  the  success  was  notwithstanding  an 
insufficient  one.  In  the  one  particular  case  the  Athenians 
had  acted  in  a rational  and  manly  way  ; but  their  general 
proceedings  still  left  much  to  be  desired ; the  imminent 
danger  was  still  not  present  to  their  minds  under  a suffi- 
ciently close  and  bodily  aspect ; they  were  still  unwilling 
to  renounce  the  wonted  sweetness  of  peace,  and  still  per- 
suaded themselves  that  Demosthenes  after  all  took  an 
unwarrantably  dark  view  of  the  state  of  things.  He 
The  Third  therefore  a few  weeks  after  his  last  speech  ap- 
Phihppic.  peared  once  more  before  the  civic  assembly, 
(i/c'  341)  3 or^er  to  explain  to  it  after  a still  more 

impressive  fashion,  how  in  reality  the  peace  no 
longer  existed,  as  Philip  and  his  friends  mendaciously 
pretended  : how  since  the  forcible  reduction  of  Phocis  war 
had  incessantly  been  made  upon  Athens ; and  how  the 
present  issue  was,  not  the  Hellespont  and  Byzantium,  but 
the  city  of  the  Athenians  themselves,  and  Hellas.  During 
the  last  fourteen  years,  says  Demosthenes,  Philip  has  been 
incessantly  intent,  wherever  Hellenes  dwell,  upon  carry- 
ing through  with  an  unrestricted  use  of  violence  the 
schemes  of  his  lust  of  dominion.  “ More  than  thirty 
Hellenic  towns  he  has  destroyed  in  Thrace,  so  that  over 
the  soil  which  they  covered  men  may  pass  without  being 
aware  of  them ; at  Delphi  he  has  deprived  us  of  our 
rights,  and  lets  one  of  his  servants  exercise  the  presidency 
there.  Thermopylae  is  occupied  by  his  troops ; the  exist- 
ence of  Phocis  as  a country  is  annihilated ; Thessaly  is 
torn  asunder  and  in  bondage ; in  Euboea  he  has  established 
despots : Megara  he  has  threatened,  and  Ambracia  and 
Leucas.  Elis  and  the  other  Peloponnesian  cities  he  has 
already  in  his  hands ; Naupactus  he  promises  to  the 
.ZEtolians ; Echinus,  the  Boeotian  frontier-town,  he  has 
taken  without  ceremony  from  the  Thebans ; and  as  he  is 
on  the  one  side  stretching  out  his  hands  towards  the  Ionian 
Sea,  so  on  the  other  he  is  extending  his  grasp  towards  the 


Chap,  iv.j  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  393 

Hellespont,  holds  Cardia  occupied,  marches  upon  Byzan- 
tium,— and  of  such  an  advance  on  all  sides  are  the 
Hellenes  remaining  tranquil  spectators,  as  if  a natural 
force  were  in  question, — a hail-cloud,  on  the  approach  of 
which  every  man  contents  himself  with  praying  that  it 
may  spare  his  fields?  The  same  Hellenes,  who  were 
formerly  so  sensitive  and  jealous,  if  a Hellenic  city  assert- 
ed its  superior  power,  now  allow  the  most  shameful  wrongs 
to  be  inflicted  upon  them  by  a vile  Macedonian ! 

“ Wherefore  were  the  Hellenes  formerly  terrible  to  the 
barbarians,  while  now  the  reverse  is  the  case  ? Not  their 
want  of  resources  is  in  fault,  but  the  lack  of  that  spirit 
which  of  old  victoriously  defended  the  liberty  of  Hellas 
against  the  overwhelming  might  of  the  Persians.  In  those 
days  every  one  was  accounted  devoid  of  honor  who  entered 
into  relations  with  the  barbarians,  and  he  who  had  been 
gained  over  by  gold  was  an  object  of  universal  contempt. 
This  sense  of  honor  has  vanished ; men  play  with  treason, 
and  no  longer  possess  the  force  of  hating  what  is  evil. 
Are  not  even  traitors,  known  to  the  whole  town,  called 
upon  to  address  the  civic  assembly,  although  the  examples 
of  Olynthus  and  other  cities  show  what  are  the  conse- 
quences, if  the  citizens  listen  to  the  traitors  and  allow 
themselves  to  be  caught  in  the  network  of  lies?  If  the 
Olynthians  were  now  still  able  to  take  counsel,  they  would 
have  many  a thing  to  say,  which  might  have  preserved 
them  from  ruin,  had  they  understood  it  and  taken  it  to 
heart  at  the  right  season.  In  the  same  way  the  citizens 
of  Oreus,  the  Phocians  and  the  other  victims  of  Philippic 
ambition.  All  this  is  now  too  late.  But  as  long  as  a 
vessel — whether  great  or  small — can  be  kept  above  the 
water,  so  long  the  mariner,  the  steersman,  and  all  the 
rest,  must  zealously  labor,  lest  no  man  intentionally  or 
unintentionally  cause  it  to  heel  over.  Therefore,  ye  men 
of  Athens,  so  long  as  we  are  still  unimpaired,  in  posses- 
sion of  the  greatest  city,  of  numerous  resources  and  of  the 

17* 


394 


History  oj  Greece. 


[Book.  VIL 


fulness  of  our  repute,  it  behooves  us  to  do  our  part.  We 
must  place  ourselves  in  a state  of  defence,  resolved,  even 
though  all  the  remaining  Hellenes  without  exception 
consented  to  enter  into  bondage,  to  fight  for  liberty,  so  far 
as  in  ourselves  lies.  This  we  must  openly  attest,  pro- 
claiming our  resolutions  by  embassies  into  Peloponnesus, 
to  Rhodes,  to  Chios  and  to  Susa ; for  the  Persian  king  too 
cannot  be  indifferent  to  the  Macedonian’s  succeeding  in 
overthrowing  everything.  But  above  all  our  own  resolu- 
tion must  stand  fast ; for  it  is  folly  to  take  thought  of 
others,  while  sacrificing  what  belongs  to  oneself ; and  in 
the  first  place  it  is  indispensable  for  us  to  do  our  own 
duty,  and  then  to  unite,  and  address  exhortations  to,  the 
remaining  Hellenes.  Thus  it  befits  such  a city  as  yours 
is.  But  if  you  Athenians  intend  to  wait,  till  peradventure 
the  Chalcidians  shall  save  Hellas  or  the  Megareans,  while 
you  in  a craven  spirit  withdraw  from  the  task,  you  think 
wrongly.  All  these  are  satisfied,  so  long  as  they  are 
themselves  preserved  ; but  you  it  behooves  to  bring  this  to 
pass.  Nay,  for  you  your  ancestors  acquired  this  office  of 
honor,  and  even  amidst  great  perils  succeeded  in  preserv- 
ing it  as  your  inheritance ! Thus  this  speech  supplements 
what  was  wanting  in  the  former,  and  draws  the  attention 
of  the  Athenians  from  the  particular  affair  to  the  general 
situation,  from  the  Chersonnesus  to  Hellas,  from  the  Attic 
policy  to  the  Hellenic,  which  Demosthenes  brings  home  to 
the  Athenians  and  commends  to  them  as  their  own.* 

The  mightiest  of  all  the  popular  orations  of  Demosthenes 
was  also  attended  by  the  greatest  success ; it  finally  de- 
termined the  sentiments  of  the  citizens,  who  had  gradually 
The  effects  more  and  more  come  over  to  his  side.  The 
°f  the  party  of  Eubulus  could  no  longer  hold  its  own 

against  him ; it  retired,  and  thus  the  conduct 


* Diopithes:  Dem.  is.  15.  The  oration  irepX  riv  iv  Xepo-oi'i'ijcrw  and  the  Third 
Philippic  (which  is  preserved  both  in  its  original  edition  and  in  one  enlarged 
by  supplements  of  an  ancient  date)  are  the  last  and  at  the  same  time  the 
greatest  Orations  of  State  by  Demosthenes  possessed  by  us. 


c-bap.  iv  ] Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


395 


of  public  affairs  virtually  came  into  the  hands  of  Demos- 
thenes. A favorable  influence  was  exercised  by  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  Thrace.  The  undertakings  of  the  king 
there  inspired  the  Athenians  with  more  apprehension  than 
the  occupation  of  Phocis  and  Thermopylae.  They  re- 
membered the  times  of  Lysander,  and  saw  ruin  approach- 
ing for  the  second  time  from  the  Hellespont  through  a 
cutting-off  of  the  supplies  of  corn.  Moreover,  at  this  time 
a better  spirit  was  arising  outside  as  well  as  inside  Athens, 
• — a recognition  of  the  danger  menacing  all  Hellas,  and  a 
determined  courage  for  the  contest  on  behalf  of  liberty. 
Doubtless  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes,  which  were  wide- 
ly spread  about  Hellas,  co-operated  in  producing  this 
effect;  a movement  of  patriotic  enthusiasm  had  been 
quietly  preparing  itself;  and  accordingly  the  embassies, 
which  had  been  sent  out  on  the  motion  of  Demosthenes, 
this  time  remained  no  empty  and  fruitless  formalities; 
they  in  real  truth  constituted  the  commencement  of  a 
combination  among  Hellenic  states  for  purposes  of  offence 
and  defence  against  Philip’s  lust  of  dominion. 

On  this  occasion  also  Demosthenes  personal-  „ 
ly  participated  with  the  utmost  zeal  in  the  j^^es in 
execution  of  his  proposals.  In  the  summer  of  01.  eix.  4 
341  he  repaired  to  the  theatre  of  war,  where  'vB' c' 311)' 
the  first  decisive  events  were  to  be  looked  for, — to  the 
Hellespont,  in  order  there  to  do  his  best  towards  keeping 
the  Athenians  at  their  posts,  and  to  Byzantium ; for  the 
latter  was  at  present  the  most  important  point  in  the 
regions  of  the  northern  seas,  the  commanding  spot  for  the 
traffic  between  the  Pontus  and  the  Archipelago,  as  well  as 
for  the  passage  from  Europe  to  Asia. 

The  Persian  Wars  had  first  made  Byzan-  Bvzantium 
tium  a European  city  (vol.  ii.  p.  369),  and  at 
the  same  time  an  important  member  of  the  Hellenic 
federal  power,  which  was  at  that  time  forming  as  against 
the  East.  Of  all  Greek  colonies,  however,  Byzantium  was 


396 


History  of  (Greece. 


[Book  VII, 


invariably  the  least  inclined  to  take  its  place  as  a member 
of  a greater  body.  Freed  from  all  danger  since  the  Per- 
sian Empire  had  become  enfeebled,  the  city  gave  itself  up 
to  its  particular  commercial  interests ; nor  was  any  other 
Greek  city  equally  privileged  by  nature  as  a maritime 
town.  For  Byzantium  was  not  only  the  natural  centre 
of  the  navigation  of  the  Pontus,  but  also  of  the  industry 
of  the  fisheries ; and  while  the  other  cities  took  part  in 
this  lucrative  pursuit  amidst  a variety  of  difficulties  and 
dangers,  the  current  of  the  sea  drove  the  dense  shoals 
of  the  tunny-fish,  precisely  at  the  time  when  they  had 
attained  to  their  most  perfect  condition,  into  the  harbor 
of  Byzantium,  so  that  the  most  abundant  of  natural  bless- 
ings was  thus  without  trouble  poured  into  the  lap  of  its 
citizens  The  city  being,  moreover,  distinguished  by  its 
strong  situation  on  a peninsula,  by  its  healthy  climate  and 
its  fertile  neighborhood,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  a very 
defiant  spirit  of  self-confidence  developed  itself  at  Byzan- 
tium, and  that  even  individual  Hellenes,  who  established 
a firm  footing  here,  such  as  Pausanias  (vol.  ii.  p.  370)  and 
Clearchus  (vol.  iv.  p.  184),  when  in  this  city,  deemed 
themselves  invincible.  Already  during  the  Samian  War, 
Byzantium  had  sought  to  break  loose  from  her  connexion 
with  Athens  (vol.  ii.  p.  520).  In  the  Peloponnesian  War, 
Alcibiades  restored  the  Attic  supremacy  on  the  Hellespont 
(vol.  iii.  p.  506).  Hereupon  ensued  successively  the  efforts 
of  the  Athenians,  the  Spartans,  the  Thebans  (vol.  iv.  p. 
499) ; but  none  of  these  cities  was  strong  enough  to  give 
the  proper  force  to  its  claims.  This  tended  to  heighten 
the  arrogance  of  the  Byzantines,  until  at  last  the  Social 
War  gave  them  the  desired  opportunity  of  being  reckoned 
among  independent  maritime  states.  At  the  present  mo- 
ment Byzantium  had  ships  in  numbers,  perhaps  equalling 
those  belonging  to  Athens ; it  possessed  a considerable  ter- 
ritory ; it  had  a series  of  subject  seaports  on  the  Pontus 
and  on  the  Propontis,  and  had  established  a connexion 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


39 1 


with  Perinthus,  one  of  the  strongest  maritime  Perinthus_ 
fortresses  of  the  ancient  world,  a city  which 
kept  an  army  of  30,000  men.  For  this  reason  the  crafty 
Philip  had  made  advances  of  so  amiable  a nature  to  the 
Byzantines ; he  had  contrived  to  intertwine  their  interest 
with  his  own,  and  had  concluded  an  alliance  with  them 
for  combating  in  common  the  Thracian  princes. 

It  had  now  become  the  task  of  Demosthenes  Alliance 
to  heal  the  evil  rift,  which  had  been  made  here  ^hens'and 
by  the  Social  War;  to  bring  back  to  the  side  Byzantium, 
of  Athens  the  defiant,  arrogant,  and  unfriendly  ^Lcci.luj 
maritime  city ; to  convince  its  citizens  of  the 
danger  by  which  they  too  were  threatened,  and  to  proffer 
the  aid  of  the  Athenians.  Circumstances  were  in  his  favor, 
since  such  a condition  of  discord,  as  according  to  the 
anticipations  of  Demosthenes  had  been  inevitable,  had 
actually  already  come  to  prevail  between  Philip  and  By- 
zantium. The  Byzantines  had  refused  the  aid  which 
Philip  had  demanded  from  them.  They  had  become 
aware  of  the  fact,  that  his  proximity  was  becoming  more 
dangerous  to  them  than  that  of  the  Thracian  princes,  upon 
whom  he  wished  to  make  war  in  their  company.  At  this 
season  Demosthenes  arrived.  It  was  the  right  moment  for 
overcoming,  in  view  of  the  common  danger,  the  unbending 
pride  of  the  Byzantines  and  their  mistrust  of  Athens ; the 
two  most  important  maritime  cities  joined  hands,  and  the 
Athenians  sent  troops  to  the  Hellespont,  to  Tenedus,  to 
Proconnesus,  in  order  publicly  to  prove,  to  their  friends 
and  foes  alike,  their  determination  to  uphold  their  power 
in  the  Northern  Seas.* 

Envoys  were  simultaneously  sent  to  Rhodes  Embas?ies 
and  to  Chios,  where  Hyperides  was  probably  p°hba°and 
the  spokesman  of  the  Athenians ; while  Ephi-  Persia, 
altes  went  to  Susa,  in  order  to  point  out  to  the  govern* 


* Byzantium  : Dem.  xviii.  244. 


398 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


ment  there  the  dangers  arising  for  the  security  of  the 
Persian  empire  out  of  the  advance  of  the  Macedonians 
into  the  Northern  routes  of  the  sea,  and  accordingly  to 
propose  the  conclusion  of  a treaty  of  subsidies  with  Athens 
and  her  allies.  At  the  court  of  the  Great  King  it  was 
thought  impossible  to  enter  upon  these  proposals;  indeed, 
they  were  abruptly  rejected  in  remembrance  of  the  hostile 
beai’ing  of  Athens  on  former  occasions  (p.  249).  The 
dangerous  nature  of  Philip’s  advances  was,  however,  not 
mistaken  at  Susa  ; a vigilant  eye  was  kept  upon  the  Helles- 
pont ; and  it  seemed  to  be  a convenient  expedient,  secretly 
to  support  the  Attic  defence  of  the  Chersonnesus,  in  order 
thus  to  secure  an  obstruction  against  the  advance  of  the 
Macedonians.  The  leaders  of  the  war-party  at  Athens  are 
also  said  to  have  received  gifts  of  money;  and  it  is  in 
itself  not  improbable,  that  at  this  time  the  same  policy  was 
pursued  at  Susa,  as  in  the  days  of  the  outbreak  of  the 
Corinthian  War  (vol.  iv.  p.  236),  negotiations  being  carried 
on,  not  with  the  Greek  states,  but  with  individual  party- 
leaders,  and  means  being  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
latter,  which  they  were  to  employ  according  as  they 
thought  fit.* 

Demos-  During  the  labors  of  these  embassies  very 

Caiiias  and  important  steps  had  been  taken  in  Greece  it- 
self. Demosthenes  had  throughout  kept 
Euboea  in  view  ; for  in  proportion  as  the  actual  outbreak 
of  the  war  became  removed  beyond  doubt,  this  island  rose 
in  importance,  as  well  to  Philip  for  the  purpose  of  an 
attack  upon  Athens,  as  to  the  Athenians  for  that  of  the 
defence  of  Attica  and  the  prosecution  of  a successful  war. 
In  this  respect  the  greatest  importance  attached  to  the 
combination  of  Demosthenes  with  Callias,  the  son  of 
Mnesarchus  (p.  376),  who  was  in  the  first  instance  intent 


* Hyperides’  Aoyoi  ‘ PoSiaicdc  and  Xiaros : Sauppe,  Orat.  Alt.  ii.  300,  340.  Ephi- 
altes:  Vit.  X.  Oral.  847;  iEschin.  iii.  238;  [Bern.]  xii.  6.  Eoyal  present  of 
money  sent  to  Diopithes  TeSvewn : Aristot.  Shel.  ii.  8. 


Chap,  iv.j  Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


399 


upon  liberating  his  own  island  and  uniting  it  under  the 
leadership  of  his  native  city  of  Chalcis,  but  who  in  this 
endeavor  was  naturally  obliged  to  seek  for  a support  in 
the  neighbor-states,  and  therefore  went  hand  in  hand  with 
the  patriot-party  at  Athens.  Callias  is  the  first  statesman 
outside  of  Attica  who  attached  himself  to  Demosthenes, 
and  Chalcis  the  first  neighbor-city  who  offered  its  alliance, 
and  which  was  not  merely  anxious  to  receive  aid,  like 
Rhodes,  Megalopolis  and  others,  but  also  most  zealously 
went  forward  itself.  As  at  the  time  of  the  Persian  Wars 
Athens  and  Sparta  placed  themselves  in  the  van,  in  order 
to  gather  the  patriot-party,  so  now  the  same  step  was 
taken  by  Athens  and  Chalcis  ; they  were  the  two  cities, 
which  first  concluded  the  League,  and  then  sought  for  the 
accession  of  others.  Hereby  the  good  cause  assumed  a 
Hellenic  character,  and  awakened  a greater  amount  of 
confidence.  Demosthenes  contrived  to  turn  to  the  best 
account  the  advantage  of  existing  circumstances ; he  never 
forgot  to  direct  attention  to  the  main  point,  and  prevented 
the  wrecking  of  the  great  result  upon  secondary  matters, 
in  particular  upon  such  as  had  reference  to  the  interna- 
tional relations  of  the  formerly  dependent  confederates. 
Demosthenes  and  Callias  travelled  together  into  Pelo- 
ponnesus and  into  the  Western  districts.  The  The  Nation 
Acarnanians,  probably  irritated  by  Philip’s  aI  League, 
treaties  with  the  fEtoliaus,  promised  their  ac-  01.  eix  6 
cession  ; together  with  them  the  Leucadians : ,,  , 

then  the  Corinthians  and  Achseans ; lastly, 

Megara.  A regular  scale  of  contributions  for  the  forma- 
tion of  a common  land  and  naval  power  was  agreed  upon. 
The  Euboeaus  bound  themselves  to  pay  forty  talents,  the 
Peloponnesians  and  Megareans  sixty. 

Callias  made  a report  to  the  civic  community  at  Athens 
on  the  results  of  his  embassy  ; Demosthenes  corroborated 
the  successful  laying  of  the  foundations  of  a national  asso- 
ciation against  Philip ; and  for  the  next  month  was  fixed 


400 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


the  definitive  conclusion  of  the  treaties,  and  the  first  meeting 
of  the  new  Federal  Council  under  the  presidency  of 
Athens.  It  was  a good  sign,  that  during  the  progress  of 
these  preparations  the  struggle  against  the  Macedonian 
influence  had  been  successfully  commenced  ; for  the  more 
limited  Armed  League  between  Athens,  Megara,  and 
Chalcis  had  already  come  into  effect.  Callias  and  his 
brother  Taurosthenes  had  in  company  with  Cephisophon, 
the  commander  of  the  Attic  auxiliary  force,  marched  out 
against  Oreus,  which  naturally  seemed  to  them  the  point 
of  the  greatest  importance,  especially  because  it  was  from 
this  position  that  the  tenure  of  the  northern  Sporades, 
Sciathus  and  others,  was  threatened.  Already  by  01.  cix. 
3,  b.  c.  341,  the  Tyrant  Philistides  had  been  slain,  and  the 
city  secured. 

With  redoubled  courage  the  further  proposals  of  De- 
mosthenes were  now  entered  upon.  The  deputies  met  at 
Athens  in  the  commencement  of  the  spring  of  the  year 
340,  in  order  to  settle  the  treaties.  Different  views 
obtained  as  to  whether  a fixed  scale  of  contributions 
should  be  adopted,  or  the  war-expenses,  which,  as  Hege- 
sippus  insisted,  were  of  their  nature  not  determinable 
beforehand,  be  ex  post  facto  divided.  As  to  the  main 
point  a good  understanding  was  arrived  at,  and  a League 
was  established,  in  which,  under  the  presidency  of  Athens, 
Eubcea,  Megara,  Achaia,  Corinth,  Leucas,  Acarnania, 
Ambracia,  and  Corcyra  took  part. 

Athens  at  the  instigation  of  Demosthenes 
did  more  than  it  was  her  precise  duty  to  con- 
tribute. He  urged  matters  forward  with  irre- 
sistible energy,  in  order  that  above  all  things 
the  League  might  be  open  to  action  as  soon  as 
possible.  Moneys  and  vessels  were  made  over  to  the 
Eubcean  communities ; and  Demosthenes  had  afterwards 
to  hear  himself  blamed,  for  having  in  his  Hellenic  zeal 
impaired  the  particular  interests  of  his  native  city.  But 


Liberation 
of  Euboea. 

Ol.  cix.  4 
(b.  c.  340). 

Spring. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  401 

he  well  knew  what  he  was  doing.  The  advances  in 
money  and  ships  made  by  Athens  essentially  contributed 
to  give  the  death-blow  to  the  rotten  peace,  which  he  de- 
sired to  see  destroyed.  From  Euboea  landings  were  made 
on  the  Pagassean  Gulf ; Thessalian  towns  were  occupied ; 

0 Macedonian  vessels  seized.  In  the  Northern  islands  also 
bloody  conflicts  already  occurred.  Halonnesus  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  Peparethians,  who  had  made  its 
Macedonian  garrison  prisoners.  Philip  in  return  caused 
Peparethus  to  be  devastated,  while  the  Athenians  took  up 
the  cause  of  the  island  and  gave  instructions  to  their  ships 
to  make  reprisals  upon  Macedonian  property.  The  Athe- 
nians had  been  as  it  were  transformed ; they  now  set  to 
work  with  absolute  unscrupulousness  within  the  city  as 
well  as  outside.  In  Athens  a certain  Anaxinus  of  Oreus, 
who  pretended  to  be  making  purchases  on  behalf  of  queen 
Olympias,  was  arrested  as  a spy  and  executed.  Abroad, 
an  attack  upon  Euboea  was  expected  ; it  was  indispensable 
to  overthrow  the  other  Tyrants  too  as  speedily  as  possible, 
who  promoted  the  schemes  of  the  Macedonians,  in  particu- 
lar Clitarchus  of  Eretria,  who  had  with  Phocian  mercena- 
ries ousted  Plutarchus  (p.  276).  At  Athens  the  most 
praiseworthy  ardor  was  displayed.  Forty  vessels  were 
equipped  by  voluntary  contributions ; under  the  proved 
leadership  of  Phocion,  Eretria  was  taken  and  Clitarchus 
slain ; and  herewith  all  Eubcea  was  once  more  free.  A 
multitude  of  unexpected  successes  rapidly  succeeded  one 
another  in  this  period.  Taken  singly,  they  were  not  of  a 
nature  to  cause  anxiety  to  Philip,  but  together  they  could 
not  fail  to  attest  to  him  a very  remarkable  revulsion  in 
public  opinion.  The  most  daring  policy  on  the  part  of 
Demosthenes  was  now  welcome  to  the  civic  body ; the 
opposite  party,  upon  which  a fresh  blow  had  been  inflicted 
by  judicial  proof  being  given  of  an  understanding  between 
iEschines  and  Anaxinus,  was  powerless;  while  Demos- 
thenes was  publicly  recognized  as  the  statesman  at  the 


402 


[Book  VII. 


History  of  Gh'eece. 

helm  of  affairs,  and  was  on  the  motion  of  Aristonicus  for 
the  first  time  honored  by  a golden  wreath  at  the  Dionysia. 
Indeed,  the  national  ill-will  against  Philip  was  becoming 
so  intense,  that  at  Olympia  too  the  mention  of  his  name 
was  heard  with  loud  expressions  of  disfavor.* 

The  circumstances  were  highly  favorable  for  the  success 
of  the  Demosthenic  policy ; for  Philip  was  at  a distance, 
and  involved  in  a war  which  he  could  not 
immediately  break  off',  so  as  to  hasten  into 
ITellas  and  burst  asunder  the  League  now  in 
process  of  formation,  before  it  attained  to  its 
full  strength.  Philip  had  from  the  first  pursued  a double 
method  of  conducting  war,  the  one  against  the  Hellenes 
and  the  other  against  the  barbarians.  In  the  case  of  the 
former  he  invariably  sought  to  obtain  a recognition  peace- 
able in  form  ; with  the  latter  he  only  had  in  view,  the  ac- 
quisition of  territory,  an  advantageous  extension  of  his  em- 
pire, pillage,  and  the  increase  of  his  military  forces.  Thus, 
after  having  apparently  succeeded  in  tranquillizing  the 
Greek  states,  Philip  had  already  for  more  than  two  years 
been  engaged  in  a war,  the  objects  of  which  were  the 
conquest  of  an  entire  complex  of  territories  and  the  gradu- 
al conversion  of  it  into  a province.  Macedonia  was  no 
longer  to  be  the  boundary-land  of  European  civilization. 
The  vast  land  of  the  Thracians  on  either  side  of  Mount 
Hsemus,  hitherto  only  opened  at  its  rims,  a land  full  of 
mighty  rivers,  full  of  forests  and  mines,  of  pastures  and 


Philip’s 
Thracian 
War,  from 
01.  cix.  2 
(b.  c.  342). 


* Upon  the  history  of  the  (Third)  Eubosan  War  new  light  is  thrown  by  the 
Scholia  to  iEsehin.  85  and  103,  of  which  1 have  made  use  in  the  text.  Li- 
beration of  Oreus  in  the  month  of  Scirophorion,  01.  cix.  3,  by  Cephisophon, 
who  at  that  time  had  taken  up  a position  near  Sciathus  (Boeckh,  Seeurlamden , 
480 ; Bohneke,  Forschungen,  736) ; of  Eretria,  01.  cix.  4 (spring  of  340),  on  which 
occasion  Clitarehus  was  slain,  in  this  campaign  Hyperides  took  part  as 
trierarch  on  one  of  the  two  triremes  presented  by  him  : Vit.  X Oaf.  850 
(ImSoo-i/xof  rp.  ’A vSpeia,  Boeckh,  442,  498).  Cf.  Schafer,  ii.  480  and  F.  Schultz 
in  Neue  Jahrb.  fur  Philol.  1866,  p.  314.  Anaxinus  the  spy:  AEschin.  iii.  223; 
Pem.  xviii.  137. — Aristonicus,  son  of  Nieophanes:  £83;  Vit.  X Oral.  848.— 
Olympia-  Plutarch,  Mor.  457. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  403 

tracts  for  tillage,  was,  with  its  peoples,  to  be  made  to  do 
him  service,  and  at  the  same  time  to  act  as  a bridge  both 
for  the  acquisition  of  the  shores  of  the  Pontus  and  for  the 
conquest  of  the  continent  beyond.  To  this  task  he  was 
entirely  devoted  during  a series  of  years,  while  he  left  his 
son  to  conduct  the  business  of  government  at  Pella.  In 
Thrace  too  Philip  acted  in  accordance  with  the  stand- 
points of  Hellenic  culture,  in  contending  against  barba- 
rians who  had,  at  all  times  within  the  memory  of  man,  in- 
cessantly endangered  the  Greek  coast-towns.  Hereby  he 
deemed  that  he  acquired  a claim  upon  a protecting 
supremacy  over  the  neighboring  Greeks  ; here,  too,  he  de- 
clined no  opportunity  offering  itself  to  him  of  forming 
peaceable  bonds  of  connexion,  and  preferred  alliances  to 
any  other  means  of  extending  the  boundaries  of  his  empire. 
But  in  other  respects  his  system  of  carrying  on  war  here 
was  utterlv  different  from  that  adopted  by  him  in  the 
regions  of  Greece  itself, — in  particular  after  he  had  over- 
thrown the  prin  equalities  in  the  lower  parts  of  the  country, 
and  was  hereupon  fighting  against  the  mountain  tribes, 
which  confronted  him  with  an  unbroken  love  of  liberty. 
To  the  changes  in  the  fortune  of  war  and  to  the  difficulty 
of  a permanent  subjugation  were  now  added  the  troubles 
arising  from  the  rough  climate  and  the  trackless  country. 
The  soldiers  were  obliged  to  take  up  their  quarters  in 
wretched  pits  in  the  earth  ; and  the  heaviest  of  losses  had 
incessantly  to  be  made  good  by  the  despatch  of  more  and 
more  fresh  troops  from  Macedonia  and  Thessaly. 

But  it  was  not  only  as  a general  that  Philip  was  here 
occupied ; he  was  also  for  years  engaged  upon  the  explo- 
ration of  the  country,  the  study  of  its  resources,  the  estab- 
lishment of  order  in  it,  and  the  securing  of  such  acquisi- 
tions as  had  been  made.  Roads  were  constructed  and 
towns  founded,  in  order  to  make  safe  the  routes  by  land 
and  water,  as  well  as  to  turn  the  mines  to  full  account. 
Thus  there  arose  in  the  land,  which  had  formed  the  nu- 


404 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIl. 


cleus  of  tlie  ancient  Thracian  empire,  a series  of  Macedo- 
nian colonies,  Philippopolis  on  the  Hebrus,  and  Calybe 
and  Bine  on  its  tributary  rivers, — places  in  which  under 
the  superintendence  of  armed  forces  convicts  were  settled, 
in  order  to  make  the  soil  arable  and  the  district  habitable. 
Since  the  spring  of  the  year  342  Philip  was  engaged  upon 
these  tasks,  which  claimed  his  personal  attention,  so  that 
he  could  only  take  thought  incidentally  of  any  quarrels 
at  a greater  distance. 

The  main  object  had  been  achieved ; the  rude  country 
of  the  interior  had  been  subjected  by  enormous  exertions 
and  sacrifices ; the  dynastic  power  of  Macedonia  had 
been  almost  trebled  ; the  two  empires  of  the  North,  which 
had  developed  themselves  menacingly  above  Hellas,  the 
basins  of  the  western  and  those  of  the  eastern  rivers  (p. 
15),  had  at  last  been  blended  into  a single  whole.  But 
there  was  yet  wanting  the  consummation  of  the  great 
work,  to  wit  the  union  with  the  newly-conquered  mainland 
of  the  Greek  coast-places,  which  were  in  this  quarter  to 
serve  him  after  the  same  fashion  as  Amphipolis,  Potidsea, 
&c.,  had  in  the  case  of  his  earlier  acquisitions.  Until  he 
was  possessed  of  these  towns,  he  was  not  master  over  the 
routes  of  the  sea  ; without  them  his  entire  war  of  conquest 
remained  an  utterly  incomplete  and  defective  under- 
taking ; they  shut  him  up  in  the  interior.  He  had  sought 
to  gain  his  end  by  treaties ; but  in  vain.  Very  inoppor- 
tunely he  saw  arising  not  only  in  the  peninsula  on  the 
Hellespont,  but  also  in  the  Greek  towns  on  the  Bosporus 
and  on  the  Propontis,  a spirit  of  vigorous  recalcitrance; 
and,  instead  of  peaceably  accomplishing  his  purposes,  he 
was  forced  here  at  the  Northern  Straits  to  begin  a war,  in 
which  successively  the  Persians,  the  Athenians  and  their 
confederates  became  engaged.  At  this  point  the  contest 
between  Europe  and  Asia  unexpectedly  came  to  an  out- 
break ; and  at  this  point  the  peace  with  Athens  was,  after 
an  endurance  of  seven  years,  at  last  openly  broken. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  405 

The  question  turned  on  Perinthus  and  Byzantium. 
Both  cities  refused  to  become  the  allies  of  Philip  ; his 
final  campaigns  in  Thrace  had  therefore  to  be  directed 
against  these  cities,  for  the  purpose  of  incorporating  them, 
even  against  their  will,  into  the  new  territory  of  the  Mace- 
dono-Thracian  empire. 

Perinthus  was  first  assaulted.  Siege-towers 

o Siege  of 

120  feet  in  height  were  erected,  in  order  to  Perinthus. 
hurl  missiles  from  above  upon  the  walls  ; and  01- cx- 1 (B- 
at  the  same  time  subterraneous  passages  were 
mined,  so  that  the  city  might  also  be  entered  underground. 
Hereupon  the  fleet  was  brought  to  the  spot,  in  order  to 
cut  off  the  supplies  which  might  have  arrived  by  sea. 
For  Philip  everything  depended  upon  carrying  the  siege 
to  a speedy  issue ; constantly  changing  his  troops,  he  ad- 
vanced towards  the  walls,  and  notwithstanding  the  valor 
of  the  citizens,  the  strength  of  their  fortifications,  the  se- 
curity of  the  peninsular  situation,  and  the  support  ac- 
corded by  Byzantium,  a protracted  resistance  was  impos- 
sible. At  this  moment  there  arrived  unexpected  succor 
from  the  opposite  shore,  a support  offered  to  the  Greek 
struggles  for  liberty  by  Persia. 

The  Persians  were  not  by  nature  so  stolid,  as  to  remain 
apathetic  spectators,  while  king  Philip  was  making  him- 
self master  of  the  strong  positions  on  the  shore  opposite  to 
their  own  ; their  attention  had  moreover  been  directed  to 
the  danger  by  Ephialtes  (p.  395)  ; and  they  had  doubtless 
taken  advantage  of  the  warning.  Attic  influence  is  to  be 
all  the  more  readily  assumed,  inasmuch  as  an  Athenian, 
Apollodorus,  conducted  across  the  auxiliary  force,  which 
had  been  collected  by  Arsites,  the  satrap  of  Lesser  Phry- 
gia, in  conjunction  with  the  neighboring  governors. 
Already  this  participation  in  the  movement  by  several 
latraps  allows  us  to  conclude,  that  the  orders  for  it  had 
proceeded  from  the  Great  King  himself.  But  undoubted- 
ly it  was  principally  due  to  the  skilfulness  of  the  Attic 


406 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


leader  that  the  succor  arrived  at  the  right  moment,  and 
that  the  introduction  through  the  lines  of  the  blockading 
army  of  troops,  money,  provender  and  necessaries  of  war, 
was  successfully  accomplished.  From  Byzantium  too 
fresh  aid  arrived  ; and  thus  it  came  to  pass,  that  the  king, 
who  had  already  broken  through  the  circle  of  walls  round 
Perinthus,  was  met  by  so  vigorous  a resistance  out  of  the 
houses  and  from  behind  stone-walls  which  had  been 
thrown  up,  that  he  was  forced  to  turn  back  in  the  streets 
of  the  city,  and,  after  enormous  sacrifices  and  exertions 
which  had  occupied  several  months,  was  obliged  to  depart 
with  his  main  force. 

Si  r of  He  rapidly  turned  upon  Byzantium,  whose 
Byzantium.  resources  he  supposed  to  be  exhausted  by  the 
c aio)  1 ^B’  participation  of  its  citizens  in  the  struggle  at 

Perinthus.  But  he  found  the  city  better  pre- 

Autumn.  J x 

pared  than  he  had  expected,  best  of  all 
through  the  fact  that  the  civic  community,  which  gener- 
ally was  notorious  for  disorder  and  want  of  discipline, 
had  now  given  itself  up  to  a man  who  in  full  measure  de- 
served and  possessed  its  confidence.  This  was  Leon,  a 
pupil  of  Plato.  As  commander-in-chief  he  stood,  like 
Pericles  at  Athens,  at  the  head  of  the  entire  State,  which 
recognized  the  necessity  of  the  guidance  of  a single  hand. 
It  was  in  consequence  of  the  efforts  of  Leon  that  the  sister- 
city  had  been  supported  with  the  exertion  of  all  the 
strength  of  Byzantium  ; by  his  advice  the  Byzantines  had, 
when  Philip  approached  against  them,  withdrawn  within 
their  walls,  and  not  afforded  the  king  the  desired  oppor- 
tunity of  an  open  battle.  Leon  trusted  in  the  position  of 
the  city  and  in  its  mighty  defensive  works.  Situate  on  -a 
peninsula,  washed  on  the  south  and  east  side  by  the  Bos- 
porus and  the  Propontis,  on  the  north  side  by  the  arm  of 
the  sea  called  from  ancient  times  the  Golden  Horn,  the 
city  was  only  on  the  third  and  narrowest  side  connected 
with  the  Thracian  mainland.  Walls  of  extraordinary 


Chap,  iv.]  _£as£  Struggles  for  Independence.  407 

strength,  surrounded  the  entire  peninsula,  double  ranges 
of  walls  securing  the  land-side.  But  even  the  strongest 
walls  were  incapable  of  preserving  the  city  ; and  now  the 
hour  arrived  for  Byzantium,  as  had  been  the  case  with 
the  other  cities  of  the  North  which  had  fallen  away  from 
Athens,  when  upon  Athens  it  too  had  to  place  its  last 
hope.  Leon,  the  pupil  of  the  Academy,  doubtless  essen- 
tially contributed  to  bring  about  the  establishment  of  a 
connexion  with  Athens  ; and  in  this  too  Byzantium  was 
specially  fortunate,  that  what  had  been  neglected  in  the 
case  of  Amphipolis  and  Olynthus,  or  had  been  done  too 
late,  was  here  effected  at  the  right  moment  and  in  a suffi- 
cient way.  In  the  interval  a totally  different  time  had 
begun,  and  a warlike  spirit  prevailed  which,  having  been 
called  forth  by  Demosthenes,  pervaded  the  whole  of 
Greece.* 

When  Philip  advanced  upon  Byzantium,  he  was 
already  at  war  with  Athens.  He  had  unscrupulously 
passed  through  Attic  territory,  in  order  to  cover  his  fleet, 
when  it  was  sailing  up  through  the  Hellespont  for  the 
siege  of  the  cities,  and  had  caused  ships  of  the  Athenians 
and  of  their  confederates  to  be  seized.  Athens  called  him 
to  account  for  these  proceedings.  She  received  an  answer 
from  the  camp  before  Perinthus,  in  which  the  king  repre- 
sented himself  as  the  injured  party  and  the  Athenians  as 
those  who  were  provoking  the  conflict,  and  cast  upon  them 
the  guilt  of  having  broken  the  peace.  It  was  a mere  dis- 
pute of  words ; for  in  point  of  fact,  as  nobody  could  doubt, 
the  peace  had  been  broken  on  both  sides  and  was  untena- 
ble ; so  that  the  only  point  of  importance  was  the  actual 
moment  of  the  open  rupture.  It  was  in  the  interest  of 

* Philip  had  been  ten  months  in  Thrace  when  Demosthenes  made  the 
speech  concerning  the  Chersonnesus,_  the  date  of  which  is  the  year  341,  towards 
the  season  of  the  Etesian  winds  (July) : Dem.  viii.  2. — Calybe  ‘ nonjpo7roAis 
Suidas,  s.  v.  oouAutr  jtoAis. — Perinthus : Philoehorus,  Fragm.  135  ; Diod.  xvi.  74. 
Apollodorus : Pausan.  i.  29, 10.  The  orders  of  the  Great  King  are  mentioned 
by  Diodorus.— Leon  . Plutarch,  Phoc.  14;  Suidas. 


408 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Philip  to  delay  this  moment ; he  therefore  once  more  at- 
tempted to  terrify  his  adversaries,  and  in  his  manifesto 
made  certain  final  demands,  the  rejection  of  which  he 
would  feel  bound  to  regard  as  a declaration  of  war. 

Open  war  The  Athenians  replied  to  this  ultimatum  by 
PhmpTnd  pulling  down  the  pillars  of  peace,  and  more 
Athens.  decisively  than  ever  committing  themselves  to 
the  guidance  of  Demosthenes.  That  the  fortified  positions 
on  the  sea-routes  of  the  Pontus,  that  Byzantium,  the  chief 
market  of  the  Northern  trade,  must  not  be  allowed  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  king,  was  a point  of  view  clear  to 
every  Athenian  ; and  therefore  amidst  universal  assent  the 
general  Chares,  who  was  in  command  of  a squadron  off 
Sciathus,  was  at  once  ordered  to  sail  to  the  Bosporus. 
The  new  confederates  too,  who  on  account  of  their  trade 
took  an  active  interest  in  the  preservation  of  Byzantium, 
— Rhodes,  Cos  and  Chios — sent  ships.  Thus  the  besieged 
city  was  successfully  freed  on  the  side  of  the  sea,  and  the 
enemy’s  fleet  was  forced  to  retire  into  the  Pontus. 

All  the  more  energetically  Philip  exerted  his  whole 
strength  for  the  purpose  of  taking  the  city.  An  endless 
succession  of  subterraneous  passages  and  of  new  machines, 
constructed  by  the  inventive  genius  of  Polyidus,  menaced 
the  walls  round  the  city ; a bridge  thrown  across  the  Gol- 
den Horn  warded  off  the  fleets,  the  approach  of  which  was 
obstructed  by  the  sinking  of  great  masses  of  stone;  on  one 
occasion,  the  Macedonians,  favored  by  a rainy  night,  had 
already  advanced  within  the  circle  of  the  walls,  but  the  citi- 
zens awoke  at  the  right  moment,  and  under  the  light  of  an 
Aurora  Borealis,  in  which  they  recognized  the  succor  of  He- 
cate, drove  the  enemy  back  into  his  underground  passages. 

During  the  progress  of  these  struggles  fresh  aid  arrived 
from  Athens,  sent  at  the  instigation  of  Demosthenes.  The 
circumstances  of  the  case  made  it  necessary ; for  although 
Chares  had  done  his  duty  and  driven  the  hostile  fleet  back 
into  the  Pontus,  although  in  his  excellently  chosen  posi- 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  409 

tion  over  against  the  Golden  Horn  he  likewise  commanded 
the  sound,  yet  he  was  not  the  right  kind  of  a man  for 
making  the  league  between  Athens  and  Byzantium  in  full 
measure  and  reality.  The  remembrance  of  the  days  of  the 
Social  War  caused  him  to  be  still  regarded  with  great 
mistrust.  Accordingly,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  339, 
Cephisophon  and  Phocion  set  sail  with  a second  squad- 
ron. Phocion  had  been  recommended  in  preference  to 
all  others  by  Demosthenes ; and  what  would  never 
have  been  conceded  to  a commander  of  mercenaries 
like  Chares,  viz.  admission  into  the  city,  was  with  perfect 
confidence  allowed  to  a Phocion.  In  fraternal  concord 
Athenians  and  Byzantines  henceforth  defended  the  threat- 
ened city,  as  a piece  of  common  Hellenic  soil;  siege  of 
and  the  result  was,  that  king  Philip  had  with  Byzantium 
a heavy  heart  to  raise  this  siege  also. 

It  is  true  that  he  did  not  at  once  abandon  the  ground. 
He  marched  to  and  fro  along  the  coast,  so  long  as  his  fleet 
remained  cut  off  in  the  Pontus  ; he  contrived  by  means  of 
crafty  manoeuvres  and  a variety  of  deceptive  proceedings 
to  make  it  possible  for  his  ships  in  some  incomprehensible 
way  to  sail  safe  home  through  the  Hellespont ; he  still 
continued  to  carry  on  negotiations  with  the  Greek  island- 
states,  and  through  them  even  with  Byzantium.  ph  ,q 
Then,  however,  he  suddenly  took  his  departure,  Scythia, 
and  marched  with  all  his  forces  away  from  the 
sea  up  into  the  land  of  the  Scythians,  where 
he  for  a time  again  vanished  from  the  eyes  of  the  Greeks. 
It  was  most  assuredly  no  purposeless  lust  of  conquest 
which  drove  Philip  into  the  conquest  with  Ateas,  the  aged 
Scythian  prince,  whose  bands  in  the  low  country  of  the 
Danube  fought  against  the  Macedonian  phalanx ; but 
there  were  at  issue  the  securing  of  the  newly-acquired 
Thracian  lands,  the  rounding-off  of  the  teri’itory  of  the 
empire  in  the  North,  and  the  exploration  of  the  districts 
of  the  Pontus  and  of  their  resources.  For  this  reason  too 
18 


410 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VH 


Philip  had  designated  it  as  his  most  important  aim,  that 
he  wished  to  erect  a statue  to  Pleracles  on  the  banks  of  the 
Danube;  a pretext  indicating  his  intention  to  bring  the 
great  water-route  into  his  hands  for  purposes  of  trade. 
And  again  he  doubtless  in  this  too  had  in  view  the  double 
purpose  of  his  policy,  according  to  which  he  desired  not 
only  to  subject  the  barbarians  of  the  interior,  but  also  in 
this  way  to  unite  the  Greek  coast-towns  with  his  empire. 
For  as  the  Elean  colonies  (p.  380)  properly  belonged  to 
Epirus,  and  Perinthus  and  Byzantium  to  Thrace,  so  the 
Greek  towns  on  the  western  shores  of  the  Pontus,  Apollonia, 
Istrus,  Odessus,  which  derived  their  wealth  from  the  dis- 
tricts of  the  Danube,  formed  part  of  the  Scythian  land. 
Thus  the  campaign  on  the  Danube  connects  itself  with  the 
conflicts  on  the  Bosporus,  and  bears  testimony  to  the 
mighty  schemes  which  Philip  cherished  in  his  mind.* 

Demosthenes  had  brought  it  to  pass,  that 

War  re-  ° \ ’ 

sources  of d after  a long  period  of  shameful  inactivity 

of  Philip.  Athens  once  more  vigorously  and  effectively 
influenced  the  course  of  events.  She  had  again 
gathered  confederates  around  her ; in  Peloponnesus,  in 
Acarnania,  in  Thessaly,  on  the  Hellespont,  she  had  reso- 
lutely confronted  the  king  ; she  had  liberated  Euboea  ; in 


* Philip’s  ultimatum. : Dem.  xviii.  43 ; Philochorus,  u. s.  ap.  Dion,  ad  Amm.  i. 
c.  11,  where  the  following  is  stated,  according  to  the  supplementation  by 
Herweden  : eire-ra  Sie£eA 9ujv.  baa  rot?  'AU^raiot?  6 <htAi7T7ros  eve/caAei  SiA  tt) s 
eTrurroAi)?,  ravra  irdhiv  Kara  Aefir  cniTtOrjaiw  o <5e  brip.0 9 dnovaas  rr/s  fufanoKps  «at 
A'qiJ.oaO'Jvovs  TTapaKa\e<ravTos  fibrous  np'os  r'ov  noKfjiov  jeai  fjjr/flno'jia  ypdipauros, 
iyfLfioTourjfre  rr,v  fi tr  crr^A^r  KaOchiiv  r'r\v  nf.pl  rps  7rpos  ‘I’ibinnov  fiprprfjs  koX  avp. 
pa\tas  araOetaa r,  vavs  8e  nhvjpovv  Ka\  TaAA’  fvfpyflv  tol  tov  nobepiov.  The  letter  of 
Philip  appended  to  the  Philippic  Orations , deemed  genuine  by  Grote,  BShneke 
and  Rehdantz,  must  probably,  as  well  as  the  counter-speech  having  reference 
to  it,  be  considered  spurious,  as  is  the  opinion  of  Schafer,  iii.2  210. — Chares 
victorious  at  ©epp.rip.epia:  Dionys.  Bvz.  Anal.  Bosp.  (iii.  14,  Hudson). — HoAueiSos 
6 ©erraAo? : Athenasus  de  Mach,  in  Mathem.  veter.  ed.  Thevenot,  3. — Aurora  Bo- 
realis : Steph.  Byz.s.  v.  Bdanopos. — Phocion  (‘auctus  adjutusque  a Demosthene 
....  cum  adversus  Charem  eum  subornaret,’  Nepos,  Plwc.  c.  2) ; Plutarch, 
Phoc.  14. — War  with  Ateas:  Justin,  ix.  2.  His  habitation  in  the  low-country 
of  the  Danube : Schafer,  ii.  487. 


chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  411 

the  waters  of  the  Pontus  she  had  frustrated  the  underta- 
kings which  Philip  had  carried  on  with  the  utmost  exertion 
of  all  his  military  resources,  and  had  kept  open  the  route 
for  the  supply  of  corn,  which  he  was  anxious  to  bring  into 
his  power.  The  king  had  been  obliged  to  abandon  his 
positions  before  Perinthus  and  Byzantium ; and  how 
proud  a feeling  must  have  filled  the  Attic  patriots,  when 
the  two  powerful  maritime  cities  offered  decrees  of  honor 
and  wreaths  of  gold  in  testimony  of  their  gratitude  for 
their  preservation  to  the  civic  community  of  Athens  ! * 
The  old  Athens  had  revived  once  more.  But  it  would 
not  suffice  to  remain  content  with  isolated  successes.  The 
rupture  of  the  peace  was  now  decided  ; and  it  was  indis- 
pensable  to  prepare  the  city  for  the  now  inevitable  strug- 
gle on  behalf  of  its  independence.  What  resources  ex- 
isted for  the  purpose  ? True,  the  enemy  of  the  city  now 
no  longer  appeared  as*  the  irresistible  lord-of-war,  in 
whom  failure  was  impossible  ; but  although  certain  of  his 
undertakings  were  frustrated,  yet  his  power  was  as  a 
whole  one  of  which  it  was  impossible  to  stay  the  irrepres- 
sible progress.  He  was  incessantly  appropriating  new  re- 
sources of  war,  forcing  more  and  more  peoples  to  furnish 
their  contingents,  imposing  tributes,  levying  war-taxes, 
forcibly  amassing  spoils,  possessing  himself  of  mines  and 
lucrative  tolls,  and  disposing  absolutely  over  an  abun- 
dance of  resources,  the  continuous  increase  of  which  it  was 
quite  impossible  to  reckon  up  at  Athens.  On  the  other 
hand,  Athens  herself  had  no  kind  of  augmentation  of  her 
resources  in  prospect ; without  subsidies,  without  tributes, 
she  had  to  rely  entirely  on  herself,  and  her  whole  power 
of  performance  depended  upon  the  good-will  of  her  citizens 
and  of  the  small  number  of  her  allies.  At  Athens  nothing 
could  be  done  besides  turning  the  existing  means  to 
the  best  possible  account  by  a suitable  economy,  removing 


* Decrees  of  honor  to  Athens  : Plutarch,  3 lor.  350. 


412 


History  of  Gi'eece. 


[Book  VII, 


hurtful  abuses,  and  raising  the  military  strength  of  the 
community;  it  was  indispensable  to  create  in  the  civic 
body,  demoralized  as  it  had  been  by  the  peace-policy  of 
Eubulus,  such  a bearing,  that  it  should  be  capable  of  pass- 
ing through  the  severe  test  which  awaited  it. 

Reforms  in  By  the  ordinary  processes  of  legislation  it 
poutieai0  was  hnpossible  to  carry  out  reforms  of  public 

system.  life  so  urgent  and  so  thorough  ; for  this  pur- 

pose was  needed  the  directing  influence  of  an  eminent  man. 
It  was  therefore  most  fortunate  for  the  success  of  these  en- 
deavors, that  a statesman  was  at  hand,  who  had  secured 
the  confidence  of  the  citizens  ; that  the  large  majority  of 
them  felt  the  necessity  of  arming  him  with  special  powers 
at  this  critical  moment ; and,  lastly,  that  it  was  perceived 
with  correct  judgment  at  what  point  it  was  necessary  to 
begin  the  reforms. 


condition  B was  by  her  ships  that  Athens  had  been 
affairs*0  naval  savec^  from  being  overwhelmed  by  the  Persian 
calamity ; in  becoming  a naval  state  she  had 
found  her  historical  mission;  nor  had  she  ever  been 
greater,  than  when  the  statesmen  of  all  parties  contempora- 
neously and  successively  emulated  one  another  in  striving 
to  develop  the  city  as  a maritime  power,  and  to  render  it 
invincible  by  means  of  ships  and  harbors  and  harbor- 
walls.  Since  the  abuse  of  her  naval  power  had  brought 
ruin  upon  Athens,  the  self-confidence  of  the  State  had  been 
most  deeply  shaken ; the  mistrust  entertained  by  the 
aristocrats  against  the  navy  had  spread  further  into  other 
circles ; and  in  proportion  as  the  vigor  of  the  civic  com- 
munity relaxed,  the  aversion  became  more  general  from 
the  self-sacrificing  efforts  demanded  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  fleet,  although  the  customary  construction  of  vessels 
went  on,  and  the  average  number  of  300  triremes  con- 
tinued to  be  kept  in  an  effective  condition.  And  yet 
Athens  could  not  abandon  the  traditions  of  her  past. 
Every  new  forward  movement  originated  in  a successful 


chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  413 

maritime  enterprise ; and  since  the  first  victorious  expedi- 
tion to  Euboea  (p.  113)  the  patriotism  of  the  Athenians 
had  repeatedly  attested  itself  in  a most  brilliant  way  in  a 
voluntary  readiness  for  efforts  directed  to  the  equipment 
of  ships  of  war.  It  was  not,  however,  permissible  to  let 
the  welfare  of  the  city  depend  upon  such  ebullitions  of 
patriotic  sentiments,  and  it  was  a favorable  sign  of  the 
power  still  possessed  by  the  ancient  traditions  of  Attic 
history,  that  now,  when  it  had  been  resolved  to  prepare 
the  city  for  an  arduous  war,  a reform  of  the  naval  system 
was  recognized  to  be  the  primary  condition,  and  that  to 
this  end  Demosthenes  was  commissioned  to  examine  the 
actual  state  of  the  naval  forces,  and  to  propose  such  pro- 
visions as  might  bring  about  as  beneficial  as  possible  an 
improvement  in  it. 

Demosthenes  had  at  all  times  regarded  navy  and  har- 
bors as  the  main  capital  of  the  Attic  power.  He  had 
always  insisted  upon  the  fact,  that  any  movement  for  the 
better  on  the  part  of  Athens  must  take  its  start  from  this 
point;  already  fourteen  years  previously  he  had,  in  his 
first  speech  on  public  affairs  (p.  253),  most  sharply  ani- 
madverted upon  the  abuses  which  had  come  to  prevail, 
and  had  offered  a clear  testimony  of  the  earnestness  with 
which  he  interested  himself  in  an  amelioration  of  the  ex- 
isting condition  of  things.  Meanwhile,  the  abuses  had 
struck  their  roots  more  and  more  deeply ; the  condition  of 
affairs  had  become  more  and  more  intolerable;  and,  even 
apart  from  all  considerations  of  higher  policy,  the  middle- 
class  of  Attic  citizens  could  not  but  urge  an  alteration  of 
the  institutions  now  in  force.  For  the  entire  system  of  the 
symmories  (p,  119)  had  degenerated  in  this  way,  that 
advantage  was  taken  of  it  by  the  rich  in  order  to  over- 
reach, and  press  upon,  the  less  wealthy.  The  presidents 
of  the  taxing-associations  arbitrarily  distributed  the  ex- 
penses among  the  members  of  the  unions  bound  to  furnish 
a ship  each,  without  considering  the  amount  of  property 


414 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIX 


possessed  by  each  individual ; the  poorer  members  had  to 
spend  their  whole  property,  while  the  rich  were  quit  for  a 
very  small  expenditure,  particularly  if  in  the  end  they 
made  over  the  entire  management  to  speculators,  who  pro- 
vided the  trierarchy  for  a fixed  sum.  The  essential  char- 
acter of  the  Attic  trierarchy  had  been  utterly  destroyed; 
men  had  altogether  ceased  to  speak  of  trierarchs,  and 
only  talked  of  “joint  contributors.”  The  whole  business 
had  become  a doubtful  financial  transaction,  which  the 
capitalists  turned  to  account  in  their  own  favor, — a system 
which  seriously  damaged  the  interests  of  the  State,  because 
it  injuriously  affected  the  central  body  of  the  civic  com- 
munity, excited  ill-will  in  it,  provoked  disorder  of  all 
kinds,  incessantly  occasioned  the  bringing  forward  of  com- 
plaints and  grievances,  and  on  every  occasion  delayed  the 
equipment  of  the  fleet.  But  the  worst  evil  was  this:  that 
the  existing  resources  of  the  city  were  never  actually  made 
use  of,  inasmuch  as  it  was  precisely  the  most  considerable 
capitals  which  escaped  being  devoted  to  public  use.  For 
while  the  real  purpose  which  the  symmories  were  intended 
to  serve  was,  that  those  properties  which,  taken  singly, 
Were  too  small  to  provide  for  a trierarchy,  should  by  com- 
bination be  made  capable  of  undertaking  such  a service, 
the  principle  of  association  was  abused  to  such  a degree, 
that  even  the  wealthiest  men  in  the  city  as  a rule  only 
contributed  as  members  of  unions,  as  if  there  had  no  longer 
been  left  any  citizens  at  all  in  Athens  capable  of  under- 
taking a trierarchy  by  themselves  alone.  And  yet  per- 
sons were  living  at  Athens  who,  as  e.  g.  Diphilus,  owned  a 
property  of  160  talents  (£39,000)  and  more. 

Naval  law  These  abuses  Demosthenes,  as  commissioner 
of  Demos-  0f  jqie  civic  body  for  the  naval  affairs  of  the 

G]  3(i!  city,  combated  by  means  of  a thorough-going 

34°).  law  of  reform.  Its  particular  provisions  are 

unfortunately  unknown  to  us  ; but  so  much  is  certain,  that 
he  established  the  census  of  property  as  the  standard  of  the 


Chap,  iv.j  J last  Struggles  for  Independence.  415 

contributions  towards  the  fleet ; whereby  he  lightened  the 
burdens  weighing  upon  the  poorer  citizens,  who  had 
hitherto  paid  their  quota  together  with  the  rich  after  the 
manner  of  poll-tax,  while  at  the  same  time  he  drew  higher 
payments  from  the  rich.  He  therefore  at  the  same  time 
secured  a just  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  war,  and  a 
material  increase  in  the  taxing-power  at  the  disposal  of 
the  State. 

This  law  was  a mortal  assault  upon  the  privileges  of 
the  rich,  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  hitherto  existing 
taxing-unions,  and  who  formed  a party-association  closely 
united  by  the  common  interests  of  selfishness.  They  set 
to  work  all  the  means  offered  to  them  by  their  social  posi- 
tion, in  order  by  attempts  at  bribery,  by  menaces,  by  in- 
dictments, to  frustrate  his  designs,  and  caused  him  the 
most  vexatious  difficulties  in  his  patriotic  endeavors.  De- 
mosthenes, immovable  on  the  main  point,  on  particular 
heads  did  his  utmost  towards  avoiding  everything  likely 
to  endanger  the  concord  among  the  citizens  : he  sought  to 
give  consideration  to  all  well-founded  objections,  and 
made  several  changes  in  his  naval  law,  until  at  last  he 
managed  to  pass  it  through  the  Council  and  to  bring  it 
before  the  civic  assembly,  where  it  was  debated  in  several 
stormy  meetings,  and  finally  passed.  The  principle  of 
association  was  now  for  the  first  time  combined  in  a pro- 
per way  with  the  ancient  trierarchy.  In  the  unions  the 
lesser  capitals  were  included,  in  order  that  by  correctly 
estimated  quota  of  taxation  the  sum  might  be  collected 
which  was  requisite  for  the  equipment  of  a ship-of-war  (50- 
GO  minse  = £200-240  circ.').  The  larger  capitalists  on 
the  other  hand,  whose  property  was  so  considerable  that 
they  could  undertake  a whole  ship  each,  had  henceforth 
again  to  come  forward  as  independent  trierarchs.  Ac- 
cording to  a statement,  which  is,  however,  not  to  be  de- 
pended upon,  their  number  included  those  whose  property 
was  entered  in  the  register  as  ten  talents  (£2,440  circ.). 


416  History  of  Greece.  [Book  vii 

Those  whose  property  amounted  to  twice  this  sum  had  to 
furnish  two  ships  each ; the  highest  liturgy  on  the  part  of 
a single  individual  rose,  it  is  said,  to  the  equipment  of 
three  triremes  and  a service-boat, 
its  results  The  results  °f  this  new  organization  made 
the  abuses  which  had  formerly  prevailed  more 
manifest  than  ever  (p.  252).  It  actually  occurred,  that 
Attic  citizens,  who  had  hitherto  only  borne  the  sixteenth 
part  of  the  equipment  of  a vessel,  were  now  bound  them- 
selves alone  to  provide  for  two  ships  of  war.  But  in  gene- 
ral not  only  was  a considerable  increase  realized  in  the 
war-contributions,  and  in  the  offensive  and  defensive 
strength  of  the  State,  but  these  changes  redounded  to  the 
advantage  of  the  entire  life  of  the  commonwealth,  as  in- 
variably happens  when,  instead  of  partiality  and  arbitrary 
discretion,  order  and  justice  come  to  prevail.  This  could 
not  fail  to  exercise  a salutary  influence  upon  the  spirit  of 
the  civic  body.  Henceforth,  every  man  had  to  render  ser- 
vice to  the  State  in  his  own  place  and  according  to  his 
power  ; an  end  had  been  put  to  the  complaints  as  to  the 
unjust  imposition  of  burdens  ; the  anti-popular  selfishness 
of  the  rich  had  been  disarmed,  and  a multitude  of  vexa- 
tious quarrels,  which  had  hitherto  been  a regular  accom- 
paniment of  all  naval  levies,  ceased  as  of  course.  “ After 
the  introduction  of  the  new  law,”  said  Demosthenes,  “ no 
trierarch  any  longer  appealed  to  the  compassion  of  the 
people  as  being  unduly  burdened;  no  man  now  fled  to  the 
altar  of  Artemis  in  Munychia  (the  asylum  of  citizens  in 
trouble  with  reference  to  naval  affairs)  ; no  man  was 
placed  in  chains  ; not  a single  trireme  was  lost  to  the 
State  or  left  lying  in  the  docks,  because  those  who  ought 
to  have  made  it  ready  to  put  to  sea  lacked  the  requisite 
means.”* 


* Wealth  of  Diphilus:  Fit.  X Oral.  354;  Boeckh,  P.  Ec.  of  Ath.,vd.  i.  p.  50 
[Engl.  Tr.]. — Demosthenes  eirio-raTijs  roO  vovtikov:  iEschin.  iii.  222;  <jf.  Dem., 
XVii.  102:  opiov  to,  vavTLKOv  KOLTaKvoixcvvv  leal  TOUS  ttaovolovs  6.1  ebels  a.no  u-irptoi 


chap.  IV.]  Xas£  Struggles  for  Independence.  417 

But  the  transformation  of  the  trierarchical 

Financial 

system  was  not  enough.  If  war  was  to  be  car-  reform, 
ried  on  seriously,  it  was  necessary  to  procure 
pecuniary  means.  War-taxes  were  an  in- 
sufficient expedient;  still  less  could  Demosthenes  take 
refuge  in  unworthy  financial  measures,  such  as  had 
formerly  been  applied  (vol.  iv.  p.  297),  or  in  bad  financial 
laws,  against  which  he  had  himself  contended.  Fortu- 
nately, however,  in  this  particular  too  the  situation  was 
such,  that  there  was  no  lack  of  means,  and  that  the  only 
point  was  to  make  the  right  use  of  them  ; in  other  words, 
an  end  had  to  be  put  once  for  all  to  the  rotten  manage- 
ment of  the  finances,  which  Demosthenes  had  repeatedly 
designated  as  the  cancerous  disease  besetting  the  common- 
wealth. As  a financier,  Eubulus  had  ruled  the  Attic 
State  since  the  fall  of  Aristophon  (p.  143).  First  he  had 
himself  filled  the  highest  financial  office ; then  he  had 
caused  men  who  were  entirely  dependent  upon  him,  such 
as  Aphobetus,  the  brother  of  vEschines,  to  be  his  succes- 
sors, while  for  himself  he  arranged  the  office  of  super- 
intendent of  the  festival-moneys  in  such  a way,  that  by 
virtue  of  it  he  exercised  a control  over  all  the  other  funds, 
had  the  whole  property  of  the  State  in  his  hands,  and  even 
in  the  midst  of  war  rendered  every  diminution  of  the 
popular  entertainments  penal  as  treason  against  the  rights 
of  the  people. 

Meanwhile  the  power  of  Eubulus  had  been  severely 
shaken.  He  had  been  unable  to  prevent  that  Demos- 
thenes was  called  to  the  head  of  naval  affairs ; nor  could 
he  hinder  his  proceeding  from  the  naval  law  to  a reform 

avaKuipaToiv  yiy vopevovs,  Tovs  fierpia  i)  piKptL  KCKrqpevow;  anoWvoi'Tas,  k.  t. 
The  documents  inserted  ap.  Dem.  xviii.  106  remain  untrustworthy  (Boeckh 
considers  them  authentic,  yol.  ii.  p.  367).  According  to  these,  the  obligation 
for  the  equipment  of  a trireme  begins  with  an  ovuia.  an'o  r aKavruiv  Sixa  (i.  e.  a 
capital  of  50  talents),  and  the  rise  in  a personal  liturgy  advances  fws  rpiibv 
ttAoimc  Kai  vnrjpeTiKov.  Schafer,  ii.  490,  rejects  the  documents;  their  contents 
however  seem  to  rest  on  a sound  tradition. — Effects  of  the  naval  law.  Dem. 
Xviii.  107. 


18* 


418 


History  of  Greece . 


[Book  VII. 


of  the  financial  system,  which  constituted  the  necessary 
supplement  to  that  law.  It  was  necessary  at  once  to 
restrict  all  expenses : the  magnificent  construction  of  the 
arsenal  was  stopped,  and  the  moneys  assigned  to  that  pur- 
pose (p.  352)  became  applicable  to  the  requirements  of  the 
war.  But  the  main  point  was,  that  Demosthenes  now 
took  the  steps  which  he  had  long  designated  as  the  neces- 
sary condition  of  real  progress  on  the  part  of  Athens.  He 
moved  the  abolition  of  the  law  of  Eubulus  with  reference 
to  the  festival-moneys  (p.  280) ; and  after  this  solemn 
restriction  had  been  removed,  he  introduced  a law  to  the 
effect  that  for  the  present  the  whole  surplus  of  the  annual 
receipts  should,  instead  of  being  distributed,  be  accumu- 
lated as  a war-fund.  An  independent  war-treasure  was 
once  more  formed,  and  a war-treasurer  appointed  for  its 
administration. 

These  were  the  great  results  achieved  by 
theffreforms.  Demosthenes  in  home  politics.  They  were  vic- 
tories of  the  most  arduous  description,  gained 
by  inflexible  strength  of  character,  and  by  firm  persistency 
in  a struggle  which  was  carried  on  by  the  power  of  speech 
only,  and  which,  instead  of  humiliating  those  who  allowed 
themselves  to  be  vanquished,  only  made  them  freer, 
stronger,  and  better.  For  although  many  only  unwillingly 
bent  before  the  intellectual  superiority  of  Demosthenes, 
yet  the  great  majority  of  the  citizens  were  morally  enno- 
bled by  him,  and  elevated  to  the  stand-point  of  a warm 
love  of  country  and  a patriotic  enthusiasm,  which  he  had 
so  long  held  alone  and  without  companions,  being  all  the 
time  exposed  to  vehement  attacks.  He  introduced  no 
innovations  foreign  to  the  life  of  the  State,  but  merely 
restored  the  old  condition  of  things ; he  overthrew  the  un- 
constitutional oligarchy  of  the  rich,  and  removed  the 
abuses  of  the  degenerate  democracy,  which  only  served  to 
flatter  the  indolent  love  of  pleasure  in  the  multitude.  He 
combated  the  selfishness  of  the  rich  as  well  as  of  the  poor, 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


419 


and  knew  how  to  revive  the  idea  of  the  State  after  so  vigo- 
rous a fashion,  that  the  poor  voluntarily  renounced  the 
festival-moneys  to  which  they  had  become  accustomed, 
simply  in  order  to  see  the  State  rise  again  in  its  ancient 
dignity.  What  Demosthenes  achieved  was  an  outer  and 
inner  new-birth  of  Athens ; and  after  a long  period  of  utter 
want  of  purpose  and  of  moral  effeteness,  all  the  thoughts, 
all  the  powers,  all  the  resources  of  the  people  were  once 
more  devoted  to  one  purpose — to  the  noblest  purpose  which 
it  is  possible  for  a commonwealth  to  pursue,  viz.  the  pre- 
servation of  its  independence  and  liberty. 

These  great  reforms  of  Demosthenes  were  ,, 

& # ^ ^ Demosthe- 

rapidly  carried  into  execution  ; their  date  is  nes  and  Ly- 

1 J curgus. 

fixed  by  the  war  on  the  Bosporus.  At  the 
time  when  Demosthenes  carried  his  motion  for  the  support 
of  Byzantium  he  first  felt  that  he  had  the  civic  communi- 
ty at  command.  In  the  following  year  the  financial  law 
was  passed.  Assuredly  Demosthenes  did  not  bring  about 
these  reforms  unassisted.  He  was  the  champion  in  the 
van,  and  to  his  force  is  due  the  glory  of  the  victory  ; but 
he  doubtless  acted  in  connexion  with  those  who  shared  his 
views,  and  above  all  with  Lycurgus.  Lycurgus  possessed 
eminent  administrative  talents.  He  was  better  ac- 
quainted than  any  other  man  with  the  resources  of  the 
State,  and  was  in  a special  degree  fitted  for  providing  for 
the  increase  of  the  revenues  by  useful  institutions  in  the 
public  economy.  These  qualities  could  not  remain  un- 
known to  Demosthenes ; and  we  may  therefore  assume 
that  in  his  administrative  reforms  he  made  use  of  the 
counsel  of  his  friend,  who  had  for  years  gone  hand  in  hand 
with  him,  and  who  is  indeed  said  to  have  already  accom- 
panied him  in  his  journeys  in  Peloponnesus  (p.  317).  Ho 
sooner  had  the  party  of  Eubulus  been  overthrown,  than 
new  men  were  needed  ; and  although  it  was  not  till  01. 
cx.  3 (b.  c.  338),  that  Lycurgus  assumed  the  office  of 
chief  superintendent  of  the  finances,  an  influential  activity 


420  History  of  Greece.  [Book  yil 

on  his  part  doubtless  begins  already  about  the  time  when 
the  reform-laws  of  Demosthenes  were  passed.  In  the  same 
year  in  which  Lycurgus  entered  upon  his  official  duties, 
his  brother-in-law  Callias,  the  son  of  Habron,  of  the  deme 
of  Bate,  likewise  took  office  as  the  manager  of  the  newly- 
established  war-fund.  These  were  the  fresh  forces  which 
advanced  the  work  of  the  new-birth  of  Athens.  It  was  a 
new  generation  of  statesmen,  genuine  Athenians,  filled 
with  love  towards  the  city  and  the  common  Hellenic  coun- 
try, united  to  one  another  by  a lofty  endeavor  ; and  when 
we  compare  these  men  with  Eubulus  and  the  upstarts 
whom  his  favor  thrust  into  the  highest  offices  of  State,  we 
perceive  the  difference  between  the  old  times  and  the  new, 
the  decisive  turning-point  which  Attic  history  had 
reached.* 

The  enemies  at  home  lay  vanquished ; Eubulus  and  his 
associates  were  powerless ; the  friends  of  Macedonia  had 
still  less  influence,  and  had  no  intention  of  offering  open 
resistance.  Demosthenes  was  therefore  no  longer  the 
leader  of  the  opposition  against  a party-government  of 
overwhelming  strength,  but  the  director  of  the  State  ; and 
it  now  behooved  him  to  show  that  he  was  not  only  able  to 
reveal  the  evils  of  the  commonwealth  and  to  remedy  them 
by  well-considered  legislative  proposals,  but  was  also  in 
tempestuous  times  capable  of  guiding  the  helm,  which  the 
confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens  had  placed  in  his  hands. 
The  rupture  of  the  peace,  which  he  had  always  demanded, 
had  taken  place ; the  war,  which  he  had  conjured  up,  had 
broken  out ; it  now  became  the  duty  of  the  war-party  to 
show  that  the  struggle,  which  had  been  accepted  at  its  in- 
stigation, was  not  a hopeless  one. 

* Eubulus  superintendent  of  the  finances  01.  cvi.  3 — cvii.  3;  Aphobetus 
01.  cvii.  3 — cviii.  3 (during  the  Olynthian  War);  Schafer,  i.  375  seq. — Cessation 

the  magnificent  construction  of  Philon,  01.  cx.  2:  Philochorus,  Fragm.  135 
tj/-a  8e  xP7JULaTa  e\j/Y)(f)LaauTO  irdvr  elvai  a-Tpa/ruon/ca  A^p-ocrfleVoDs  ypai/zarros).  Cf.  G. 
Curtius  in  Philol.  xxiv.  266. — Callias  ra/xias  tu>v  o-TpcmwriKwj' : Vit.  X Orai.  842. 
■^Demosthenes  and  Lycurgus : Philol.  xxiv.  264. 


Chap,  iv.]  _Z>^  Struggles  for  Independence.  421 

Herewith  commenced  Demosthenes’  hardest  The  rros_ 
task.  For  what  hopes  could  be  indulged  !^sotthe 
upon  a calm  examination  of  the  situation  ? 

How  could  the  little  commonwealth  of  citizens,  whose 
strength  had  been  relaxed  by  a long  habituation  to  peace, 
be  successfully  enabled  to  defy  the  military  prince  of 
Macedonia  and  his  veteran  armies  ? It  was  one  thing  to 
frustrate  the  designs  of  the  king  in  individual  underta- 
kings, difficult  in  themselves,  such  as  the  siege  of  Byzan- 
tium ; — another,  to  enter  upon  a war  against  him,  which, 
once  begun,  must  end  in  a complete  humiliation  of  the 
king  or  in  the  hopeless  overthrow  of  Athens.  Where 
were  the  commanders,  who  could  be  opposed  to  Philip  and 
his  generals,  accustomed  to  victory  ? Where  was  to  be 
found  a pledge  of  success  amidst  so  many  dangers  abroad 
and  at  home  ? The  Philippic  party  continued  to  work  in 
secret,  and  to  lie  in  wait  for  a turn  in  affairs  favorable  to 
it ; and  how  was  it  possible  to  rely  upon  the  spirit  of  the 
citizens,  concerning  which  it  had  to  be  assumed,  that  after 
having  been  raised  by  the  successes  on  the  Bosporus,  it 
would  with  equal  rapidity  change  into  the  contrary,  while 
Philip  on  the  other  hand  had  often  enough  shown,  how  he 
could  contrive  to  make  good  defeats  suffered  by  him,  and 
how,  being  in  consequence  of  his  inexhaustible  resources 
undisturbed  by  all  the  changes  and  chances  of  war,  he 
steadily  pursued  his  aims  ? Their  navy  made  it  requisite 
for  the  Athenians  to  let  their  war  be  one  of  offence  ; but 
how  could  the  Macedonian  empire  be  effectively  attacked, 
which  had  from  year  to  year  been  increased  and  more 
and  more  advantageously  rounded  off? 

Doubtless  Demosthenes  and  his  friends  seriously 
weighed  all  these  difficulties  ; and  if  they  notwithstanding 
courageously  entered  into  the  war,  it  is  only  possible  to 
comprehend  and  appreciate  their  mood  from  the  stand- 
point of  Hellenic  patriotism  assumed  by  them.  They 
looked  upon  Philip  as  a barbarian,  and  upon  his  empire 


422 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


as  a barbarian  empire.  The  further  that  his  conquests  ex- 
tended, the  more  manifest  that  his  design  became  of  uniting 
the  whole  complex  of  territory  from  the  river  Danube 
to  Cape  Tsenarum,  and  of  blending  Scythians,  Illyrians, 
Thracians,  Macedonians,  and  Hellenes  into  a single  em- 
pire : — the  less  did  such  an  empire  appear  to  possess  the 
requisite  guarantees  of  endurance  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Greeks,  who  regarded  capability  of  being  clearly  surveyed 
and  inner  homogeneousness  as  the  sole  secure  basis  of  a 
State.  The  absence  of  measure  from  the  schemes  of 
Philip  was  considered  his  weak  point ; it  was  thought  in- 
evitable, that  such  au  arrogance  must  come  to  a fall ; the 
strength  of  the  enemy  was  under-estimated,  because  it  was 
compared  with  that  of  the  Persian  empire,  which  had  like- 
wise sunk  into  decay  by  reason  of  its  inorganic  immensity. 
The  conviction  was  still  held  fast,  that  in  a struggle  with 
barbarians  Hellenes  must  necessarily  be  victorious  ; it  was 
believed,  that  the  event  would  again  be  decided  by  sea ; 
confidence  was  placed  in  the  superiority  of  the  Attic  fleet ; 
and  when  even  such  men  as  Phocion,  who  in  general  ob- 
stinately opposed  the  policy  of  Demosthenes,  after  the  out- 
break of  the  war  had  no  hesitation  as  to  doing  their  duty 
as  patriots,  Demosthenes  and  his  friends  might  well  hold, 
that  during  the  progress  of  the  war  the  entire  civic  com- 
munity would  unite  more  and  more  firmly,  and  derive 
strength  from  union. 

The  position  in  which  the  Athenians  stood  towards  the 
mainland  power  of  the  Macedonians  resembled  that  which 
they  had  of  old  held  towards  the  Lacedasmonians ; only  in 
the  present  case  it  was  far  less  favorable,  and  the  present 
adversary  was  far  more  difficult  to  reach.  The  blockade 
of  the  coasts  was  very  keenly  felt  by  the  Macedonians ; 
but  nothing  could  be  decided  by  it.  The  landings  effected 
in  the  territory  on  the  coast  were  beaten  back ; no  bases 
of  operations  were  discovered,  where  it  was  possible  to 
establish  a firm  footing,  and  the  great  advantage  secured 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  423 

by  Philip  through  the  wholesale  destruction  of  the  Hel- 
lenic coast-towns  now  became  apparent.  All  attempts  to 
induce  the  coast-populations  to  rise  against  Philip  failed  ; 
so  that,  before  the  king  himself  arrived  at  the  theatre  of 
the  war,  his  adversaries  were  already  discouraged. 

On  the  other  hand,  however,  Philip  himself  , 

7 7 x Philip  S 

was  at  a loss  as  to  the  way  of  conducting  the  difficulties, 
war.  He  could  not  remain  a tranquil  spectator  of  the 
recalcitrance  of  the  Athenians,  and  of  the  formation  of  a 
Hellenic  League ; this  would  have  amounted  to  a confes- 
sion of  weakness,  and  would  have  been  doubly  dangerous 
after  the  failure  of  his  undertakings  on  the  Bosporus.  It 
behooved  him  to  redeem  the  honor  of  his  arms,  and  to  re- 
store his  authority  in  the  Greek  world.  If,  then,  he  were 
to  advance  at  once  upon  Athens,  he  was  obliged  to  confess 
to  himself,  that  a siege  of  the  strongly-fortified  city  was  in 
itself  a very  doubtful  enterprise,  and  that  in  this  event 
the  Athenians  might  reckon  upon  support  from  many 
sides  and  of  a vigorous  character.  But  a Hellenic  nation- 
al war  Philip  was  gtill  desirous  of  avoiding  ; he  wished  to 
adhere  to  the  stand-point,  that  it  was  not  the  people 
against  which  he  was  making  war,  but  a perverse  and  de- 
luded party,  which  opposed  the  true  interests  of  the  city 
as  much  as  it  opposed  himself.  Nor  could  he  in  the  case 
of  such  a war  put  trust  in  his  allies.  He  was  not  certain 
of  the  Thessalians,  and  still  less  of  the  Thebans,  his  former 
relations  with  whom,  once  of  so  confidential  a nature,  had 
been  long  ago  disturbed.  At  Thebes  the  parties  were  as 
bitterly  opposed  to  one  another  as  at  Athens.  Timolas,  a 
despicable  debauchee,  was  at  the  head  of  the  friends  of 
Philip,  who  were  prepared  for  any  humiliation.  On  the 
other  side  a national  party  had  arisen,  and  had  already 
gained  in  authority  by  the  fact,  that  a great  part  of  the 
civic  body  had  been  rendered  indignant  by  Philip’s  self- 
willed  proceedings  in  Phocis,  by  the  connexions  which  he 
had  established  with  the  ancient  confederates  of  Thebes  in 


424  History  of  Greece.  [Book  vil 

Peloponnesus,  and  by  bis  occupation  of  the  fortified 
places  at  Thermopylae.  Under  these  circum- 
intrigues.  stances  it  was  necessarily  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  Philip  to  avoid  the  kindling  of  a national 
war ; it  was  therefore  indispensable  to  discover  au  opportu- 
nity enabling  him  to  enter  Greece  with  an  armed  host, 
without  appearing  to  take  the  field  against  the  Greeks,  in 
order  that  thus  the  responsibility  of  the  actual  attack 
might  be  cast  upon  his  enemies,  and  that  they  might  be 
induced  openly  to  meet  him  iu  the  field.  For  this  pur- 
pose it  became  necessary  once  more  to  make  use  of  the 
position  which  Philip  had  already  assumed  in  Greece;  in 
it  must  be  found  the  pretext  for  entering  in  a manner 
apparently  justified.  For  if  it  was  possible  for  him  to 
come  as  the  protector  of  Delphi,  he  would  at  the  same  time 
secure  this  advantage,  that  his  enemies  would  be  once  more 
obliged  to  come  forward  as  enemies  of  the  Delphic  god, 
while  he  appeared  himself  to  represent  a national  cause. 
In  other  words,  a second  ‘Sacred  War’  was  requisite. 

The  War  which  had  first  introduced.Philip  into  Greece 
had  been  the  consequence  of  events  which  had  developed 
themselves  of  their  own  accord  and  gradually.  The  new 
War,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  necessary  to  bring  about 
artificially,  the  preparatory  steps  being  taken  by  the 
Greeks  themselves  for  Philip’s  purposes.  For  this  end 
there  was  no  lack  of  appropriate  agents.  For  the  rising 
authority  of  the  national  party  at  Athens  and  other  places 
had  indeed  driven  the  friends  of  Macedonia  into  the  back- 
ground in  public  life,  but  had  at  the  same  time  only 
rendered  them  more  bitter,  sore,  and  un conscientious. 
They  were  in  secret  all  the  more  anxious  to  serve  the 
king,  and  for  the  second  time  to  open  to  him  the  inlets 
into  Greece.  The  necessary  agreements  between  the 
Macedonian  court  and  its  adherents  were  probably  ar- 
rived at  in  Delphi.  Here  were  the  head-quarters  of  the 
Macedonian  intrigues : at  Delphi  Athens  was  betrayed. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


425 


The  elec- 
tion of  the 
Pylagora. 

01.  cx.  1 
(b.  c.  339). 

March. 


The  Athenians  themselves  were  entirely  oc- 
cupied with  the  imminent  war;  they  observed 
more  vigilantly  than  ever  the  personal  move- 
ments of  the  king;  but  to  the  Delphic  affairs 
no  one  paid  attention,  and  no  one  took  heed  of 
the  newly-created  Amphictyonic  assembly,  which  was 
despised  on  principle.  Herein  a great  mistake  was  com- 
mitted by  the  party  at  the  head  of  affairs ; for  its  adversa- 
ries turned  this  carelessness  to  the  best  account,  and,  on 
the  next  recurrence  of  the  season  when  the  officers  of  the 
city  to  be  sent  to  Delphi  were  appointed,  carried  the 
assignment  of  all  the  posts  to  men  of  their  own  color, — a 
success  which  was  made  possible  by  the  fact,  that  the  par- 
ticipation in  the  elections  held  for  the  purpose  was  un- 
commonly small.  Besides  Diognetus,  the  Hieromnemon 
( i . e.  voting  assessor  of  the  Amphictyonic  Council)  chosen 
by  lot,  JEschines,  Midias,  and  Thrasycles  were  by  a 
majority  of  votes  elected  as  Pylagorce  or  representatives  of 
the  community,  who  were  able  to  exercise  an  important 
influence  as  consultative  members.  It  was  an  easily  gained 
party-victory,  which  annoyed  the  patriots  not  a little.  But 
there  was  no  objection  to  be  offered  to  the  elections ; and 
the  patriots  consoled  themselves,  because  they  did  not 
anticipate  the  results  which  were  to  evolve  themselves  out 
of  the  event.  As  for  fEschines,  he  had  only  waited  for 
the  day  of  this  election  in  order  to  come  forward  once 
more  into  the  arena  out  of  the  retirement  in  which  he  had 
remained  for  several  years,  and  to  assume  the  leading  part 
in  the  game  of  intrigues,  for  which  he  was  most  perfectly 
qualified.* 

At  the  western  base  of  Mount  Parnassus 
dwelt  the  little  population  of  the  Ozolian  and  the 
Locrians ; and  their  chief  place,  Amphissa, 
lay  close  at  the  foot  of  the  chain  of  mountains  which  con- 


iEsehines 
id  the 

Amphisseans. 


* Timolas:  Theoponrp.  op.  Athen.  436. — Election  of  the  officers  for  Del 
phi : iEschin.  iii.  195;  Dem.  xviii.  149. 


426 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


nects  Mount  Parnassus  'with  the  fEtolian  highlands ; below 
Amphissa  spreads  a fertile  low-lying  plain,  which  opens  to 
the  south-east  towards  the  Crissean  Gulf.  The  Amphisseans 
had  in  the  most  recent  times  of  war  been  the  most  deter- 
mined adversaries  of  the  Phocians  ; next  to  Bceotia  they 
had  suffered  most  largely  at  their  hands,  and  the  over- 
throw of  the  Phocians  accordingly  gave  great  satisfaction 
to  their  lust  of  vengeance.  Perhaps  they  on  this  occasion 
gained  a few  advantages,  which  rendered  them  insolent, 
and  stimulated  them  to  desire  to  play  a part  on  their  own 
account.  This  mood  was  taken  advantage  of  at  Thebes, 
where  a feeling  of  wrath  against  Athens  prevailed.  For, 
before  the  purification  of  the  Delphic  temple  had  yet  been 
completed,  the  Athenians  had  hastened  to  set  up  anew  on 
sacred  ground  certain  dedicatory  shields, — the  monuments 
of  the  battle  of  Platsese,  with  the  inscription  recalling  the 
victory  achieved  over  the  Persians  and  Thebans  conjointly. 
The  Thebans  were  anxious  to  have  this  insult  animad- 
verted upon,  not  only  as  an  act  of  personal  unfairness,  but 
also  as  a violation  of  Hellenic  usage ; and,  making  a 
variety  of  promises,  they  put  forward  the  Amphisseans,  in 
order  to  have  the  matter  brought  before  the  Amphictyons. 
No  sooner,  therefore,  had  the  deputies  arrived  for  the 
spring  meeting,  than  it  became  known,  that  in  the  first 
sitting  a motion  of  the  Amphisseans,  directed  against 
Athens,  would  be  among  the  orders  of  the  day.  As 
Diognetus  announced  himself  sick,  iEschines  took  his 
powers  upon  him,  and  now  conducted  the  cause  of  Athens 
entirely  by  himself. 

A tempestuous  sitting  ensued.  The  spokesman  of  the 
Amphisseans  inveighed  against  Athens  and  against  the 
criminal  impatience  with  which  she  had  revived  the 
memory  of  the  ancient  struggles  between  brethren  in 
Plellas;  he  proposed  a penalty  of  fifty  talents  (£12,180 
circ.),  and  went  so  far  in  his  ardor,  that  at  the  close  he 
broke  out  into  the  words.  “Nay,  ye  Hellenes,  were  ye 


Chai-.  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence ■ 427 

■wise,  not  even  the  name  of  the  Athenians  would  be  allowed 
to  be  mentioned  on  these  festive  days ; ye  would  have  to 
send  them  forth  from  the  sanctuary  as  accursed.” 

It  was  now  the  turn  of  AEschines.  He  contrived  with 
brilliant  eloquence  to  repeal  the  accusation,  so  that  it  was 
not  even  entertained ; and,  instead  of  this,  to  turn  the 
point  of  the  ban  which  was  to  have  been  launched  against 
Athens,  by  charging  the  Amphisseans  with  a far  worse 
violation  of  the  Sacred  Law.  The  lower  por-  The  r_ 
tion  of  their  plain  touched  without  any  natural  {y1  ^baout 
boundary  the  domain  of  ancient  Cirrha,  upon 
which  a curse  had  been  laid  in  the  First  Sacred  War,  so 
that  it  was  withdrawn  from  all  cultivation.  During  the 
troubles  of  the  immediate  past  the  Locrians  had  appro- 
priated pieces  of  this  territory ; they  had  built  brick-kilns 
on  the  soil  of  the  Cirrhseans,  erected  a new  enclosure  for 
the  harbor,  and  levied  tolls  upon  the  ships  entering  it.  To 
these  facts  AEschines  adverted  with  the  thunders  of  his 
eloquence.  From  the  rocky  terraces,  where  the  Aruphic- 
tyons  held  their  diet  under  the  open  sky,  he  pointed  with 
his  finger  to  the  smoking  brick-kilns  on  the  sea-shore,  and 
demanded  a joint  march-out,  which  was  only  on  account 
of  the  advanced  hour  of  the  day  postponed  to  the  next 
morning.  When  this  arrived,  the  entire  population  of 
Delphi  capable  of  bearing  arms  accordingly  sallied  forth 
under  the  command  of  the  Amphictyons,  in  order  to  pull 
down  the  buildings,  which  were  only  a few  hours  off,  and 
to  fill  up  the  harbor.  It  was  an  improvised  Sacred 
War, — a surprise  executed  in  the  midst  of  peace  without 
the  observance  of  any  of  the  legal  formalities.  After  its 
accomplishment,  the  tumultuous  expedition  came  to  blows 
with  the  Amphisseans,  who  lay  in  wait  for  it  on  its  return 
home ; and  after  considerable  losses  it  sought  refuge  in  a 
wild  flight  to  Delphi.  Here  was  a new  crime,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  an  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  Amphic- 
tyons was  immediately  summoned  to  Thermopylee,  where 


428 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


tlie  deputies  of  the  confederate  states  were  to  appear, 
armed  with  powers,  to  discuss  the  new  casus  belli.  JEschines 
for  his  part,  who  had  contended  with  so  splendid  a result 
for  the  honor  of  his  native  city  and  for  the  rights  of  the 
god,  returned  home  in  triumph,  made  his  report  to  the 
civic  assembly,  and  requested  the  necessary  instructions 
for  the  coming  federal  meeting. 

At  Athens,  too,  everything  seemed  at  first  to  proceed  as 
Aisci lines  desired.  He  contrived  to  kindle  among  his 
fellow-citizens  also  the  artificial  enthusiasm  which  he  had 
excited  at  Delphi.  He  unscrupulously  appealed  in  his 
favor  to  the  memories  of  Solon  and  of  his  Sacred  War;  he 
dared  to  represent  Demosthenes  as  a traitor,  who  had  in 
his  capacity  of  Pylagoras  been  purchased  for  2,000 
drachms  by  the  Amphisseans,  in  order  to  throw  a veil  of 
silence  over  their  misdeeds.  Indeed,  such  was  the  con- 
tagious force  of  fanatical  excitement,  that  the  Athenians 
quite  forgot  the  serious  position  in  which  their  own  city 
was  placed,  and  thought  of  nothing  but  the  brick-kilns 
near  Cirrha  and  the  impious  act  of  the  Amphisseans. 

It  was  only  by  means  of  the  greatest  exertions  that 
Demosthenes  succeeded,  first  in  the  Council  and  then  in 
the  popular  assembly,  in  asserting  the  voice  of  reason,  and 
in  making  clear  to  the  Athenians  the  danger  into  which 
they  would  precipitate  themselves,  if  they  entered  into  the 
projects  of  iEschines,  the  sole  object  of  which  he  declared 
to  be  to  bring  the  Macedonians  into  the  land.  It  was 
resolved  to  send  no  deputy  to  the  meeting  at  Thermopylae; 
and  although  it  was  impossible  entirely  to  frustrate  it,  and 
to  put  an  end  to  the  criminally  kindled  quarrels,  and  to 
cross  the  intrigues  of  AEsckines,  yet  his  defeat  was  marked 
enough,  and  in  particular  it  was  a triumph  for  Demos- 
thenes, that  the  attempt  to  seize  this  opportunity  for  pro- 
voking hostility  between  Athens  and  Thebes  ended  in  the 
contrary  result  to  that  which  had  been  intended.  For 
Thebes  too  kept  away  from  Thermopylae,  and  for  the  first 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


429 


time  entered  into  a course  of  policy  winch,  in  accordance 
with  the  desire  long  cherished  by  Demosthenes,  made 
possible  an  approximation  between  the  two  cities.* 

The  diet  summoned  to  Thermopylae  accordingly  re- 
mained a pure  party-assembly,  to  which  only  those  states 
sent  deputies  which  stood  entirely  under  the  influence  of 
Macedonia.  As  yet  Philip  was  not  at  hand.  During 
three  quarters  of  a year  after  the  siege  of  Byzantium  he 
still  continued  withdrawn  from  the  eyes  of  the  Greeks, 
fighting  in  the  distant  land  of  the  Danube  against  Scy- 
thians and  Triballi.  There  was  accordingly  still  needed 
an  interlude,  before  the  catastrophe,  which  was  intended, 
could  come  to  pass.  Cottyphus  the  Pharsalian,  who  occu- 
pied the  presidency  among  the  Amphictyons,  was  there- 
fore empowered  by  the  assembly  to  conduct  the  Sacred 
War.  The  threatened  Amphisseans  promised  satisfaction, 
but  gave  none.  When  the  summer  had  passed  in  these 
transactions,  and  king  Philip,  having  returned  from  the 
North,  and  having  been  healed  from  his  wounds,  was 
ready  for  intervention,  a report  was  made  to  the  Delphic 
autumn  meeting  concerning  the  obstinate  recalcitrance  of 
the  Amphisseans ; there  was  now,  it  was  declared,  no 
choice  left  to  the  Amphictyonic  states  but  either  them- 
selves to  collect  money,  hire  troops,  and  im-  PMip 
pose  penalties  upon  all  the  states  guilty  of  ^PP"jinAd 
delay,  or  to  appoint  Philip  federal  com-  jj°Dic  gene‘ 
mander.  The  latter  alternative  was  resolved  01.  cx.  2 
upon,  as  had  long  been  secretly  settled,  al-  <B0c't'^9)' 
though  iEschines  subsequently  blamed  the 
Athenians  for  having,  misled  by  Demosthenes,  spurned 
the  opportunity  offered  by  the  gods  for  a pious  and 
honorable  war.f 

* iEschines  at  Delphia:  Dem.  xviii.  149;  iEsehin.  iii.  117. — Demosthenes 
against  iEschines  at  Athens:  iEsehin.  iii.  125;  Dem.  xviii.  145  ( mKe/jLov  eis 
7r]v  ’ArTLKrji'  eicrayeis,  Aicr^U'Vj,  no\efj.ov  a^utTvoviKov). 

f Meeting  at  Thermopylae  and  appointment  of  Cottyphus  ($iAtVrrov  . . . 
iv  £*ii0<us  anwros) ; iEsehin.  iii.  128;  Dem.  xviii.  151. — The  nomination  of 


430 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


„ ..  Thus  negligence,  self-delusion,  and  treason 

How  the  o o > 7 

new  Amptiic-  ]ia(|  within  a short  time  accomplished  what 
tyonic  War  . A 

was  brought  had  been  the  object  of  Philip  s schemes.  The 

about*  " A 

fault  of  negligence  falls  to  the  charge  of  the 
Athenians,  who  at  the  time  of  the  Delphic  elections 
were  not  upon  their  guard,  although  they  had  four  years 
previously  so  emphatically  taken  care  that  the  interest? 
of  Athens  at  Delphi  should  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  an 
-ZEschines  (p.  366).  The  civic  community  was  imperfect- 
ly adapted  for  taking  a clear  view  of  the  situation  of 
things  beyond  their  immediate  ken ; and  Demosthenes 
himself,  whose  task  it  was  to  turn  his  vigilant  glance  in 
all  directions,  is  hardly  to  be  acquitted  of  having  been 
insufficiently  informed  of  what  was  taking  place  at 
Delphi,  and  of  having  altogether  under-estimated  the 
dangers  which  threatened  from  that  quarter.  The  situa- 
tion of  affairs  failed  to  become  clear  to  him,  until 
.ZEschines  returned,  and  until  Demosthenes  cast  at  him 
the  wrathful  words : “ Thou  bringest  war  to  Attica,  an 
Amphictyouic  war ! ” The  self-deluded  were  the  Amphis- 
seans,  who  in  aimless  excitement  allowed  themselves  to  be 
tempted  to  kindle  a new  quarrel,  the  consequences  of  which 
were  to  burst  over  their  own  heads.  Finally,  treason  was 
at  work  in  every  quarter,  and  this  in  accordance  with  a 
well-devised  plan,  based  upon  a joint  agreement  between 
the  partisans  of  Philip,  and  doubtless  in  its  main  points 
already  fixed,  when  .ZEschines  was  carrying  the  election 
of  himself  and  of  his  associates  at  Athens.  As  in  a well- 
studied  drama  we  see  all  those  concerned  play  their  parts, 


Philip  to  the  yyeyovia  t>js  e{ro-e)3eias  (JSsehin.  129)  is  said  to  have  been  advo- 
cated by  jEschines  himself  among  others,  according  to  Grote,  vol.  xi.  p. 
666.  But  assuredly  Demosthenes  would  not  have  passed  by  this  circum- 
stance. Moreover,  ZEschines  not  without  intention  represents  the  second 
(autumn-)  meeting  as  a quite  separate  event,  in  which  he  took  no  part  what- 
ever. It  should  also  be  remembered  that  new  Pylagone  were  elected  for 
every  Pylsea ; and  how  could  it  have  been  possible  that  iEschines  should 
have  been  re-elected? 


chap,  iv.j  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  431 

each  scene  accurately  fit  on  to  its  predecessor,  and  the 
catastrophe  accomplish  itself  step  by  step,  'which  corres- 
ponded to  the  intentions  of  the  man  who,  concealed  from 
the  eyes  of  the  public,  managed  the  whole  performance. 
The  only  subject  on  which  doubt  may  remain  is  the  ex- 
tent to  which  circumstances  took  their  course  of  their  own 
accord,  and  the  point  at  which  the  intrigue  began. 

The  king  wished  to  be  summoned  into  Greece  for  a new 
process  of  execution.  The  first  point  therefore  on  which 
it  was  necessary  to  arrive  at  an  understanding  was  the  ob- 
taining of  a culprit,  the  discovery  of  a community,  upon 
which  war  could  be  made  on  account  of  an  act  of  impiety 
committed  against  the  Temple.  For  this  purpose  the  Am- 
phisseans  were  selected,  the  only  community  against  which 
exception  could  be  taken  on  this  head.  But  inasmuch  as 
they  had  done  no  wrong,  beyond  what  had  for  years  been 
calmly  allowed  to  take  its  course  and  been  tolerated,  the 
whole  intention  would  have  been  too  palpably  revealed, 
had  the  opportunity  been  forced  precipitately,  and  had 
the  prescriptive  acts  of  trespass  been  suddenly  made  a 
casus  belli.  It  was  therefore  necessary  that  the  Amphis- 
seans  should  themselves  by  an  insolent  proceeding  furnish 
the  occasion  for  calling  them  to  account ; and  to  this  they 
were  excited  by  Thebes.  It  would  therefore  seem,  that 
the  whole  intrigue  had  its  beginning  at  Thebes,  and  that 
Theban  statesmen,  such  as  Timolas  and  his  associates, 
guilefully  abused  the  short-sightedness  of  the  Amphisseans, 
took  advantage  of  their  hatred  against  Athens,  and  by  all 
kinds  of  futile  promises  induced  them  publicly  to  attest 
their  holy  zeal  for  the  honor  of  the  god  by  means  of  a 
protest  against  Athens.  But  among  the  Amphisseans  too 
there  must  have  been  men,  whose  conduct  was  the  result 
of  a secret  understanding  ; for  the  insolent  vehemence  and 
the  defiant  bearing  of  the  Locrian  envoy  fitted  so  admira- 
bly into  the  plot  of  the  drama,  that  in  this  also  it  is  hard- 
ly possible  to  perceive  a mere  accidental  connexion. 


432 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


Moreover  there  existed  in  Locris  a party  of  the  “ Godly,” 
which  sided  with  Cottyphus. 

The  course  of  events  becomes  clearer  from  the  moment 
when  MCschines  enters  upon  the  stage,  in  order  to  assume 
the  leading  part.  He  is  to  all  appearance  completely 
taken  by  surprise ; nothing  more  than  a vague  rumor  an- 
nounces an  attack  about  to  be  made  upon  Athens ; and 
not  until  he  has  listened  to  the  complaint  of  the  Amphis- 
seans  does  the  notion  suddenly  occur  to  his  mind  of  the 
answer  with  which  he  will  confound  the  audacious  ac- 
cusers ; — and  yet  everything  has  been  long  ago  prepared, 
in  order  by  the  withdrawal  of  his  fellow-countrymen  to 
play  the  whole  game  into  his  hands  ; and  yet  he  has  all 
the  documents  in  immediate  readiness  in  order  to  prove 
the  impious  proceedings  of  the  Amphisseans.  The  pla- 
cing of  the  shields  in  the  temple  was  manifestly  a matter 
of  absolute  indifference,  which  is  altogether  dropped,  after 
it  has,  as  an  incident  previously  arranged,  exercised  its 
effect.  The  Amphisseans  fell  into  the  trap ; and  under 
the  presidency  of  Cottyphus,  a person  entirely  dependent 
upon  Philip,  all  subsequent  steps  are  hurried  on  with  a 
ruthless  speed  and  violence,  the  sole  purpose  of  which  is 
to  goad  the  unhappy  Amphisseans  into  the  commission  of 
a new  wrong,  and  to  frustrate  anything  which  might  per- 
chance make  possible  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  quar- 
rel. And  the  hypocritical  nature  of  iEschines  could  find 
no  greater  satisfaction  than  in  his  having  an  opportunity 
of  appearing  as  a fiery  patriot  on  behalf  of  his  native  city, 
while  he  was  in  truth  busily  engaged  in  conjuring  up  the 
worst  of  calamities  over  its  head.  For,  from  the  moment 
when  he  occasioned  the  process  of  execution  against  Am- 
phissa,  he  could  not  remain  in  doubt  as  to  the  fact  that  he 
was  opening  a way  into  Greece  for  Philip,  and  that  his 
native  city,  between  which  and  Philip  a state  of  war  pre- 
vailed, must  thereby  be  involved  in  the  most  imminent 
peril.  The  only  question  as  to  which  doubts  may  be  en- 


chap,  ivj  p,asi  Struggles  for  Independence.  433 

tertained,  is  whether  he  acted  thus  from  a desire  of  ven- 
geance upon  his  opponents,  to  whom  he  had  succumbed 
at  Athens,  or  from  paid  officiousness,  of  which  motive  De- 
mosthenes accuses  him  ; and  even  were  it  desired  to  give 
the  mildest  interpretation  to  his  course  of  action,  viz.  that 
he  considered  the  approach  of  a Macedonian  army  the 
best  means  for  overthrowing  the  war-party  at  Athens,  yet 
it  would  still  have  to  be  designated  as  base  treason,  that 
for  such  a purpose  he  made  use  of  the  national  enemy. 
But  in  truth  it  was  not  political  but  personal  motives, 
which  made  Alsehines  a traitor.  By  nature  devoid  of 
character  and  of  independence,  he  invariably  attached 
himself  to  such  men  as  seemed  to  be  likely  to  furnish  him 
an  opportunity  of  letting  his  talent  shine  and  playing  a 
prominent  part,  an  end  to  which  in  spite  of  all  his  natural 
gifts  he  was  unable  to  attain  by  a straight  path  and  by  his 
own  strength.  Vanity  was  the  impulse  at  the  bottom  of 
his  actions.  Since  the  embassy  to  Pella  he  had  been  daz- 
zled by  the  greatness  of  Philip,  and  unscrupulously  sup- 
ported the  designs  of  the  king,  in  order  thus  to  satisfy  his 
own  restless  ambition  and  to  gain  personal  advantages. 
Being  more  and  more  driven  into  the  background  by  the 
personal  superiority  of  Demosthenes,  he  sought  for  a new 
opportunity  for  asserting  himself,  and  therefore  unhesita- 
tingly entered  into  the  intrigue  which,  whether  its  first 
threads  were  spun  at  Thebes  or  at  Delphi  or  at  Athens, 
was  in  any  case  a treasonable  combination  among  all  the 
partisans  of  Philip,  designed  to  bring  a Macedonian  army 
into  the  country,  and  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  king 
the  decision  of  the  destinies  of  Greece.* 


* The  euo-egets  in  Amphissa,  whose  recall  is  demanded  by  Cottyphus: 
iEschin.  iii.  129.  It  may  be  regarded  as  highly  probable,  that  the  Si  evo-efi- 
dav  4>ev- yorres  are  the  same  men  as  those  who  had  with  the  Philippic  party 
brought  about  the  entire  catastrophe,  and  had  immediately  afterwards  been 
expelled  as  traitors. — The  defence  offered  on  behalf  of  .ffischines  and  the 
attempted  refutation  of  the  suspicion  cast  upon  him  by  Demosthenes  in 
Spengel,  Demosth.  Verlheid.  des  Ktesiplion,  have  failed  to  convince  me. 

19 


434 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Advance  of  After  all  the  events  had  been  accomplished, 
Philip.  which  Philip  had  awaited  in  prudent  retire- 
(b°c.'  339).2  ment,  he  no  longer  delayed.  Of  the  strong 
November.  positions  at  Thermopylae,  Nicaea,  and  Echinus 
(p.  287),  he  had  already  made  himself  master.  When  the 
winter  began,  he  took  possession  of  all  the  inlets  into 
Interior  Greece ; and  whoever  observed  the  warlike  stir  in 
the  frontier-cantons,  the  activity  of  the  king  and  his 
generals,  the  extreme  circumspection  with  which  the  cam- 
paign was  commenced,  and  the  large  masses  of  troops 
which  were  gradually  assembling,  could  hardly  fail  to  be 
struck  by  the  thought,  that  something  of  a different  kind 
was  intended  from  the  chastisement  of  the  obscure  Locrian 
town,  which  was  named  as  the  goal  of  the  military  expe- 
dition. Soon  even  those  at  a greater  distance  were  to  be 
made  to  see  clearly  in  the  matter. 

From  Thermopylae  several  routes  lead  into  Interior 
Greece.  Of  these  the  one  passes  out  of  the  recess  of  the 
mountains  near  Heraclea,  the  ancient  Trachis  (vol.  iii.  p. 
143),  over  to  the  Dorian  tetrapolis;  and  thence  by  a 
second  pass  between  Mounts  Parnassus  and  Corax  in  the 
direction  of  Amphissa,  which  lay  immediately  at  the  outlet 
of  the  pass.  This  is  the  route  which,  leading  from  north 
to  south,  traverses  the  Isthmus  between  the  Malian  and 
the  Crissean  Gulf  by  the  shortest  line.  If  Philip  took  this 
route,  it  was  unnecessary  for  him  to  pass  through  the  Pass 
of  Thermopylae,  or  at  all  to  touch  Central  Greece.  But 
he  actually  sent  only  part  of  his  army  in  advance  by  this 
route,  conducting  the  main  body  from  Thermopylae  to  the 
south-east,  across  the  hills  extending  from  Phthiotis  in  the 
direction  of  the  Euboean  Sea, — the  offshoots  of  Mount 
Callidromus  and  of  the  Cnemis-range,  where  the  passes  lead 
towards  Phocis  and  Boeotia.  The  most  important  of  these 
passes  ended  at  Elatea ; and  before  sure  tidings  had  yet 
been  received  with  regard  to  the  movements  of  the  army, 
the  king  suddenly  stood  in  the  valley  of  the  Cephisus, 


chap,  iv.]  Jjj.d  Struggles  for  Independence.  435 

where  after  the  devastation  of  Phocis  he  was  met  by  no 
resistance.  Elatea,  the  most  considerable  city  on  the  south 
side  of  the  frontier  mountains,  the  citadel  and 
key  of  the  principal  pass  and  of  the  whole  of  0f 'Elatea.'  '°n 
Central  Greece,  was  rapidly  surrounded  by 
entrenchments ; below  the  city  Philip  pitched  a fortified 
camp.  In  this  position  he  controlled  the  plain  of  the 
Cephisus,  which  attains  to  its  greatest  breadth  between 
Elatea  and  Tithora,  a place  lying  opposite  at  the  base  of 
Mount  Parnassus.  His  rear  being  covered  in  case  of  a 
retreat,  and  his  communications  with  Thessaly  and  Mace- 
donia secured,  he  at  the  same  time  had  at  his  disposal  the 
resources  of  the  fertile  valley,  the  best  jiastures  for  his 
horses,  and  the  amplest  room  for  any  movements  of  troops. 
For  on  one  side  he  had  a convenient  line  of  communica- 
tion up  the  valley  of  the  Cephisus,  with  the  district  of 
Doris  (vol.  ii.  p.  437),  and  with  the  passes  leading  thence 
by  way  of  Cytinium  to  Amphissa ; while  on  the  other,  i.  e. 
down-stream,  he  was  so  close  to  the  frontier  of  Boeotia, 
that  he  kept  Thebes  perpetually  in  check,  without  vio- 
lating its  territory.  By  his  occupation  of  Elatea  Philip  had 
flung  aside  the  mask ; he  had  taken  up  a position,  than 
which  no  better  could  have  been  found  for  making  war 
upon  Western  as  well  as  upon  Eastern  Greece.  It  was 
now  manifest,  that  he  had  no  intention  of  confining  him- 
self to  an  expedition  of  execution  against  Amphissa. 

The  Athenians  had  indeed  already  received 
an  early  warning  from  Demosthenes,  so  soon  Athens! at 
as  the  treasonable  scheme  of  a new  Sacred 
War  became  known.  They  had  however,  notwithstanding 
this,  not  allowed  themselves  to  be  disturbed  in  their  care- 
lessness, and  even  seem  to  have  opined  that  the  Amphissean 
quarrel  would  in  the  first  instance  keep  the  tempest  of 
war  at  a distance  from  themselves.  Out  of  this  delusion 
they  were  now  all  the  more  unexpectedly  tom  forth.  Of 
a sudden  it  seemed  to  them,  as  if  the  enemy’s  army  was 


436 


[Book  VH 


History  of  Greece. 

before  the  gates  of  Athens  ; and  all  the  misery  of  the  war, 
which  they  had  cheerfully  decreed  when  the  enemy  was 
fighting  in  distant  Thrace,  now  stood  immediately  before 
their  eyes. 

It  was  evening,  Demosthenes  relates,  when  the  message 
reached  the  Prytanes,  that  Elatea  had  been  taken.  They 
at  once  rose  from  their  common  meal ; some  of  them  drove 
the  buyers  and  sellers  from  the  market-place,  and  lit  a 
great  fire,  in  order  to  give  a signal  to  the  rural  population. 
The  others  sent  to  the  generals,  and  caused  the  trumpeters 
to  sound  an  alarm.  The  whole  city  was  in  motion.  On 
the  next  morning,  as  soon  as  day  broke,  the  Prytanes 
summoned  the  Council  to  the  Town  Hall ; the  citizens 
streamed  to  the  Pnyx ; and,  before  the  Council  had  yet 
arrived  at  a resolution,  the  popular  assembly  was  waiting 
in  anxious  expectation.  And  when  hereupon  the  Prytanes 
had  made  public  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  had  also  pro- 
duced the  messenger,  so  that  he  might  personally  repeat 
his  tidings,  the  question  was  asked:  Who  demands  to 
speak  ? Inasmuch  as  there  was  no  motion  of  the  Council 
before  the  assembly,  the  decision  depended  entirely  upon 
the  latter.  And  yet  no  man  came  forward  ; and  although 
the  herald  several  times  repeated  his  summons,  although 
all  the  Ten  Generals  and  all  the  popular  orators  were 
present,  and  although  the  interests  of  the  fatherland  im- 
posed  upon  every  patriot  the  duty  of  offering  counsel  and 
aid,  yet  all  remained  dumb,  deeply  agitated,  and  morally 
unhinged  by  the  overwhelming  events  which  had  taken 
place.  All  eyes  turned  to  Demosthenes ; and  the  universal 
helplessness  having  been  attested  with  sufficient  clearness 
by  the  long  and  painful  silence,  the  impression  was  all  the 
greater  which  was  created  when  he  at  last  came  forward, — 
and  not  with  vacillatory  and  uncertain  proposals,  but  with 
a resolute  and  clearly-arranged  exposition  of  that  which 
was  demanded  by  the  honor  and  safety  of  the  city.  In- 
deed, he  contrived  with  happy  presence  of  mind  to  take 


Chap,  iv.]  Za.k  Struggles  for  Independence. 


437 


advantage  of  the  panic  of  the  moment,  in  order  to  bring 
to  pass  what  was  of  supreme  importance,  viz.  the  combina- 
tion with  Thebes. 

Demosthenes  had  by  no  means  remained  uhPn, 
free  from  the  universal  ill-will  prevailing  and  Thebes, 
among  his  fellow-citizens  against  Thebes.  He  had  deemed 
the  ancient  friends  of  the  Persians  to  be  likewise  the  na- 
tural adherents  of  the  new  national  enemy ; he  had  not 
believed  them  capable  of  appreciating  the  national 
cause  ; and  yet  he  was  from  the  first  a man  of  too  much 
magnanimity  of  mind  and  Hellenic  feeling  to  surrender 
himself  to  a blind  hatred.  He  had  the  preservation  of  the 
Hellenic  nation  too  much  at  heart,  for  it  to  have  been 
possible  that  he  should  have  desired  the  weakening  or 
annihilation  of  any  one  member  of  it.  But  the  cautious- 
ness with  which  he  was  obliged  to  advance  this  sentiment 
too,  is  already  evident  from  the  fact,  that  in  his  oration  on 
the  Peace  (p.  338)  he  had  expressly  to  beg  his  fellow-citi- 
zens not  to  interrupt  him  by  expressions  of  dissatisfaction, 
although  he  was  giving  utterance  to  nothing  more  than 
the  expectation,  that  for  the  Thebans  also  a time  would 
arrive  when  they  would  be  unwilling  to  march  by  the  side 
of  Philip  against  Athens. 

The  following  years  confirmed  his  words.  After  the 
peace  there  ensued  a change  of  mood  at  Thebes ; the 
germs  of  a national  party  formed  themselves,  which  were 
not  unobserved  by  the  vigilant  eye  of  Demosthenes.  A 
change  therefore  took  place  in  his  views  also  (p.  338)  ; 
and  the  opposition  between  him  and  fEschines  contributed 
to  encourage  this  alteration  of  sentiments.  Demosthenes 
perceived  the  baseness  of  his  opponent  to  lie  principally  in 
this : that  he  was  so  busily  at  work  to  foster  the  hostility 
between  the  neighbors,  to  goad  on  the  citizens  against 
Thebes,  to  make  the  rift  more  and  more  deep  and  incura- 
ble, and,  so  far  as  in  him  lay,  to  drive  the  Thebans  more 
and  more  over  to  the  side  of  the  enemy.  Demosthenes 


438  History  of  Greece.  [Book  vn, 

became  correspondingly  decided  in  his  view ; his  judgment 
grew  more  considerate ; his  liberal  recognition  of  the 
worth  of  the  neighbor-state  more  ready,  In  his  speech  for 
the  Chersonnesus  he  admonishes  the  Thebans  to  be  on  their 
guard,  and  not  to  trust  Philip’s  favors,  although  at  that 
time  the  mood  of  the  Athenians  was  still  so  hostile,  that  he 
could  call  upon  them  to  seek  auxiliaries  everywhere,  even 
in  Persia,  but  could  not  venture  to  mention  the  Thebans. 

After  the  fall  of  Elatea  a change  ensued.  It  was  now 
impossible  to  look  out  for  aid  from  a distance ; the  next- 
door  neighbors  were  now  the  sole  auxiliaries  possible ; and 
now  of  a sudden  the  preservation  of  Athens  seemed  to  de- 
pend entirely  upon  a combination  with  Thebes.  He  ac- 
cordingly now  demands  the  immediate  opening  of  negotia- 
tions for  the  conclusion  of  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance  with  Thebes  ; at  the  same  time  the  equipment  of 
the  entire  civic  forces,  and  a march-out  to  the  Boeotian 
frontier.  But  in  order  to  execute  these  measures  with  the 
necessary  energy,  a supreme  magisterial  authority  invested 
with  extraordinary  powers  was  required.  Demosthenes 
therefore  proposed  for  the  period  of  the  endurance  of  the 
danger  of  war  the  establishment  of  a government-commit- 
tee of  ten  men,  who  together  with  the  generals  were  to 
provide  for  the  commonweal  according  to  their  best  judg- 
ment. He  was  himself  called  to  the  head  of  this  board  of 
security.  Men  sharing  his  sentiments  were  placed  at  his 
side ; he  was  now  the  Regent  of  Athens,  and  on  his 
shoulders  rested  the  welfare  of  the  city.* 


* Occupation  of  Elatea  in  the  last  months  of  339  b.  c. : Westermann  ad 
Dem.  xviii.  152.  The  impression  created  by  this  event  at  Athens  had  also 
been  described  by  Hyperides ; cf.  Bhet.  Gr.  i.  1C7.  The  ensuing  events  are 
according  to  Koch  ly  ( Freiheilslcrieg  der  Belknen  gegen  Phil,  in  N.  Schweizer  Museum, 
ii.),  in  opposition  to  Plutarch,  Dem.  18,  to  be  arranged  in  the  following  order: 
— 339-8  b.  c. : Elatea  taken — winter-quarters  occupied — negotiations  between 
Athens  and  Thebes — winter-fights.  Spring : march  to  Amphissa — intrigues 
at  Athens — fresh  negotiations — approach  of  Antipater's  army — return  of 
Philip  to  Phocis— irruption  into  Bceotia — battle  of  Chseronea. — Demosthenes 
on  Thebes:  v.  14;  viii.  63. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  439 

The  first  step  was  to  make  a journey  to  Thebes.  Here 
he  found  the  deputies  of  the  Boeotian  towns  assembled, 
and  also  met  an  embassy  from  Philip,  led  by  Ne„otiations 
the  crafty  Python  (p.  376),  a man  pre-emi-  at  Thebes, 
nently  adapted  for  exciting  all  the  elements  of  hostility 
against  Athens  which  existed  among  the  Thebans,  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  for  commending  to  them  as  impres- 
sively as  possible  the  Macedonian  alliance.  For  to  Philip 
nothing  could  be  less  welcome  than  a combination 
between  the  two  cities,  which  still  possessed  the  civic 
bodies  best  able  to  fight ; their  reconciliation  on  the  basis 
of  a national  movement  would  amount  to  a moral  defeat 
of  his  Amphictyonic  policy,  and  at  the  same  time  to  a 
material  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his  strategical  plans.  The 
king  therefore  proceeded  with  the  utmost  caution.  He 
abstained  from  taking  advantage  of  the  proximity  of  his 
army,  so  as  to  make  rigorous  and  extensive  demands ; he 
conducted  himself,  not  as  king  of  Macedonia,  but  as  a 
member  of  the  Hellenic  League  of  states  ; and  his  envoy 
was  accompanied  by  deputies  of  the  Greek  cantons.  He 
not  even  demanded  active  federal  aid,  but  merely  neu- 
trality during  his  war  with  Athens,  and  permission  to 
march  through  Boeotian  territory.  In  the  case  of  a favora- 
ble issue  he  held  out  the  prospect  of  an  acquisition  of 
spoils  and  territory ; in  the  contrary  event  all  the  horrors 
of  war  were  described  as  imminent,  and  as  specially 
certain  to  visit  Boeotia. 

What  had  Demosthenes  to  throw  into  the  opposite 
scale  ? He  had  no  means  at  command  either  for  terri- 
fying or  for  tempting ; he  could  open  the  prospect  of  no 
advantages ; he  only  came  in  order  to  demand  sacrifices 
and  to  bring  with  him  troubles  of  war.  Besides  which, 
he  was  an  entire  stranger  to  the  citizens  of  Thebes,  and  as 
an  Athenian  had  to  contend  against  a general  mistrust. 
Athens  stood  quite  deserted  in  confronting  the  king.  How 
easy  therefore  was  it  to  interpret  his  intentions  as  if  he 


440 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


Demos- 
thenes at 
Thebes. 

Ol.  ex.  2 
(b.  c.  338). 

Winter. 


were  endeavoring,  in  order  to  save  his  city,  which  had 
provoked  the  war,  to  drag  Thebes  also  into  the  danger, — * 
into  a danger  of  war,  moreover,  to  which  Thebes  was  in 
the  first  instance  and  in  a prominent  degree  exposed. 
Tor  upon  Athens  itself  it  was  impossible  to  make  war 
successfully  without  a fleet. 

And  yet  Demosthenes  was  victorious  on  the 
decisive  day  in  the  Boeotian  assembly.  And 
yet  he  was  able  to  proclaim  the  common  duty 
of  waging  the  struggle  on  behalf  of  the  honor 
and  liberty  of  the  fatherland,  and  at  the  same 
time  on  behalf  of  the  independence  of  each  State,  with  so 
mighty  a power  of  eloquence,  that  he  carried  away  with 
him  the  hearts  of  the  Boeotian  men,  that  all  timid  con- 
siderations, all  scruples,  all  feelings  of  ill-will  vanished, 
and  one  flame  of  patriotic  enthusiasm,  kindled  by  Demos- 
thenes, seized  Thebes  as  well  as  Athens.  This  was  the 
greatest  and  noblest  victory  of  Demosthenes  ; it  was  most 
emphatically  his  own,  his  personal  deed.  It  was  not 
merely  a moral  gain,  but  also  a political  event  which 
weighed  heavily  in  the  balance.  For  the  measures  taken 
by  Philip  at  the  very  last  hour  best  showed  how  deeply 
he  was  interested  in  preventing  this  union.  Upon  nothing 
had  he  calculated  with  so  much  certainty,  as  upon  the  in- 
superable hostility  between  the  two  neighbor-states.  If 
these  joined  hands  against  him,  then  there  was  still  a 
chance  of  the  other  states  uniting  ; then  a national  rising 
was  still  possible,  which  might  ruin  Philip’s  position  in 
Greece  and  call  all  his  successes  into  question.  There 
manifestly  still  survived  among  the  Thebans  something 
of  the  spirit  which  Epaminondas  and  his  friends  had 
aroused ; an  openness  towards  great  ideas,  a capacity  for 
giving  themselves  up  to  moral  greatness,  for  allowing 
themselves  to  be  influenced  by  true  eloquence,  and  for 
feeling  and  thinking  as  Hellenes.  The  hard  ore  had  been 
melted ; and  that  which  it  had  been  invariably  in  vain 


chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


441 


sought  to  effect  in  former  times,  by  force  of  arms  (vol.  ii. 
p.  440),  and  afterwards,  by  Epaminondas  as  well  as  by 
the  Boeotian  party  at  Athens,  by  means  of  a political 
agreement,  was  now  rapidly  and  successfully  consum- 
mated ; and  the  two  neighbor-lands,  either  of  which  was 
so  manifestly  destined  to  supplement  the  other,  and  was  so 
indispensable  for  its  security,  closely  united  in  the  last 
hour.  The  overtures  of  Philip’s  envoys  were  r )ie 
rejected,  and  ail  the  proposals  of  Demosthenes  ^|e°^eegns 
accepted.  Athens  guaranteed  to  the  Thebans 
the  unimpaired  local  supremacy  over  Bceotia;  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war  were  to  be  proportionately  divided  ; at 
the  same  time  the  restoration  of  the  Phocian  towns  was 
resolved  upon,  and  an  agreement  was  arrived  at  as  to  the 
joint  conduct  of  the  war  by  water  and  by  land.  It  was 
the  noblest  and  most  just  league  ever  concluded  between 
two  Hellenic  states ; for  it  was  based  upon  the  determina- 
tion to  overcome  all  petty  jealousies  in  the  interest  of  the 
endangered  fatherland.  Thebes  declared  itself  ready  to 
re-establish  the  Phocians.  The  wall  which  severed  Attica 
from  Boeotia  had  fallen,  and  on  either  side  of  Mount 
Cithseron,  from  Cape  Sunium  to  Parnassus,  one  endeavor, 
one  will,  held  sway, — and  this  will  was  that  of  Demos- 
thenes, who  was  associated  in  concord  with  the  most 
generous  minds  among  the  people.* 

There  now  once  more  stood  opposed  to  one  Th 
another,  as  in  the  Persian  Wars,  two  groups  {^a\vlr°f 
of  states,  the  one  siding  with  the  foreign  power, 
the  other  resolved  to  wage  the  struggle  for  liberty.  The 
object,  therefore,  was  jointly  to  defend  this  Hellas  in  a 
more  restricted  sense,  and  to  take  advantage  for  this  pur- 
pose of  the  bulwarks  provided  by  nature.  Below  Elatea 


* Demosthenes  at  Thebes:  Theopomp.  ap.  Plutarch.  Bern,.  18:  r\  tov  prjropo s 
8vvafiiS  eKpLTTL^ovcra  tov  6vp.ov  auruv  ical  Sta/caiovcra  ttjv  0iAon/xtav  eneo’KOTiqo'e 
Tot?  aAAoi?  anaaiv,  Stare  (ftofiov  /cal  \oyiapibv  koll  xapiv  €Kf3a\eiv  avTOu?  evOovaujjv- 
r a?  an'o  tov  A oyov  np'os  to  Ka\ov. — Treaty  with  Thebes : .Eschin.  iii.  142. 

19* 


442 


History  of  Greece. 


(Book  Vli 


the  valley  of  the  river  Cepliisus  becomes  narrower.  From 
Parnassus  a hill  (Parori)  springs  forward  in  advance  to- 
wards the  river,  and  from  the  opposite  range,  Mount  Cne- 
mis,  another,  by  which  lay  the  town  of  Parapotamii. 
This  pass  was  occupied  by  the  allies ; here  was  now  the 
Thermopylae  of  free  Greece.  Simultaneously  it  was  sought 
to  gain  other  bases  of  operation  against  Philip.  A combi- 
nation was  established  with  the  Amphisseans ; for  it  was 
of  the  highest  importance  to  prevent  Philip  from  succeed 
ing  in  rapidly  ridding  himself  of  these  enemies  by  force  or 
by  means  of  an  amicable  settlement.  Accordingly,  10,000 
mercenaries  on  foot  and  1,000  mounted,  who  had 
been  hired  by  the  Athenians,  were  designated  for  the  pro- 
tection of  Locris,  and  marched  to  Amphissa  under  the 
command  of  Chares  and  of  the  Theban  Proxenus.  In 
other  words,  the  allies  renounced  all  participation  in  the 
shameful  abuse  to  which  the  national  religion  had  been 
put  in  the  interest  of  Philip,  and  were  courageous  enough 
before  the  eyes  of  all  the  Hellenes  to  attach  more  import- 
ance to  the  preservation  of  the  fatherland  than  to  the  ex- 
communicatory  curses  of  the  traitorous  Amphictyons.  For 
the  same  reason  steps  were  at  once  taken  to  repair,  so  far 
as  it  was  possible,  the  wrong  which  had  been  committed, 
and  restore  Phocis,  which  had  been  sacrificed  to  the  in- 
trigues of  Delphi.  On  the  summons  of  the  allied  cities,  the 
fugitive  inhabitants  returned  to  their  homes,  and  the  scat- 
tered Phocians  assembled  in  their  desolated  habitations. 
With  the  skilfulness  peculiar  to  the  Hellenes  they  rapidly 
re-settled  amidst  the  ruins  of  their  towns  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Locrian  troops,  and  helped  to  render  safe 
the  mountain-passes  of  Parnassus.  They  at  once  became 
efficient  allies,  as  they  glowed  with  eagerness  to  take  ven- 
geance upon  Philip,  and  were  resolved  with  the  courage 
of  despair  to  defend  the  home  they  had  regained.  Final- 
ly, the  allies  sent  messages  around  Greece,  in  order  to  ob- 
tained armed  auxiliaries  ; and  the  states  which  Demosthe- 


chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  443 

nes  had  secured,  viz.  Megara,  Corinth,  Euboea,  Achaia, 
Leucas,  and  Corcyra,  proved  ready  to  furnish  their  con- 
tingents and  to  pay  contributions  to  the  war-fund,  while 
the  jealous  Peloponnesians  at  all  events  remained  neutral, 
and  could  not  be  induced  to  support  Philip,  who  claimed 
their  contingents  on  the  pretext  of  the  Sacred  War.* 

Thus,  then,  an  end  had  likewise  been  sue-  skirmishes 
cessfully  put  to  the  hostilities  between  Thebes  in  Phoois- 
and  Phocis,  between  Phocis  and  Amphissa,  2 <B- 
between  Amphissa  and  Athens.  Pound 

1 ...  Winter. 

Mount  Parnassus  gathered  a considerable  mili- 
tary force ; and  at  the  same  time  the  Thebans  and  the 
Athenians  had  taken  the  field  in  fraternal  concord  against 
Philip  on  the  Boeotian  frontier,  watching  every  movement 
on  his  part.  Nor  was  this  all.  Bloody  skirmishes  ensued 
between  single  divisions  in  the  low-lying  plain  of  the 
Cephisus.  Two  of  these  conflicts  were  known  under  the 
names  of  the  ‘ River-battle  ’ and  the  ‘ Winter-battle  ; ’ in 
both  fortune  was  on  the  sides  of  the  allies,  in  both  the 
Athenians  in  particular — as  Demosthenes  states  with 
pride  showed  themselves  not  only  unexceptionable,  but 
worthy  of  high  admiration  by  the  excellence  of  their 
equipment,  their  good  discipline,  and  their  ardor.  They 
were  once  more  acknowledged  and  celebrated  as  the  cham- 
pions of  the  Hellenes.  Certain  bodies  of  troops  which 
were  specially  successful  in  these  conflicts,  as  e.  g.  that  of 
the  Cecropian  tribe  with  its  captain  Bularchus,  vowed 
dedicatory  gifts  to  the  Athene  on  the  citadel ; in  the  city 
the  successes  achieved  were  solemnized  by  sacrifices  and 
processions  : the  minds  of  all  men  were  in  an  elevated, 
grateful,  and  hopeful  mood.  They  had  full  confidence  in 
the  guidance  of  Demosthenes,  and  gave  a public  expres- 
sion to  this  trustfulness,  when  at  the  spring-festival  of  the 
Great  Dionysia  he  was,  on  the  motion  of  his  cousin  Demo- 


* Phocis:  Paus.  x.  3,3;  33,8.  Allies:  iEschin.  iii.  95;  Plutarch.  Bern.  IT 
The  neutrals  (€7ri  rfj  efita?  nkeovegias  eA7ri'5i),  Dem.  xviii.  G4;  Paus.  viii.  6,  % 


444 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


meles,  who  had  formerly  been  among  his  enemies,  re- 
warded with  a wreath  of  gold.* 

Demosthe- ' It  is  true  that  even  now  opposition  to  him 
n.es  and  Pho'  raised  its  head.  It  was  sought  to  deprive  him 

cion.  ° r 

of  the  love  of  his  fellow-citizens.  Invectives 
were  uttered  against  the  friendly  attitude  towards  Boeotia, 
which  had  so  long  been  regarded  as  an  aberration  unpar- 
donable in  the  case  of  any  decent  Athenian ; and  among 
prominent  personages,  Phocion  in  particular,  at  a season 
when  a good  understanding  between  him  and  Demosthenes 
was  of  greater  importance  than  ever,  confronted  him  with 
unconcealed  bitterness.  Doubtless  no  opposition  was  felt 
more  painfully  by  Demosthenes  than  this  ; for  Phocion 
was,  next  to  himself,  the  character  of  the  highest  mark, 
and  his  was  the  manliest  individuality  at  Athens ; he  was 
a man  who,  like  Demosthenes,  owed  everything  to  himself, 
who  was  equally  unbiassed  in  his  judgment,  and  of  an  im- 
movable independence  of  spirit.  He  could  never  become 
a party-follower.  In  him  the  two  tendencies  of  the  society 
of  the  times  met.  In  the  Academy  he  had  imbibed  a 
stern  contempt  for  all  existing  ways  ; but  his  nature  was 
too  practical  and  too  much  in  need  of  self-exertion,  for  it 
to  be  possible  for  him  to  withdraw  from  the  world  like  a 
true  follower  of  Plato.  He  required  a calling  ; he  served 
the  commonwealth,  but  served  it  merely  from  a sense  of 
duty  for  conscience’  sake,  without  taking  auy  personal  in- 
terest in  it,  without  devoting  any  love  to  it,  or  feeling  any 
warm  impulse  towards  it.  Probably  there  has  rarely  ex- 
isted a successful  general  who  has  been  less  animated  by 
ambition,  and  who  has  taken  less  pleasure  in  his  successes, 
than  Phocion.  Every  danger  of  war  raised  his  authority; 
and  yet  it  was  peace  alone  which  he  desired.  He  looked 
upon  any  enthusiastic  movement  on  the  part  of  the  people 

* 'H  e7rt  tov  nordfiov  /cal  rj  x€LtxePLVV  Dem.  xviii.  216. — Bularchus: 

Monatsberichte  der  Berliner  AJcademie , 1863,  6. — Bestowal  of  the  wreath : Vit.  X 
Oral.  816. 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


445 


as  a dangerous  delusion,  and  regarded  the  orators  who  en- 
couraged it,  and  who  exhorted  the  citizens  to  make  efforts, 
as  the  most  dangerous  counsellors  of  the  community.  Per- 
sonally, he  had  no  desire  to  be  an  orator  ; hut  the  train- 
ing in  dialectics  which  he  had  acquired,  the  energy  of  his 
character,  the  sober  coldness  and  the  decisiveness  of  his 
views,  which  last  is  connected  with  the  one-sidedness  of  his 
stand-point,  gave  to  his  words  a cutting  force  as  well  in 
occasional  sayings  as  in  public  counter-speeches,  and  made 
him  the  most  dangerous  of  all  the  opponents  of  Demosthe- 
nes. He  resembled  a rock,  upon  which  all  the  waves  of 
the  current  of  the  times  broke  ; and  the  higher  they  rose, 
the  more  rigid  was  his  resistance. 

In  other  quarters,  too,  attempts  were  made  Intri„ues 
to  prevent  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Alarming  of  hhe  peaee- 
signs  were  announced ; calamitous  accidents 
which  had  occurred  on  the  occasion  of  the  last  Eleusinia, 
it  was  contrived  to  turn  to  account  as  warning  omens. 
The  opposition-party  combined,  as  in  the  days  of  Pericles, 
w7ith  a superstitious  tendency  fostered  by  the  priests,  who 
saw  in  the  alliance  with  the  Phocians  and  Amphisseans, 
still  under  the  ban  of  the  Delphic  god,  an  abomination 
which  averted  the  favor  of  the  gods  from  the  Athenian 
state.  Oracles  were  bruited  about  in  order  to  spread 
terror  and  pusillanimity;  and  in  the  end  it  was  actually 
demanded,  that  before  the  decisive  step  was  taken  the 
Pythia  should  be  asked  what  Athens  ought  to  do,  although 
it  was  well  known  that  Delphi  was  at  present  even  less 
than  at  the  time  of  the  Persian  Wars  entitled  to  a vote, 
and  that  the  Pythia  was,  as  Demosthenes  expressed  it, 
Philippic  at  heart. 

But  all  these  efforts  at  resistance  were  impotent  against 
the  current  of  the  times.  The  citizens  were  in  a confident 
mood.  Demosthenes  stood  firm  and  secure  at  the  head  of 
the  national  affairs  ; he  took  vigorous  measures  against  all 
who  intended  to  cripple  or  disturb  the  patriotic  move* 


446 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


ment ; and  probably  we  may  also  see  a connexion  between 
his  struggle  against  the  priestly  party  and  his  proceedings 
against  the  priestess  Theoris,  whose  execution  on  account 
of  her  intrigues  was  brought  about  by  him.  At  Thebes 
as  well  as  at  Athens  he  directed  the  government;  and 
with  joyous  courage  all  patriots  looked  forward  to  the 
summer  campaign,  which  was  to  decide  everything.* 

It  was  otherwise  in  the  camp  of  the  enemy.  Philip 
found  himself  utterly  at  fault  in  his  calculations.  Before 
his  eyes  the  towns  which  he  had  destroyed  were  being  re- 
built ; the  passes  on  his  right  and  on  his  left  were  occupied 
by  considerable  numbers  of  troops,  advantageously  dis- 
posed and  efficiently  commanded.  The  first  skirmishes 
had  not  ended  in  his  favor.  The  struggle,  to  which  he 
saw  himself  forced,  was  one  in  itself  entirely  unexpected 
by,  and  unwelcome  to,  him ; and,  moreover,  he  was  any- 
thing but  assured  of  ultimate  success. 

During  the  winter  months  he  had  kept  the 
main  body  of  his  troops  in  the  rear  of  the 
passes ; when  the  spring  arrived,  it  was  ne- 
cessary for  him  to  abandon  this  anxious  posi- 
tion, and  to  advance  either  along  the  base  of 
Mount  Parnassus  or  in  Bceotia.  He  preferred  first  to 
repair  to  the  western  theatre  of  the  war,  because  here  he 
hoped  for  an  easier  success.  A division  of  his  troops  still 
lay  at  Cytinium,  where  the  pass  leads  across  from  the 
region  of  the  sources  of  the  Cephisus  to  Amphissa.  But 
here  again  Philip  refrained  from  venturing  at  once  to 
penetrate  with  his  troops  into  the  perilous  gorges  of  the 
hills ; he  preferred  to  make  use  of  one  of  his  stratagems, 
in  which  the  advantage  was  always,  more  than  in  any- 
thing else,  on  his  side  as  against  the  Greeks.  He  arranged 


Philip’s 
march  to 
Amphissa. 

01.  ex.  2 
(b.  c.  338). 
Spring. 


* Expressions  of  opposition  to  Demosthenes:  iEschin.  ii.  106:  np'og  toU 
iiAAois  KaKols  Kai  /3oi wra^et.  Cf.  W.  Schmitz,  Ueber  den  Bdotismus  des  Demosthenc « 
in  Zeitschr if t fur  Gy mn.t  1865,1. — Phocion:  Plutarch.  Phoc.  9 and  16. — Prodi- 
gies : iEschin.  iii.  130;  Plutarch.  Phoc.  20. — Theoris : Philochorus  ap.  Harpocr, 
Boeckh,  iiber  Philochoroe , 23  ; Plutarch.  Lem.  14. 


Chap,  iv.j  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  447 

an  apparent  movement  of  retreat,  drew  offliis  troops  out  of 
the  passes  of  Doris ; and  by  means  of  general  orders,  which 
he  intentionally  allowed  to  fall  into  the  enemies’  hands, 
spread  the  news  that  a revolt  had  broken  out  among  the 
Thracian  peoples,  which  required  his  presence,  and  for  the 
nonce  made  impossible  the  continuation  of  the  Hellenic 
War.  Upon  bands  of  mercenaries,  which  were  negligently 
commanded  and  only  to  be  retained  at  arduous  posts  by 
the  impression  of  imminent  danger  and  by  the  immediate 
presence  of  the  foe,  such  stratagems  exercised  a specially 
strong  effect.  The  troops  dispersed ; the  passes  were  left 
open;  and,  before  any  movement  of  the  kind  had  been 
expected,  the  king  had  suddenly  returned  by  forced 
marches,  and  had  penetrated  through  the  passes.  The 
army  of  mercenaries,  taken  by  surprise,  was  completely 
defeated  at  Amphissa,  and  the  town  itself  was  subjected  to 
the  same  judgment  as  Phocis  had  formerly  undergone. 
Naupactus  too,  which  was  garrisoned  by  Achseans,  was 
taken  by  storm,  and  handed  over  to  the  vEtolians. 

Through  this  success,  which  had  been  obtained  for  the 
king  by  the  carelessness  of  the  commanders  of  the 
mercenaries,  perhaps  also  by  treason  among  them,  an  es- 
sential part  of  Demosthenes’  plan  of  operations  had  been 
frustrated.  Philip  was  now  able  to  throw  his  whole 
strength  into  the  eastern  theatre  of  the  war ; he  had  open 
access  from  the  south  side  of  Mount  Parnassus ; and  could 
cross  from  Naupactus  into  Peloponnesus,  so  as  to  force  the 
auxiliary  troops  of  Athens  to  return  home.* 

It  was  probably  about  the  same  time  that  Fregh 
the  king  entered  into  fresh  negotiations.  He  negotiations, 
could  calculate  upon  the  inability  of  the  cities  01.  c: 

to  sustain  for  any  length  of  time  so  excessive 

J Summer, 

an  exertion  of  their  resources ; he  was  aware 

of  the  large  amount  of  opposition  which  still  existed 


* Amphissa : Polysen.  iv.  2,  8 ; iEschin.  iii.  146  seq. — Naupactus : Theopomp. 
ap.  Suidas,  s.  v.  <$>povpr\<re is  kv  Netu7raKTy. 


448 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


against  the  war-policy;  the  annihilation  of  Amphissa 
could  not  have  failed  to  create  a most  terrible  impression. 
Boeotia,  which  had  from  the  first  not  followed  from  any 
original  impulse  of  its  own,  was  now  the  object  which  he 
had  next  in  view.  The  capital  was  still  animated  by  the 
spirit  of  Demosthenes ; but  Thebes  was  not  Boeotia,  and 
the  deputies  of  the  country-towns,  whose  territory  already 
had  to  suffer  as  the  scene  of  war,  were  otherwise  inclined. 
Vacillation  accordingly  ensued  in  consequence  of  the  new 
offers  brought  from  Macedonian  head-quarters ; and  not 
only  at  Thebes,  but  also  at  Athens,  the  peace-party  again 
ventured  to  come  forward  more  boldly  ; from  the  fact  that 
the  most  proved  general  of  the  city,  as  to  whose  patriotism 
it  was  permitted  to  no  man  to  express  a doubt,  it  derived 
a significance  disproportionate  to  its  real  strength.  It  was 
a strange  contrast,  that  the  unwarlike  orator  should  urge 
on  the  citizens  to  the  conflict,  while  the  soldier  never 
ceased  from  warnings  and  advice  in  a contrary  sense. 
The  two  men  even  came  into  angry  personal  contact; 
Demosthenes,  wroth  at  the  unbending  resistance  of  his 
adversary,  is  said  menacingly  to  have  called  out  to  him, 
“ The  Athenians  will  make  an  end  of  thee,  if  they  become 
heated  with  anger ;”  to  which  Phocion  replied,  “ And  thee, 
if  they  recover  their  senses.”  These  and  similar  exchanges 
of  sallies  handed  down  from  these  times  give  a notion  of 
the  extreme  bitterness  prevailing  between  the  opposite 
stand-points. 

„ , To  Demosthenes  no  idea  could  be  more  in- 

Energy  of 

Demosthenes,  tolerable,  than  that  in  the  last  hour  all  the 
results  of  years  of  sacrifices  and  efforts  should  be  lost. 
This  intensified  his  energy,  and  impelled  the  fiery  man  to 
act  with  continuously  iucreasing  decision,  in  order  to  terri- 
fy the  traitors,  to  encourage  the  hesitating,  and  to 
strengthen  the  uncertain.  He  has  been  charged  with 
having  carried  on  a system  of  terrorism  irreconcilable 
with  the  spirit  of  a republican  administration.  As  in  the 


Chap,  iv.]  Lad  Struggles  for  Independence.  449 

days  when  Pericles  was  at  the  helm,  it  was  complained 
that  the  constitution  had  been  virtually  abolished,  and 
that  Attic  affairs  were  conducted  by  Demosthenes  ac- 
cording:  to  an  understanding-  with  the  leaders  of  Boeotia. 
It  was  declared  that  he  tolerated  no  contradiction,  treated 
the  generals  with  masterful  arrogance,  persecuted  with 
savage  wrath,  like  Cleophon  of  old  (vol.  iii.  p.  535),  every 
expression  of  views  tending  towards  peace ; and  that  it 
was  likewise  only  by  despotically  intimidating  the  Boeo- 
tarchs  that  he  had  induced  them,  whom  the  recent  offers 
of  the  king  had  shaken,  to  abstain  from  renouncing  their 
connexion  with  him.  The  bearings  of  Demosthenes  at 
Athens  is,  however,  j ustified  by  the  fact,  that  opposition 
was  not  openly  offered  to  him  by  a considerable  part  of 
the  citizens,  but  only  proceeded  from  individuals  or  small 
knots  of  men,  who  sought  to  hinder  his  labors  by  secret 
intrigues.  The  feelings  of  the  civic  community  found  ex- 
pression in  the  bestowal  of  another  wreath  of  honor  upon 
the  orator,  which  was  proposed  by  Hyperides,  and  carried 
with  brilliant  success  against  the  protest  of  Diondas,  per- 
haps at  the  festival  of  the  Great  Panathensea  (summer  of 
338  b.  c.).  After  the  rejection  of  the  last  proposals  of 
peace  the  battle  was  inevitable ; and  both  sides  could  not 
but  desire  a speedy  decision.  As  to  the  scene  of  the  con- 
flict, it  was  necessarily  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the 
Hellenes  that  they  should  maintain  their  strong  position 
in  the  narrow  part  of  the  valley  of  the  Cephisus,  and  there 
await  the  attack ; while  Philip,  who  during  the  recent 
negotiations  had  caused  the  reinforcements  to  join  him, 
which  Antipater  led  to  him  out  of  his  kingdom,  required 
a battle-field  where  he  could  unfold  his  cavalry  and  prove 
his  superiority  in  tactics.* 

ITe  accordingly  quitted  his  winter-quarters;  withdrew 

* Terrorism  (8uvaareCa)i  of  Demosthenes : 2Eschin.  iii.  146  seq.  Avvacrreviov 
ovk  olSlku)<;  ov&e  Trap’  at-iav,  axnrep  airo<f)aiveTai  ©eo7rop.7ro9  : Plutarch.  Dem.  18.— 
Second  bestowal  of  a wreath  of  honor : Schafer,  ii.  529. 


450 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Advance  of  ^rom  fbe  Pass  > sen^  bis  vanguard  into  the 
the  Macedo-  mountainous  country  which  surrounds  the 
force.  valley  of  Lake  Copai's  in  the  north ; devastated 

the  Boeotian  hamlets,  and  threatened  the  entire  eastern 
district.  The  allies  had  staked  their  success  in  the  strug- 
gle upon  the  holding  of  the  pass,  and  were  thus  by  the 
movement  of  the  enemy  suddenly  placed  in  a position  of 
the  most  anxious  doubt.  For  it  was  possible,  that  the 
whole  army  of  the  enemy  might  march  off  in  an  easterly 
direction,  nor  was  it  known  where  he  ought  to  be  awaited. 
It  was  therefore  necessary  to  follow  his  movements,  if  in 
accordance  with  the  desire  of  the  Boeotians  their  land  was 
to  be  protected.  The  allies  accordingly  separated;  and 
only  a feeble  garrison  was  left  in  guard  of  the  pass. 

Disposition  bio  sooner  bad  Philip  gained  this  advan- 
of  the  two  tage,  than  he  rapidly  drew  back  his  troops 
into  their  former  position,  easily  overthrew  the 
body  of  men  left  behind  in  the  pass,  pushed  his  troops 
through  it  in  pursuit,  and  hereupon  unexpectedly  stood 
with  his  whole  army  in  the  Boeotian  valley  of  the  Cephis- 
us,  the  broad  plain  of  which  he  had  from  the  first  re- 
cognized to  be  the  battle-field  best  suited  to  himself. 
The  Hellenes  gathered  to  the  south  of  the  Cephisus, 
where  the  town  of  Chaeronea  served  them  as  a support 
in  the  rear,  and  the  river  as  a line  of  defence.  Here,  un- 
hindered by  the  enemy,  they  drew  up  their  contingents  at 
the  base  of  the  heights  which  rise  to  the  rear  of  Chaeronea, 
on  either  side  of  the  rivulet  of  the  Haem  on,  which  flowing 
from  the  rocky  theatre  of  the  town  empties  itself  into  the 
Cephisus.  Nearest  to  the  town  stood  the  Athenians,  who 
formed  the  left  wing  ; the  Thebans  occupied  the  place  of 
honor  on  the  right  wing,  where  they  touched  the  river ; in 
the  centre  stood  the  Phocians,  the  Achseans,  the  Corinth- 
ians, and  the  remnants  of  the  mercenary  army,  which  had 
made  their  way  hither  from  Locris.  The  Boeotians  were 
commanded  by  Theagenes,  a proved  general  out  of  the 


451 


Chap,  iv.]  pmt  Struggles  for  Independence. 

school  of  Epaminondas,  the  Athenians  by  the  brave  Stra- 
tocles,  with  Chares  and  Lysicles  under  him. 

Against  this  disposition  the  king  advanced.  His  army 
is  stated  to  have  numbered  30,000  infantry,  BattIe  of 
and  2,000  cavalry,  the  latter  estimate  being  Chajronea- 
beyond  doubt  too  low.  Altogether  it  is  proba-  (B- 

ble  that  the  two  armies  were  about  equal  in  h of  Mpta_ 
numbers;  they  were  also  equal  in  warlike  ar-  |ug„0s“’?lst  of 
dor.  But  the  great  superiority  on  the  part  of 
the  enemy’s  army  consisted  in  the  nature  of  its  leadership ; it 
was  directed  by  one  will,  of  which  the  most  practised  com- 
manders were  the  instruments.  On  the  enemy’s  side  a 
plan  of  battle,  which  had  been  thoroughly  thought  out, 
was  followed.  The  Hellenes  were  solely  intent  upon 
bravely  holding  their  own  against  the  enemy’s  advance  ; 
each  division  fought  on  its  own  account ; and  the  mind  of 
a general  was  wanting,  capable  of  uniting  the  loose  mem- 
bers into  a single  whole,  and  of  proving  a match  for  a foe. 

At  first  the  battle  had  not  an  unfavorable  beginning. 
The  left  wing  courageously  advanced  ; Philip  drew  back 
into  the  plain,  and  already  Stratocles  called  out  to  his 
men  : “ Let  us  drive  the  enemy  back  as  far  as  Macedo- 
nia ! ” On  the  other  side  the  Thebans  stood  immovable, 
although  they  were  charged  with  the  utmost  vehemence 
by  Alexander,  the  king’s  son,  aged  eighteen  years,  who 
was  on  this  day  to  gain  his  spurs.  The  discipline  of  Epa- 
minondas proved  itself  above  all  in  the  Sacred  Band. 
During  several  hours  of  the  morning  the  Boeotians  held 
their  ground,  till  at  last  the  brave  w7arriors  sank,  one  after 
the  other,  under  the  lances  of  the  Macedonian  horsemen. 
Over  their  bodies  Alexander  charged  into  the  flank  of  the 
centre,  which  was  composed  of  the  contingents  of  the  allies 
and  was  only  capable  of  offering  a far  less  enduring  re- 
sistance, especially  as  it  had  no  supports  upon  which  to 
lean,  either  on  the  right  or  on  the  left.  No  sooner  had 
the  battle  arrived  at  this  point,  than  Philip  too  again  ad- 


452 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII, 


vanced  against  the  Athenians,  who  in  the  ardor  of  the 
pursuit  had  gone  much  too  far  forward  into  the  open,  and 
had  broken  off  the  cohesion  between  the  several  parts  of 
the  army.  They  were  obliged  to  stay  their  advance,  and 
were  then  driven  back  ; with  the  overwhelming  numbers 
of  the  cavalry  swarming  around  them  on  every  side,  they 
sought  amidst  great  losses  to  regain  their  original  position, 
but  here  too  they  found  no  means  of  defence.  They  per- 
ceived that  the  army  was  broken  up,  that  the  whole 
strength  of  the  enemy  was  combined  against  themselves, 
and  that  their  only  chance  of  preservation  lay  in  flight. 
One  thousand  men  had  fallen  ; two  thousand  were  taken 
prisoners ; while  the  loss  of  the  Thebans  must  have  been 
far  greater.  Philip,  who  intended  not  only  to  fight  his 
way  through  and  to  gain  a battle,  but  by  one  single  blow 
to  annihilate  all  power  of  resistance  on  the  part  of 
Greek  troops,  had  completely  gained  his  end.  No 
thought  was  taken  of  re-assembling  the  troops,  or  of  offer- 
ing a second  battle.  There  no  longer  existed  any  com- 
mon command,  or  any  cohesion.  The  contingents  dis- 
persed to  their  homes  ; and  the  Hellenic  League,  barely 
concluded,  had  been  completely  dissolved  after  a single 
defeat.  Attica  and  Boeotia  lay  unprotected ; the  two 
neighbor-cities  were  incapable  of  aiding  one  another,  and 
both  had  to  be  equally  prepared  for  all  the  terrors  of  war, 
with  which  they  were  threatened  by  the  wrath  of  the  vic- 
tor.* 

* The  day  of  the  battle  (7th  of  Metagitnion  according  to  Plutarch,  Chmill. 
19)  corresponds  either  to  the  1st  of  September  or  to  the  2d  of  October,  ac- 
cording as  01.  cx.  2 is  taken  as  a leap-year  or  not.  Boeckh  (MonrlajJclcn,  29) 
assumes  the  cancelling  of  the  intercalary  month  not  to  have  fallen  till  01. 
exii.  2;  and  places  in  01.  cxii.  3 the  introduction  of  a new  (the  Metonic)  ca- 
lendar. But  this  assumption  is,  as  Boeckh  himself  allows,  very  doubtful. 
E.  Muller  (Pauly,  Realencyclopadie,  i.  p.  1054)  considers  it  probable,  that  a re- 
form of  the  calendar  took  place  at  Athens  between  01.  lxxxix.  3 and  xcix.  3. 
Possibly  the  year  of  Euelides  was  in  this  respect  also  an  epoch-year.  Cer- 
tain it  is,  that  in  the  Odaeteris  also  extraordinary  cancellings  were  not  un- 
frequently  instituted,  in  order  to  make  the  beginnings  of  the  years  coincide 
with  the  course  of  the  sun ; and  this  is  the  reason  why  it  is  so  difficult  to 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  453 

And  yet  the  lot  of  the  one  of  the  two  cities  Treatment 
was  very  different  from  that  of  the  other.  The  of  Thebes, 
heroic  valor  of  the  Thebans  was  a last  sacrifice,  offered  by 
them  to  the  glory  of  their  past ; it  was  able,  indeed,  to  ob- 
tain the  acknowledgment  of  the  conqueror,  but  not  to  de- 
termine his  conduct.  Philip  saw  in  the  rising  of  Thebes 
nothing  but  faithlessness  and  ingratitude,  nothing  but  a 
base  violation  of  sworn  treaties  and  an  open  act  of  revolt, 
which  here,  as  in  Thessaly,  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  pun- 
ish with  inflexible  rigor.  For  the  falling-away  from  his 
body  of  confederates,  from  the  new  Amphictyony  founded 
by  him,  he  was  resolved  to  cause  to  be  regarded  as  an  act 
of  treason  against  the  Hellenic  fatherland.  He  dealt  with 
Thebes,  as  Sparta  would  have  dealt  with  her,  had  Sparta 
been  victorious  at  Leuctra.  The  State  established  by  the 
great  Thebans  was  broken  up  ; Thebes  remained  nothing 
more  than  a Boeotian  country-town ; Orchomenus,  Thes- 
pise,  Platsese  were  restored ; a Macedonian  garrison  en- 
tered the  Cadmea;  the  leaders  of  the  civic  body  were  put  to 
death,  or  banished,  as  traitors ; their  lands  were  confis- 
cated and  given  away  ; a new  system  of  government  was 
introduced.  The  fall  of  the  Sacred  Band  on  the  field  of 
Chseronea  was  likewise  the  end  of  the  city  of  Epaminondas 
and  Pelopidas.* 

Athens,  on  the  other  hand,  was  regarded  as  situation 
an  enemy,  who  even  after  her  overthrow  ought  of  Athens, 
to  be  treated  with  respect  and  gained  over  by  magna- 
nimity. And  indeed  already  the  dictates  of  the  simplest 


decide,  whether  the  more  ancient  traces  of  a more  correct  system  of  the 
year  are  based  upon  isolated  rectifications  or  upon  the  introduction  of  a 
new  Cycle.  As  to  the  ease  in  question,  the  omission  of  an  intercalary  month 
before  01.  exii.  3 is  probable.  If  we  assume  this  to  have  taken  place  in  OL 
ex.  2,  the  beginning  of  the  year  01.  ex.  3 falls  on  the  23d  of  June,  and  the 
battle  of  Chaeronea  on  the  2d  of  August,  as  Schafer,  ii.  529,  also  assumes. 
As  to  the  battle : Diod.xvi.  84;  Justin,  ix.  3.  Disposition  of  the  Greek  army 
Koehly,  u.  s.  58  ; Vischer,  Erinnerunfjen  aus  Gnech.  591.  The  death  of  Str&tocles 
(Koehly,  166)  is  not  handed  down  by  tradition,  but  is  probable. 

* Fate  of  Thebes : Pans.  ix.  1,  8 ; 37,  8. 


454 


History  of  Greece. 


IBook  VII. 


prudence  forbade  driving  Athens  to  extermination.  The 
courage,  and  therefore  implicitly  the  strength,  of  the 
Athenians,  were  by  no  means  broken.  Athens  was  ac- 
customed not  to  consider  herself  lost,  although  the  enemy 
stood  in  the  land,  but  to  trust  to  her  walls.  A siege  of 
the  city  was,  under  any  circumstances,  a very  doubtful 
undertaking,  one  of  a far  more  serious  character  than  the 
two  last  sieges  in  which  the  king  had  failed.  Should  the 
Byzantines,  the  island-cities,  and  perchance  Persia  too, 
furnish  the  city  with  supplies,  and  send  succor  into  the 
Pirseeus,  there  was  no  longer  any  prospect  of  success.  To 
these  considerations  were  added  those  of  a higher  general 
policy.  It  was  not  permissible  to  Philip  to  act  like  an- 
other Xerxes ; the  king  who  had  made  an  Aristotle  the 
tutor  of  his  son  could  not  refuse  to  recognize  the  soil  of 


Attica  as  a consecrated  one.  Its  devastation  would  have 
been  a blot  upon  his  reign ; while,  on  the  other  hand,  an 
amicable  recognition  of  his  Hellenic  position  on  the  part 
of  the  Athenians  was  even  now  the  highest  advantage 
which  he  could  have  in  view. 

Demades  ^ was  therefore,  of  great  value  to  him  to 
becomes  establish  relations  which  might  promote  his 

agent.  plans ; and  for  this  purpose  the  most  excellent 

instrument  offered  itself  to  him  in  the  person  of  Demades, 
who  had  fallen  into  his  hands  as  a prisoner  on  the  field 
of  battle.  Demades  was  a man  of  low  birth,  a true  child 
of  degenerate  Athens,  untroubled  by  a conscience,  frivo- 
lous, eager  for  lucre,  sensual,  but  full  of  mother-wit, 
prompt  of  speech,  inexhaustible  in  happy  thoughts  and 
sudden  retorts,  and,  although  devoid  of  superior  culture, 
yet  a man  of  irresistible  eloquence.  He  had  already  come 
forward  as  an  opponent  of  Demosthenes,  but  without  pur- 
suing any  definite  policy.  His  meeting  with  king  Philip 
first  brought  him  into  a track  thoroughly  according  with 
his  desires  and  inclinations ; Philip  made  out  of  this  per- 
sonage, who  had  begun  as  an  oarsman,  a great  lord  and  a 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


455 


statesman  of  influence.  Through  Demades,  then,  Philip 
now  entered  into  relations  with  Athens,  precisely  as  he 
had  once  done  from  his  camp  before  Olynthus  ; he  sene 
him  to  Athens,  in  order  to  make  known  his  benevolent 
intentions.  He  had  every  reason  for  pursuing  this  course.* 
The  Athenians  had  vigorously  overcome  the  Condu,,t 
first  impression  of  the  tidings  of  terror,  the  °? the  4the" 
first  loud  grief  aroused  by  the  defeat  and  by  the  Battle  of 

° ...  Chseronea. 

the  heavy  losses;  and,  notwithstanding  their 
painful  anxiety  on  behalf  of  the  prisoners,  of  the  wounded 
and  of  the  dead  bodies  of  their  brethren,  which  had  been 
left  lying  on  the  battle-field,  they  without  delay  took  all 
the  measures  required  by  the  security  of  the  State,  without 
thinking  of  negotiations  with  the  foe.  As  in  the  war  of 
Archidamus,  the  rural  population  was  admitted  into  the 
city ; the  men  between  fifty  and  sixty  years  of  age  were 
summoned  under  arms ; the  passes  into  the  land  were 
made  safe.  A general  was  sought  for,  and  the  more  hot- 
headed part  of  the  civic  body  carried  the  election  of  Cha- 
ridemus  (pp.  139,  267).  He  was  still  accounted  the  most 
talented  military  commander,  and  he  was  credited  with 
being  the  right  man  for  critical  times.  However,  the 
choice  of  so  untrustworthy  a personage,  with  whom  Demos- 
thenes and  his  friends  could  not  possibly  act  in  company, 
seemed  extremely  dangerous  to  the  more  self-possessed 
citizens.  .An  interference  of  the  Areopagus  was  therefore 
brought  about,  to  which  it  will  be  remembered  that  a 
decisive  influence  had  been  again  conceded  in  the  case  of 
important  transactions  of  State  (pp.  357,  366).  The  elec- 
tion was  declared  invalid  ; and  a new  election  of  General 
fell  upon  Phocion,  with  whom  under  existing  circum- 
stances the  party  of  Demosthenes  too  hoped  to  be  able  to 


* Demades  (Aijfie'ou  Haianevs,  Boeckh,  Seewesen , 234) : Suidas.  According 
to  Diod.  xvi.  87  and  Justin,  ix.  4,  it  is  to  him  that  is  ascribed  the  change 
effected  in  the  intentions  of  the  king,  when  full  of  inso'ence  after  the  vic- 
tory. Schafer,  iii.  4. 


456 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


arrive  at  an  understanding.  For  this  party  still  continued 
to  direct  public  affairs,  and  was  by  no  means  minded  to 
allow  the  political  conduct  of  the  State  to  pass  into  the 
hands  of  Phocion.  Hyperides  therefore  proposed,  that  the 
Council  should  be  invested  with  extraordinary  powers,  in 
order  that  it  might  adopt  the  measures  which  it  judged 
salutary ; the  members  of  the  Council  were  themselves  to 
take  arms  and  to  march  into  the  Pirseeus  which  was  to  be 
regarded  as  the  nucleus  of  the  fortifications  of  the  city. 
Furthermore,  all  the  inhabitants  capable  of  fighting  were 
to  be  summoned  to  take  up  arms ; the  exiles  were  to 
return  home;  the  civic  franchise  was  to  be  bestowed  upon 
all  the  resident  aliens  who  bore  a part  in  the  defence  of  the 
city ; and  even  the  slaves,  in  particular  the  slaves  in  the 
mines,  were  on  these  conditions  to  receive  their  freedom. 
It  was  thought  that  by  these  means  not  less  than  150,000 
men  could  be  collected,  who  might  be  employed  in  the 
service  of  the  State.  In  order  to  obtain  arms,  even  the 
dedicatory  gifts  in  the  temples  were  not  spared.  The 
proposals  of  Hyperides  were  passed.  Demosthenes  pro- 
vided for  the  repair  of  the  walls  and  the  regulation  of  the 
service  on  guard ; the  most  important  financial  duty,  viz. 
the  purchase  of  corn,  was  likewise  entrusted  to  him  by  the 
citizens.  Lycurgus  labored  with  redoubled  exertions  for 
navy,  arsenal,  and  the  supply  of  arms.  The  well-to-do 
citizens,  men  of  the  most  various  political  tendencies, 
Demosthenes,  Charidemus,  Diotimus,  and  others,  emulated 
one  another  in  attesting  their  zeal  by  voluntary  gifts  of 
money  and  arms;  and  Lycurgus  took  advantage  of  the 
high  confidence  enjoyed  by  him  among  his  fellow-citizens, 
in  order  to  accumulate  a capital  amounting,  it  is  said,  to 
650  talents  (nearly  £160,000),  which  he  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  State.  Finally  envoys  went  forth,  in  order 
to  represent  the  danger  of  the  city  as  one  common  to  all 
the  Hellenes  ; and  Athens  had  every  reason  for  expecting 
vigorous  aid  from  those  states,  with  which  she  had  already 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


457 


conjointly  and  successfully  fought  against  Philip.  In 
short,  there  was  no  confusion  or  despair  in  the  city,  but  a 
regularly  planned  and  energetic  activity,  a bold  determi- 
nation to  defend  its  independence  by  the  exertion  of  all 
the  resources  in  its  possession.  The  mood  prevailing 
among  the  people  resembled  that  of  the  days  of  the  battles 
of  Marathon  and  Salamis;  as  in  those  times,  so  now  again 
the  Areopagus  contributed  to  give  firmness  to  the  bearing 
of  the  citizens.  Pusillanimity  was  punished  as  treason, 
and  the  penalty  of  death  was  decreed  against  those  who 
withdrew  themselves  by  flight  from  the  danger  of  the 
fatherland. 

It  was  in  this  condition  that  Demades  found  ,,  , 

the  city.  Its  mood  could  not  have  been  less  at  Athens, 
favorable  for  the  intentions  of  the  king ; and  for  the 
moment  the  victor  was  almost  in  a position  of  greater 
difficulty  than  the  vanquished ; for  the  latter  were  in  the 
midst  of  the  most  resolute  activity,  while  the  former  had 
yet  to  discover  the  means  for  disarming  his  adversaries 
without  a conflict.* 

Demades  entirely  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  the  former 
orators  of  Philip,  by  above  all  assuring  his  fellow-citizens 
that  the  king  was  exceedingly  wroth  with  Thebes,  but  had 
none  but  kindly  intentions  towards  Athens.  But  Dema- 
des had  this  great  advantage  over  his  predecessors — that 
this  statement  was  for  the  first  time  absolutely  true.  This 
he  contrived,  after  the  most  vigorous  fashion,  to  make 
understood ; and  thus  he  easily  succeeded  in  ruining  the 
fairest  results  of  the  Demosthenic  policy,  in  reviving  the 
old  sentiments  of  jealousy,  and  in  extinguishing  once  more 
the  spirit  of  national  union  which  Philip  recognized  to  he 
his  most  dangerous  enemy.  All  petty  and  evil  elements 

*Charidemus,  Phocion:  Plutarch,  Phoc.  10.  Hvperides  : Lyc.  in  Leocratem, 
26  seq. ; Vit  X Oral.  S49.  Sauppe  ad  Fragm.  Hyperid.  n po?  ’Aptcrroyetroi/a,  33 ; 
/avptdSa?  7rA.etov5  rj  SeKanevre,  TTpiorov  p.kv  8ov \ovs  rovs  e/c  tu)V  epyio v tojv  apyvpeiojv 
Kal  tovs  Kara  t't\v  aWgv  \u)pa.v.  Boeckh,  Staalsh.  d.  Athen.,  yol.  i.  p.  53  [2d  Ed.J. 
Patriotic  contributions  : Dem.  xviii.  114. 

20 


458 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  V ;l 


came  to  the  surface  again ; with  base  faithlessness  the 
allies  were  abandoned,  in  company  with  whom  the  citizens 
of  Athens  itself  had  recently  bled  for  the  freedom  of  Hel- 
las ; it  was  no  longer  remembered  that  any  consideration 
was  due  to  the  Thebans ; and  pleasure  could  once  more 
be  taken  in  any  humiliation  indicted  upon  them.  This 
self-abasement  on  the  part  of  the  Athenians  was  the  first 
result  of  the  negotiations.  Hereupon  Demades  was  en- 
abled to  add  in  the  king’s  name,  that  he  was  willing  to 
liberate  the  prisoners,  and  ready  to  conclude  a peace 
which  should  guarantee  to  the  Athenians  their  independ- 
ence. On  the  other  hand,  if  this  offer  was  not  accepted, 
the  prisoners  would  be  sacrificed  to  the  anger  of  the  king ; 
even  the  dead  bodies  were  still  in  his  hands ; for  it  was  an 
extremely  crafty  piece  of  policy  on  his  part  to  have  re- 
fused the  first  request  that  they  might  be  delivered  up, 
which  had  been  proffered  to  him  immediately  after  the 
battle.  But  the  main  point  was,  that  the  reason  had  been 
suddenly  removed  on  account  of  which  the  Athenians  had 
been  willing  to  expose  themselves  to  the  heaviest  sacrifices 
and  troubles  of  the  war.  The  warlike  heroism  of  the 
Athenians  was  based  on  the  presumption,  that  the  king 
was  drawing  near  with  fire  and  sword,  that  he  demanded 
unconditional  submission.  Instead  of  this,  he  appeared 
with  the  most  tranquillizing  promises,  and  without  any 
humiliating  demands.  Hereby  the  whole  situation  of 
affairs  was  suddenly  changed,  and  the  mood  of  the  great 
multitude  of  the  citizens  transformed.  Even  of  the  more 
reflecting  citizens,  who  not  without  reason  saw  in  the  pro- 
posals of  Hyperides  a radical  revolution  in  the  political 
system,  the  majority  were  well  satisfied  that  it  was  unneces- 
sary to  resort  to  such  desperate  measures  of  defence ; and 
Phocion,  the  commander-in-chief,  was  able  more  effectively 
than  ever  to  point  out  the  insanity  of  a recalcitrance 
pushed  to  extremes.  The  Macedonian  party  was  once 
more  in  full  activity.  Demosthenes,  who  alone  might 


chap,  iv.]  Zo-sf  Struggles  for  Independence.  459 

have  been  capable  of  bringing  about  at  least  a cautious 
reserve,  was  still  absent ; and  inasmuch  as  in  the  first  in- 
stance all  that  was  required  was  to  establish  relations  with 
the  king,  in  order  to  settle  the  most  imminent  questions, 
and  to  obtain  officially  an  assurance  of  the  intentions  of 
Philip,  no  opposition  was  offered  in  the  whole  civic  body 
to  Demades’  motion  for  the  despatch  of  an  embassy.  But 
of  course  it  was  not  permissible  to  send  any  Athenian 
personages  unacceptable  to  the  king,  as  the  p™^fpSy  t0 
lives  of  the  prisoners  and  the  honor  of  the 
dead  were  in  question ; and  thus  the  public  affairs  of  the 
city  once  more  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  adversaries  of 
Demosthenes. 

iEschines  had  again  come  into  the  foreground.  He 
and  Phocion  and  Demades  seemed  to  be  the  personages 
pre-eminently  required  for  the  task.  When  Philip  saw 
these  men  enter  his  camp,  he  might  feel  convinced  that 
he  would  easily  achieve  his  ulterior  purposes.  He  treated 
them  at  the  banquet  as  the  most  amiable  of  hosts,  and 
during  the  negotiations  with  the  most  charming  magnani- 
mity. He  was  not  content  with  the  liberation  of  the  prison- 
ers ; he  actually  equipped  them  for  their  return  home.  The 
dead  bodies  he  still  kept  back,  but  only  for  the  purpose 
of  paying  a new  attention  to  the  Athenians  by  causing  the 
remains  to  be  solemnly  conducted  home.  After  the  de- 
parture of  the  envoys  he  sent  the  dead  bodies  to  Athens, 
accompanied  by  the  foremost  men  of  the  realm,  in  particu- 
lar by  Antipater  and  by  his  own  son,  who  were  at  the 
same  time  to  bring  to  the  Athenians  the  draft  of  the 
treaties. 

These  treaties  proposed  friendship  and  alii-  phnip-g 
ance.  Attica  was  not  to  be  entered  by  the  peace-pro- 
Macedonian  army  ; her  ancient  independence 
was  to  continue,  and  in  particular  no  foreign  vessel  of 
war  was  to  sail  into  the  Pirseeus.  Oropus,  the  disputed 
frontier-district  (p.  105),  was  restored  to  the  Athenians. 


460 


History  of  Greece. 


[Boob  VII. 


Part  of  the  islands  were  left  to  them ; and  they  even  com 
tinued  to  he  recognized  as  an  independent  maritime 
power,  the  protection  of  the  sea  being  undertaken  by 
them  in  conjunction  with  Philip.  The  most  disgraceful 
of  all  the  articles  of  the  peace  caused  the  greatest  satisfac- 
tion ; for  Athens  could  not  humble  herself  more  deeply 
than  by  accepting  from  the  good  grace  of  the  enemy  a 
part  of  the  territory  of  her  ally,  and  by  rejoicing  over  the 
fact,  that  the  latter  alone  had  to  suffer  for  the  war.  But 
to  Philip  Oropus  served  as  a pledge,  that  it  would  be  long 
before  the  two  neighbors  would  again  think  of  making 
common  cause  against  him  ; and  the  transfer  of  a piece 
of  land  wholly  indifferent  to  himself  obtained  for  him  a 
readiness  on  the  part  of  the  Athenians  to  agree  to  that 
which  was  alone  of  importance  to  him,  viz.  to  their  en- 
trance into  the  League,  the  establishment  of  which  was 
his  most  immediate  task.  Herein  lay  a renunciation  on 
the  part  of  Athens  of  any  independent  foreign  policy,  of 
any  hegemony,  and  of  any  maritime  dominion  of  her  own. 
Finally,  Oropus  had  to  console  the  Athenians  for  the  loss 
of  their  more  distant  possessions,  which  were  an  obstacle 
in  Philip’s  path,  i.  e.  of  the  Chersonnesus.  Hereby  the 
route  of  the  corn-supplies  fell  into  Philip’s  hands : and 
this  fact  alone  placed  the  city  in  his  power. 

Doubtless  it  was  contrived  to  clothe  the  sacrifices,  to 
which  Athens  had  to  consent,  in  the  gentlest  forms  possi- 
ble, so  as  to  render  their  bitterness  less  perceptible  to  the 
citizens ; and  thus  Demades  could  with  thorough  confi- 
dence propose  the  acceptance  of  the  terms  of  peace.  Ca- 
vils were  not  indeed  wanting.  Even  Phocion  came  for- 
ward, because  he  took  exception  to  the  point  as  to  the 
Conclusion  League.  He  most  justly  demanded  that  at 
of  the  Peace.  a]j  events  full  explanations  should  be  obtained 
01- eA 3 (B-  as  to  its  character,  before  the  Athenians  tied 
their  own  hands  in  the  matter.  But  he  found 
no  hearing,  when  in  this  instance  he  sought  to  guard  the 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  461 

interest  of  the  city  against  Philip  ; and  the  peace  was  con- 
cluded. Demosthenes  would  assuredly  have  raised  a pro- 
test .against  those  points  which  most  deeply  wounded  the 
honor  of  the  city ; in  accordance  with  his  convictions  he 
would  have  specially  been  bound  to  declare  himself  op- 
posed to  the  acceptance  of  Oropus ; and,  although  he 
would  have  been  unable  to  prevent  the  conclusion  of  the 
peace,  yet  he  would  at  least  have  demanded  the  utmost 
caution  and  firmness  with  reference  to  the  League.  But, 
when  he  returned  home  from  the  Archipelago,  where  he 
was  still  actively  at  work  in  the  cause  of  the  war  (proba- 
bly he  visited  even  allies  at  a greater  distance,  such  as 
faithful  Tenedos,  the  cities  on  the  Hellespont,  &c.), 
everything  had  been  settled  at  Athens ; and  there  was 
now,  as  after  the  Peace  of  Philocrates,  nothing  left  for 
him  but  to  see  that  Athens  kept  the  peace  to  which  she 
had  sworn,  while  at  the  same  time  preserving  as  much  as 
possible  of  her  dignity,  of  her  liberties,  and  of  the  patriot- 
ism which  he  had  once  more  called  forth  in  her  citizens. 
Nor  was  there  any  lack  of  opportunities  for  this  even  now. 

For,  however  greatly  the  mood  of  the  people  had  been 
changed  by  Demades,  yet  it  refused  to  withdraw  its  confi- 
dence from  the  man  in  whom  it  had  reposed  it.  The  ad- 
verse party  left  no  means  untried,  in  order  to  discredit  him 
and  cast  suspicion  upon  him ; they  thought  it  would  be  easy 
for  them  to  triumph  over  him,  now  that  his  policy  had 
been  so  completely  overthrown  ; he  was  to  be  made  respon- 
sible for  the  losses  suffered,  for  the  resources  wasted,  for  the 
blood  shed  in  vain  ; he  was  charged  with  cowardly  con- 
duct in  the  battle  ; and  in  every  way  it  was  sought  to 
render  him  contemptible.  And  yet  they  failed  to  accom- 
plish their  purpose.  The  citizens  would  not  be  persuaded, 
that  their  former  proceedings  had  been  an  aberration. 
Their  heroism  had  been  broken,  but  as  to  their  judgment 
they  remained  true  to  their  past,  and  honored  themselves 
by  holding  fast  to  Demosthenes.  Of  this  they  offered  the 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


462 


best  testimony,  by  according  to  Demosthenes  the  honor  of 
holding  the  Funeral  Oration  at  the  sepulchral  solemnity 
in  honor  of  the  fallen  (November  338  b.  c.).  They  felt 
with  perfect  truth,  that  there  was  an  indissoluble  connex- 
ion between  Demosthenes  and  the  dead  of  Chseronea,  and 
that  these  would  be  dishonored,  were  such  orators  allowed 
to  speak  at  their  tomb  as  failed  to  acknowledge  the  sacred 
cause  on  behalf  of  which  these  men  had  gone  into  death.* 
Philip  had  meanwhile  made  a progress 
through  the  whole  of  Greece,  in  order  by  his 
personal  presence  rapidly  to  organize  the  af- 
fairs of  the  states;  for  he  was  impatiently 
longing  to  attain  to  his  goal,  which  no  serious 
difficulties  any  longer  remained  to  delay  him  in  reaching. 
The  Peloponnesus  had  long  ceased  to  be  a citadel  of  Hel- 
lenic independence.  Its  ancient  system  of  states  had  been 
burst  asunder  by  the  battle  of  Leuctra ; since  which  time 
it  had  been  a scene  of  incessant  ferment  and  feud ; now 
it  was  intended  here  too  to  accomplish,  what  the  policy 
of  Thebes  had  been  unable  to  bring  about,  viz.,  a fixed 
order  of  affairs,  and  to  unite  and  peaceably  settle  the  en- 
tire peninsula  as  a member  of  the  new  association  of 
states.  Those  states  which  had  taken  part  in  the  most  re- 
cent movement,  in  particular  Corinth  and  Achaia,  sub- 
mitted to  the  victor,  and,  as  likewise  Megara,  concluded 


Philip  in 
Pelopon- 
nesus. 

01.  ex.  3 
(B.  c.  338). 
Autumn. 


* Embassy  to  Philip:  fEschin.  iii.  227.  Demades:  Suidas.  The  participa- 
tion of  Phocion  in  this  embassy  n epl  o-wnjpt'as  rij;  7rdAe«s  or  vnip  aixp.a\<JiTu>v 
is  not  handed  down,  hut  probable. — Peace-embassy:  Diod.  xvi.  37.  Terms  of 
the  Peace  : Paus.  i.  25,  3 ; 34, 1.  Chersonnesus : F.  Schultz,  de  Ohers.  Throe.  113. 
The  Attic  clemchi  remained  in  possession  of  their  lands;  so  likewise  in  Sa- 
mos, whither  the  ancient  inhabitants  did  not  return  until  after  the  Lamian 
War.  Cf.  W.  Vischer,  in  Rhein.  Mm.  xxii.  320. — Scruples  of  Phocion:  Plu- 
tarch, Phoc.  16:  Arjudiov  ypaipavros,  otrcoy  t 7toAis  p-ere^ot  Trjs  tcotrijs  eiprjer]?  Kal 
roil  (TvveSpiov  Toi<;  'EAAyoar,  ovk  eta  npb  rot)  yvoniai.  t tVa  4>tAitr7ros  ovtiZ  yereVOat 
traps  rati'  1 EAAtjiw  aftwo-et. — Demosthenes  at  sea:  Dem.  xviii.  248;  IEschin. 
iii.  159  (roi>r ’EAAtjra?  apyvpoAoyiov).  Cf.  the  tnirrafis  eipr]<fn(Tpevr]  in  the  decree 
at  Tenedos  ( Bullett . dell’  Inst.,  1866,  p.  109). — Funeral  Oration  (Dem.  xyiii.  298) 
in  the  first  winter-month,  i.e.  Meemacterion.  Cf.  Sauppe,  in  Gottinger  Nachr , 
1864,  201,  215. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  463 

peace  on  tke  terms  proposed  to  them.  The  other  states 
had,  it  is  true,  also  failed  to  respond  to  the  wishes  of  the 
king ; they  had  not  furnished  him  with  contingents ; but 
it  was  not  in  his  interest,  at  the  present  moment,  to  call 
the  several  communities  to  account:  he  accepted  their 
neutrality  as  a fully  valid  sign  of  their  devotion ; and 
since  the  spirit  of  recalcitrance  had  been  now  completely 
extinguished,  since  the  ancient  adversaries  of  Sparta  all 
of  their  own  accord  offered  him  open  homage  and  saluted 
him  as  their  supreme  protector,  Philip  too  had  no  other 
intention  than  that  of  showing  himself  their  gracious 
friend  and  benefactor.  Quite  peculiar  relations  existed 
between  him  and  Argos.  That  city  was  the  cradle  of  his 
royal  line  (p.  26),  and  in  a sense  the  mother-city  of  Mace- 
donia ; and  was  accordingly  to  have  its  share  in  the 
splendor  of  the  empire.  Sparta  had  driven  back  the 
Temenidse ; she  had  deprived  the  Argives  of  the  first  place, 
which  was  due  to  the  city  of  Agamemnon,  and  had  over- 
thrown the  ancient  order  of  things  established  by  the 
Heraclidse.  As  a prince  of  the  race  of  Heracles,  as  the 
new  Agamemnon,  Philip  now  designed  to  restore  its  an- 
cient honors  to  the  ancient  primary  city  of  the  Hellenes. 
Here  again,  as  at  Athens,  it  was  possible  for  him  to  create 
an  exuberant  satisfaction  by  means  of  gifts  which  cost  him 
nothing ; and  the  Argives  enthusiastically  joined  the  mili- 
tary expedition,  which  was  at  last  to  avenge  upon  Sparta 
all  the  iniquities  suffered  by  them  in  the  course  of  centu- 
ries. The  Arcadians  and  Messenians  likewise  joined  the 
king ; as  did  Elis,  which  had  only  for  a short  time  been 
reconciled  to  Sparta  (p.  345).  The  united  contingents  of 
the  Peloponnesians,  of  the  Greek  auxiliaries  of  Philip  and 
of  his  own  Macedonian  veteran  troops,  together  swelled 
to  an  armed  host,  which  poured  with  irresistible  force  into 
the  valley  of  the  Eurotas.  The  day  had  arrived,  when 
judgment  was  to  be  held  over  the  ancient  primary  State 
of  Greece. 


464 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VIL 


Attitude  of  Since  Iter  brief  enjoyment  of  the  acme  of 
Sparta.  power  under  Agesilaus,  Sparta  had  been  con- 

tinuously retrograding ; so  that  even  the  resources  of  good 
which  still  survived  brought  no  blessing  to  her.  This 
shows  itself  in  the  case  of  the  son  of  Agesilaus,  the  vigo- 
rous Archidamus,  who  since  his  first  coming  forward  (vol. 
iv.  p.  380),  in  spite  of  certain  glorious  deeds  in  the  field 
(vol.  iv.  pp.  472,  505),  had  been  able  to  effect  nothing  by 
his  valor  for  his  native  city.  He  too  had  allowed  himself 
to  be  deceived  by  Philip,  and  had  after  the  attempt,  end- 
ing in  failure,  to  assert  the  influence  of  Sparta  in  the  Pho- 
cian  War,  returned  home  in  deep  vexation  of  spirit. 
Even  when  the  common  country  was  at  the  height  of 
danger,  it  had  been  impossible  to  induce  Sparta  to  re- 
nounce her  cold  and  narrow-hearted  selfishness ; her  own 
sins  had  utterly  isolated  her.  While  the  Athenians  de- 
clared in  open  assembly,  that  they  would  not  sacrifice 
Sparta  in  the  case  of  need  (p.  375),  and  would  not  allow 
the  pressure  of  the  general  hatred  against  Sparta  to  induce 
them  to  abandon  their  peaceable  connexion  with  her,  the 
Spartans  were  without  any  cordial  feeling  toward  Athens, 
and  never  thought  of  supporting  her  national  policy.  In 
vain  Perinthus  too  had  applied  to  Sparta  ; and  when  the 
Hellenic  League  had  taken  the  field  for  the  final  decision, 
king  Archidamus  was  risking  his  life,  not  on  the  field  of 
Clueronea,  but  in  a remote  foreign  land.  As  in  the  case 
of  his  father,  so  with  him,  the  love  of  military  enterprise, 
because  it  pursued  no  national  aims,  degenerated  into  a 
purposeless  search  after  adventures.  He  went  first  to 
Crete,  and  then  to  Tarentum,  where  he  was  slain  in  a 
battle  against  the  Messapians,  about  the  time  when  the, 
Hellenes  were  fighting  against  Philip.  It  thus  fell  to  the 
lot  of  his  son  Agis  to  suffer  in  full  measure  the  calamity 
which  had  befallen  his  home. 

Degenerate  and  ossified  as  Spartan  life  was,  yet  there 
still  survived  in  it  a remnant  of  the  ancient  greatness, 


Chap.  IV.] 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence . 


465 


which  proved  itself  most  manifestly  in  times  of  trouble. 
The  idea  of  the  State  had  still  more  vitality  in  the 
shrunken  nucleus  of  the  Spartans,  than  in  the  remaining 
communities,  decomposed  as  these  were  by  the  spirit  of 
party  ; and  however  untrustworthy  the  individual  citizens 
of  Sparta  might  prove  abroad,  yet  the  civic  body  had  in 
it  a fixed  consciousness  of  inner  cohesion,  and  a resolute 
assurance  in  action,  whereby  it  put  all  other  Hellenes  to 
shame.  On  the  present  occasion  also  no  traitor  was  to  be 
found  at  Sparta ; no  blandishments  met  with  a hearing ; 
no  negotiations  were  entered  into ; the  Spartans  allowed 
the  country  to  be  devastated  up  to  the  sea-shore  and,  after 
a few  attempts  at  warding  off  the  enemy,  gathered  around 
the  city-heights,  which  had  been  twice  already  defended 
with  success  (vol.  iv.  pp.  450,  505).  At  last  it  became 
necessary  to  entertain  thoughts  of  peace ; but  when  the 
question  was,  whether  they  would  renounce  their  claims 
to  hegemony,  and  bind  themselves  to  furnish  their  mili- 
tary contingent  to  a foreign  king,  the  citizens  steadfastly 
refused  to  conclude  any  such  treaty,  and  were  resolved 
rather  to  undergo  any  sufferings.  They  gained  their  end. 
An  annihilation  of  the  civic  community  could  not  lie  in 
the  intentions  of  Philip,  since  it  was  not  demanded  by  his 
interests,  to  which  a heroic  martyrdom  of  the  Spartans 
would  only  have  been  disadvantageous.  He  was  there- 
fore, although  much  against  his  wish,  obliged  to  content 
himself  with  putting  an  absolute  end  to  any  power  of 
doing  harm  on  the  part  of  this  State,  whose  domain  had  al- 
ready become  so  narrow,  and  whose  power  had  sunk  so 
low.  An  Hellenic  tribunal  of  arbitration  was  Territorial 
summoned ; and  Sparta  was  deprived  of  all  pgf“ps0e^ iQ 
the  ten’itory  which  she  had  obtained  by  con-  nesus’ 
quest,  in  favor  of  her  neighbors.  The  Messeniaus  laid 
claim  to  the  declivities  of  Mount  Taygetus  up  to  the  ridge 
of  the  lofty  mountain-range.  Argolis  received  back 
Thyreatis  and  the  entire  district  of  the  ancient  Cynurians, 

20* 


466 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  YU, 


after  the  Lacedaemonians  had  during  two  centuries  held 
sway  up  to  the  confines  of  the  Argive  plains ; to  the 
Arcadians  was  assigned  the  territory  on  the  upper  Euro- 
tas  and  on  the  streams  forming  its  sources,  to  the  Mega- 
lopolitans  Belmina,  to  the  Tegeatae  Sciritis ; so  that  the 
Lacedaemonians  were  not  even  left  in  possession  of  their 
own  river-valley  and  of  their  most  important  passes. 
Sparta  was  treated  like  a brigand-state,  from  which  its 
plunder  is  taken  in  order  to  restore  it  to  its  legitimate 
owners.  In  mute  defiance  she  allowed  the  members  to  be 
cut  off,  which  in  the  course  of  centuries  seemed  to  have  so' 
firmly  grown  together  into  a single  body,  that  Epaminon- 
das  had  formerly  been  derided  as  a madman  when  he  de- 
manded from  the  Spartans  the  liberation  of  the  lands 
surrounding  their  city. 

The  consummation  of  all  these  measures 
took  place  in  the  summoning  of  a General 
Hellenic  Diet  to  Corinth.  Here  the  treaty 
was  offered  for  acceptance,  in  which  the  king 
Close  of  the  represented  the  aims  of  his  dynastic  policy  in 
year"  such  a light,  that  they  appeared  to  be  the 

long-cherished  desires  of  the  Hellenic  nation,  and  the 
pledges  of  national  prosperity:  on  the  one  hand  peace 
throughout  the  land  and  security  of  intercourse  and  traffic, 
on  the  other  new  splendor  and  glory  as  against  foreign 
countries ; so  that  both  the  settled  citizens  in  their  pursuit 
of  trade  and  industry,  and  the  younger  generation,  eager 
for  adventures  and  spoils,  were  to  find  their  interests  satis- 
fied by  the  new  era.  The  renewed  proclamation  of  the 
independence  of  all  Hellenic  communities  served  to  calm 
the  apprehensions  of  the  petty  states ; the  secure  establish- 
ment of  order  and  peace  against  all  demagogic  innovations 
was  in  accord  with  the  interests  of  the  classes  possessed  of 
property.  A permanent  Federal  Council  was  to  guard 
the  existing  order  of  things  against  any  attempts  in  any 
quarter  to  violate  it;  while  the  Amphictyonic  Assembly 


Federal 
treaty  con- 
cluded at 
Corinth. 

Ol.  cx.  3 
(b.  c.  338). 


lhap.  iv.]  LaM  Struggles  for  Independence. 


467 


was  as  a Federal  Tribunal  to  punish  any  impious  violation 
of  Federal  law.  And  a guarantee  was  given  for  the  effec- 
tual execution  of  these  institutions  by  the  watch  over  it 
being  kept  by  Philip,  as  the  most  powerful  member  of  the 
new  League.  For  Macedonia  and  the  newly  organized 
Greece  were  now  united  as  a single  whole,  as  a sworn 
Confederation ; and  in  this  again  the  king  appeared  merely 
as  the  representative  of  national  ideas,  inasmuch  as  he 
resumed  the  task  of  the  war  of  vengeance  against  Persia, 
which  the  weakness  and  disunion  of  the  Hellenes  had 
interrupted,  and  for  this  purpose  alone  claimed  the  con- 
tingents, as  to  which  a fixed  system  of  regulations  was 
settled  with  the  deputies  of  the  Greek  states.* 

So  immense  were  the  events  and  the  transformations  of 
the  relations  determining  the  condition  of  all  Greece,  which 
crowded  into  the  year  338.  In  order  to  appreciate  their 
significance,  it  remains  necessary  in  conclusion,  after  our 
summary  narration  of  the  facts,  to  review  the  efforts  of 
Demosthenes  and  the  situation  of  the  Hellenes  under  the 
Macedonian  supremacy. 

The  greatness  of  Athens  is  essentially  based  upon  the 
fact,  that  at  the  right  time  she  had  the  right  men,  for 
making  clear  to  the  citizens  their  mission  and  pointing 
out  to  them  the  true  aims  before  them.  After  Solon  had 
in  grand  lines  sketched  out  for  the  community  Retrospect 
the  entire  moral  and  civil  task  of  its  existence,  of  the  P“b’lc 
it  was  in  the  critical  moments  of  its  later  his-  mosthenes. 
tory  led  onward  with  a safe  hand  by  Miltiades,  by  Themi- 
stocles,  by  Aristides  and  Cimon,  and  conducted  by  them 
to  ever  higher  goals : to  the  highest  oi  all  by  Pericles, 

* Philip  in  Peloponnesus  : Arrian,  yii.  9,  5 ; Theopomp.  Fragm.  66  seq.  The 
Eleans  : Paus.  V.  4 e(f)68ov  <I>tAi7r7r<t>  eiri  Aa.Ke8(up.oviovs  jU.eretrxoi'). — Archi* 

damus  : Diod.  xvi.  62  seq. — Restriction  of  the  boundaries  of  Sparta:  Paus.  ii. 
20  (ein  rot?  KaOevTrjKoo-iv  e£  apxw  Spot?).  Autonomy,  Strab.  365. — Synedrium: 
Diod.  xvi.  89  (koivt)  eip'pvn) ; Justin,  ix.  5 (lex  paeis  universse  Greeeise  .... 
concilium  omnium  velut  unus  senatus). 


468 


[Book  VII 


History  of  Greece. 

when  in  the  period  of  peace  he  carried  through  the  con* 
struetion  of  the  edifice  of  Athenian  supremacy,  and  esta- 
blished the  dominion,  which  had  been  gained  by  arms, 
upon  intellectual  culture  and  wise  reflection.  This  was 
the  legitimate  combination  of  Attic  with  Hellenic  policy. 
The  Athenians  pursued  only  the  former  of  these;  they 
were  too  one-sidedly  intent  upon  dominion,  and  after  a 
desperate  struggle  lost  even  this.  Hereupon  ensued  a 
period  in  which  Athens  lived  an  aimless  life  from  day  to 
day,  a desolate  time  devoid  of  meaning  and  of  movement. 
There  occurred  particular  moments  of  a rise  towards 
loftier  ends ; but  these  were  only  transitory  after-effects  of 
earlier  efforts,  mere  feeble  reminiscences  of  the  past. 
Thebes  assumed  the  championship  against  the  Spartan 
dominion,  and  Athens  w'as  incapable  of  elevating  herself 
above  the  policy  of  a petty  jealousy.  After  this  she  en- 
tirely abandoned  herself,  and  sought  in  an  indolent  life  of 
enjoyment  a compensation  for  her  lost  greatness,  until  at 
last,  a century  after  the  appearance  of  Pericles,  a force 
once  more  revealed  itself,  which  was  able  to  resume  the 
efforts  of  the  great  statesmen  and  to  restore  the  interrupted 
history  of  the  city. 

In  Demosthenes  the  gradual  development  of  his  activity 
as  a statesman  is  to  be  perceived  with  incomparably 
greater  clearness  than  in  any  of  his  predecessors.  We  see 
the  youth  in  his  struggle  on  behalf  of  his  paternal  house 
gain  the  strength  of  will,  which  fearlessly  confronts  any 
and  every  baseness  ; we  see  him  as  an  advocate  acquire  his 
knowledge  of  civil  life  and  his  mastery  over  speech.  He 
perceives  the  vile  abuses  in  the  administration ; and  they 
urge  him  to  the  struggle  against  a party  of  overwhelming 
power,  a struggle  of  years,  which  steels  his  character,  inas- 
much as  amidst  the  greatest  hostilities,  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  want  of  success  in  his  opposition,  he  never  becomes 
untrue  to  himself.  In  the  Olynthian  question  he  gains  a 
decisive  influence ; but  not  until  after  the  Peace  of  Philo* 


chap.  iV.]  Jjagt  Struggles  for  Independence. 


469 


crates  is  he  successful  in  gathering  men  of  the  same  views 
as  his  own  around  him,  in  unmasking  the  baseness  of  his 
adversaries,  and  in  bringing  the  citizens  over  to  his  side. 
Henceforth  his  own  endeavors  too  become  continuously 
loftier  and  purer ; he  emancipates  himself  from  one-sidedly 
Attic  points  of  view ; his  labors  aim  at  a rising  on  the  part 
of  the  nation  under  the  leadership  of  Athens.  His  elo- 
quence has  its  effect  in  the  islands  and  in  Peloponnesus ; 
his  fellow-citizens  bow  before  his  greatness ; they  entrust 
to  him  the  conduct  of  their  home  and  foreign  affairs. 
Whatever  vital  forces  are  still  at  work  in  Greece  range 
themselves  under  his  guidance. 

The  entire  policy  of  Demosthenes  rests  on  The  hig_ 
historical  foundations.  His  anxiety  never  was  sotn~ 
to  shine  by  new  ideas  and  schemes,  but  only  to  his  policy- 
re-establish  his  native  city  on  ancient  bases;  his  convic- 
tion is  this,  that  he  who  speaks  and  acts  on  behalf  of  the 
State  must  thoroughly  enter  into  its  moral  and  mental 
being,  and  possess  himself  of  its  character.  Hence  the 
unbroken  continuity  of  his  career  from  his  first  oration  of 
State ; and  it  is  for  this  reason  again  that  it  in  so  many 
respects  recalls  the  public  career  of  the  earlier  statesmen. 
Like  Themistocles,  he  too  foresaw  an  inevitable  war  on 
behalf  of  the  independence  of  the  fatherland,  armed  the 
city  for  this  purpose,  and  gathered  in  Greece  a patriot 
party  resolved  upon  the  struggle.  His  financial  reform,  in 
so  far  as  it  constituted  the  fundamental  condition  of  a 
successful  resistance,  had  the  same  significance  as  the  law 
on  the  mines  (vol.  ii.  p.  260).  In  the  organization  of  the 
new  League  he,  like  Aristides,  was  intent  upon  treating 
the  rights  of  others  with  the  utmost  possible  consideration; 
for,  according  to  his  conviction  also,  justice  is  the  true 
foundation  of  all  political  institutions.  But  greatest  of  all 
is  the  harmony  between  his  activity  and  that  Demos 
of  Pericles.  Both  these  men,  beginning  as  thenesand 
orators  of  the  Opposition,  after  a long  struggle 


470 


History  of  Greece. 


IBook  VI 1. 


became  leaders  of  the  community  and  legislators,  and  this 
only  by  the  force  of  a moral  superiority,  which  gradually 
overcame  all  contradiction.  Neither  of  them  was  per- 
sonally cast  in  a popular  mould,  nor  was  their  influence 
obtained  by  them  through  a pleasing  eloquence  which 
flattered  or  dazzled  the  people ; but,  strict  towards  them- 
selves and  others,  severe  and  serious,  they  confronted  the 
citizens  with  unpalatable  demands,  unsparingly  reproving 
their  perversities  and  subduing  their  vanity.  The  one  and 
the  other  were  enemies  of  long  speeches,  and  only  spoke 
after  careful  preparation ; it  was  the  perfect  command 
over  their  subject,  the  strength  of  their  will,  the  inner 
truth  of  their  meaning,  which  gave  to  their  words  the 
power  of  conviction.  In  both  we  find  the  same  combina- 
tion of  a force  of  genius,  able  to  create  in  the  great  mass 
of  the  citizens  enthusiasm  for  the  loftiest  tasks,  with  a 
sober  rationality,  invariably  intent  upon  facts,  and  follow- 
ing practical  points  of  view,  such  as  could  not  but  become 
evident  to  any  one  willing  to  look  upon  the  matter  impar- 
tially. Both  had,  the  one  as  a nobleman,  the  other  as  a 
member  of  the  upper  burgher-class,  an  aristocratic  ten- 
dency, but  were  notwithstanding  loyal  adherents  of  the 
democracy,  and  confided  in  the  healthy  judgment  of  the 
citizens ; both  had  the  common  people  on  their  side,  while 
the  rich  were  their  adversaries.  With  regard  to  foreign 
affairs,  Demosthenes,  like  Pericles,  desired  that  no  war 
should  be  recklessly  begun,  yet  that  a necessary  and  just 
war  should  not  be  evaded  in  a cowardly  spirit,  but  pro- 
vided for  during  the  time  of  peace  with  the  utmost  circum- 
spection. They  were  both  with  an  equally  lively  assurance 
pervaded  by  a conviction  of  the  mission  of  Athens  to  hold 
the  primacy  in  Greene ; and  as  Pericles  acknowledged  a 
right  belonging  to  the  stronger,  which  in  the  interest  of 
the  nation  must  hold  together  even  the  unwilling  among 
the  confederates,  lest  the  laboriously  achieved  results 
should  melt  away  again  in  the  hand, — so  Demosthenes 


Chap.  IV.] 


471 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 

also  held,  that  whosoever  was  striving  for  a good  and  just 
object,  ought  not  to  remain  inactive  in  the  face  of  hostile 
guile,  or  damage  himself  by  timid  scrupulousness.  For 
such  a scrupulousness  among  unscrupulous  adversaries  he 
considered  to  be  not  justice,  but  cowardice.  Lastly,  both 
attained  to  the  highest  goal  of  a republican  statesman,  in 
being  enabled  to  take  into  their  hands,  as  the  men  enjoy- 
ing the  full  confidence  of  the  community,  the  direction  of 
public  affairs.  Statesmen  who  lack  personal  greatness  are 
only  able  to  maintain  such  a position  by  associating  them- 
selves with  subordinate  creatures  who  follow  them  from 
merely  selfish  motives  of  interest;  it  was  thus  that  the 
party-rule  of  Aristophon  (p.  112)  arose,  and  the  yet  worse 
system  of  cliques  under  Eubulus.  But  Demosthenes,  like 
Pericles,  brought  it  to  pass,  that  for  a time  his  will  alone 
determined  the  action  of  the  State.  Hereby  the  system 
of  democratic  equality  was  seemingly  abolished,  but  not 
really  so,  because  the  powers  conferred  upon  him  were 
conferred  voluntarily  and  constitutionally.  W e are  rather 
justified  in  designating  it  as  the  greatest  advantage  pos- 
sessed by  the  democracy,  that  it  provided  the  possibility 
of  at  any  time  summoning  the  most  efficient  citizen  to  the 
helm  of  the  State ; and  experience  teaches,  that  Greek 
republics  were  never  more  vigorous  and  more  covered 
with  glory,  than  when  their  citizens  with  perfect  conviction 
gave  themselves  up  to  one  man,  in  whom  they  recognized 
the  representative  of  their  highest  interests,  as  the  The- 
bans did  in  Epaminondas,  and  the  Tarentines  in  Archytas.* 
Such  phases  of  affairs,  in  which  the  civic  community 
temporarily  renounces  the  exercise  of  its  authority,  cannot 
of  their  nature  be  enduring.  And  if  Pericles  conducted 
the  personal  system  of  government  with  better  fortune  and 


* Distinction  between  public  and  private  law:  Dem.  xv.  28;  of.  Jacobs, 
Staaisreden,  146.  Archytas  was,  like  Pericles  and  Epaminondas,  head  of  the 
community  by  a prolongation  of  the  strategy.  Diog.  Lairt.  viii.  79.  The  best 
result  of  democracy  is  the  apxn  toS  n-pwi-ov  afSpot. 


472 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  Y1L 


with  far  greater  results,  the  cause  lies  in  the  incomparably 
more  favorable  circumstances  of  his  times.  He  had  still 
an  admirably  armed  city,  a civic  community  sound  at  the 
core,  efficient  in  war  and  patriotic ; while  the  civic  com- 
munity of  Demosthenes  disliked  arms  and  was  feeble  of 
heart.  “ The  hero-maiden  of  Marathon  had,”  as  the 
scoffer  Demades  said,  “ become  an  old  gammer  who  com- 
fortably swallows  her  mess  of  barley-soup,  and  slinks 
about  in  slippers.”  Athens  in  those  days  wore  the  aspect 
of  a colony  like  Tarentum,  of  an  effeminate  industrial  and 
commercial  city,  where  the  citizens  sought  as  much  as 
possible  to  escape  from  the  demands  of  the  commonwealth, 
and  let  mercenaries  fight  on  their  behalf.  Although  far 
worse  troubles  of  war  were  imminent  than  in  the  times  of 
Pericles,  the  walls  were  allowed  to  fall  into  decay,  and 
the  navy  to  go  to  ruin,  in  order  that  the  number  of  festi- 
vals and  sacrificial  banquets  might  be  continually  in- 
creased. The  supreme  authority  enjoyed  by  money,  and 
the  selfish  party-power  of  the  capitalists,  likewise  perfectly 
remind  us  of  the  condition  of  things  in  mercantile  cities 
beyond  the  seas.  In  this  respect  the  task  of  Demosthenes 
was  far  more  arduous,  and  his  merit  incomparably  greater. 
Moreover  he,  the  plain  citizen,  was  more  unpretentious 
than  Pericles,  freer  from  personal  ambition,  severer  and 
purer  in  his  choice  of  means.  He  employed  no  demagogic 
party  expedients  ; for  it  is  unjustifiable  to  interpret  in  this 
sense  the  gifts  and  voluntary  contributions  by  which  he 
attested  his  patriotism  ; and  although  on  occasion  he  com- 
bined with  unworthy  personages,  with  such  a man  as 
Timarchus,  yet  he  did  it  before  the  eyes  of  the  public,  and 
only  for  definite  purposes.  And,  indeed,  he  also  at- 
tempted to  amend  with  a vigorous  hand  such  institutions 
of  the  Periclean  Athens  as  we  must  acknowledge  to  have 
been  pernicious  abuses  ; and  above  all  he  sought  to  enno- 
ble the  evil  system  of  distributions  of  money,  by  desiring 
them  to  be  regarded  as  a compensation  paid  for  the  ser- 


chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  473 

vices  given  to  the  State,  and  by  requiring  a counter- 
service on  the  part  of  the  receiver.* 

On  the  other  hand,  Demosthenes  had  neither  so  many- 
sided  a natural  endowment,  nor,  in  consequence  of  the 
pettier  character  of  the  relations  of  life  among  which  he 
had  grown  up,  so  happy  a development  as  Pericles.  He 
lacked  the  inborn  dignity,  the  lofty  calm,  and  the  blended 
self-control  and  self-confidence  of  the  “ Olympian  ; ” but 
above  all  he  lacked  the  military  training  and  the  talent 
of  generalship,  which,  combined  with  the  qualities  of  a 
statesman,  made  Pericles  so  great  and  so  impossible  to  re- 
place. Notwithstanding  his  toughness  and  manly  power 
of  endurance,  the  natural  temperament  of  Demosthenes 
was  uncommonly  excited  and  irritable,  vehement  and  pas- 
sionate ; and  the  more  exclusively  that  he  had  in  his 
efforts  to  rely  upon  the  orators’  tribune,  the  more  too  did 
its  influence  assert  itself  upon  his  character.  He  returns 
vituperation  for  vituperation ; he  employs  all  and  any 
means  for  rendering  his  opponents  contemptible;  he 
proved  unable  to  preserve  himself  free  from  the  spirit  of 
rhetoric,  and  allows  his  acumen  to  tempt  him  even  into 
quibbles.  Demosthenes  was  without  Pericles’  knowledge 
of  the  world  and  of  mankind  ; he  was  an  idealist,  and  in 
dangerous  times  over-estimated  the  effect  of  moral  forces. 
And  yet  it  was  precisely  in  this  that  he  showed  himself  a 
Hellene  of  the  noblest  kind.  For  it  is  precise-  Ethics  and 
ly  this  moral  conception  of  civic  duty  which  politics, 
gives  to  Greek  politics  their  peculiar  warmth,  and  to 
Greek  statesmen  their  transcendent  dignity.  Every  de- 
mand made  by  Demosthenes  upon  the  community  is  of  an 
ethical  character ; every  civic  duty  upon  which  he  insists 
is  a matter  of  conscience ; and  the  loftiest  task  of  the 


* Demades,  Fragm.  7.  DemetriusVepl  epp-gveia^,  § 282,  according  to  Cobet’s 
emendation  : nobiy  ov  rrjy  eiri  tujv  npoyoviov  ttjv  Mapa0ujy6pa\oyf  a\\d.  ypavv 
cray8d\t.a  viroSeSeiAtvqv  /cat  nTiadyriy  po<£u><rat'.  Cf.  Th.  Gompertz,  Demosthene ^ 
18G4,  29  teg 


474 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VU. 


statesman  he  finds  in  being  an  example  of  civic  virtue. 
Demosthenes  passed  without  reproach  through  all  tempta- 
tions. and  allowed  neither  friend  nor  foe  to  drive  him  to 
any  unworthy  step.  When  the  citizens  demanded  from 
him  that  he  should  prefer  an  indictment  against  an  un- 
popular personage,  he  declared  to  them  that  they  would 
find  in  him  a counsellor,  even  when  they  had  no  wish  for 
it,  but  an  informer  never,  even  if  they  desired  it.  Thus 
again  the  civic  community  was  as  a body  to  be  careful  of 
its  reputation  ; he  stimulated  the  sense  of  honor  in  the 
citizens,  and  sought  to  awaken  in  them  the  conviction, 
that  fair  fame  was  better  than  money  and  lands.  His  en- 
tire view  of  democracy  was  to  the  effect  that  it  could  only 
be  based  upon  pure  patriotism  and  loftiness  of  sentiment. 
He  demands  gratitude  towards  the  great  men  of  the  city 
and  reverence  for  the  laws  handed  down ; “ whosoever 
recklessly  introduces  changes  into  them  is  worse  than  a 
murderer.”  As  against  the  foreign  enemy  also,  who  does 
wrong,  he  credits  the  consciousness  of  honesty  with  a 
strength  which  gives  victory  to  the  arms  of  those  who 
possess  it ; while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  a religious  and 
moral  scruple  which  prevents  him  from  vigorously  urging 
the  alliance  with  the  Phocians.  All  the  most  important 
questions  are  settled,  not  by  considerations  of  statesmanship, 
but  by  the  voice  of  conscience.  The  defence  of  indepen- 
dence is  an  absolute  duty,  a moral  necessity,  which  must  not 
be  allowed  to  be  determined  by  the  consideration  of  success, 
nemos-  But  was  not  the  clearness  of  the  political 
tbenes  and  iudgment  of  Demosthenes  disturbed  by  this 
way  of  regarding  things?  Was  not  his  treat- 
ment of  the  Macedonian  question  from  the  outset  a one- 
sided policy  of  mere  sentiment ; and  was  not  Isocrates  after 
all  in  the  right,  when  he  disapproved  of  the  perverse  re- 
sistance offered  to  Philip,  and  required  of  the  Athenians 
that  they  should  recognize  in  the  enemy  their  friend  and 
the  benefactor  of  Greece  ? 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  475 

Superficially  regarded,  the  course  of  events  seems  to 
favor  the  view  that  Isocrates  was  in  the  right  as  a politi- 
cian ; and  yet  undoubtedly  far  too  much  honor  would  be 
done  to  him,  were  his  bearing  to  be  commended  at  the 
expense  of  Demosthenes,  and  were  a deeper  penetration 
into  the  significance  of  the  times,  or  a prophetic  insight 
into  the  course  of  history,  to  be  ascribed  to  him.  Isocrates 
was  not  swayed  by  a confidence  in  Philip  and  the  Mace- 
donian State,  based  upon  superior  knowledge,  but  by 
a feeling  of  mistrust  with  reference  to  his  city,  by  a 
spiritlesss  renunciation  of  its  own  history,  which  he  at  all 
times  failed  justly  to  appreciate,  by  indifference  towards  the 
highest  possessions  of  the  city.  Isocrates  was  altogether 
unacquainted  with  the  real  Philip ; he  was  only  anxious 
for  a man  who  should  with  a vigorous  hand  unite  the 
Greeks  and  stay  the  evils  of  democracy ; for  this  reason  he 
transferred  his  hopes  from  the  one  to  the  other,  and,  sitting 
among  his  books,  idealized  to  himself  the  Macedonian 
king,  so  that  he  corresponded  to  the  image  of  a magnani- 
mous friend  of  the  Greeks,  which  Isocrates  had  sketched 
out  for  himself  in  imagination.  It  was  at  bottom  a craven 
optimism,  which  took  pleasure  in  agreeable  self-delusion, 
and  which  refused  to  perceive  whatsoever  contradicted  its 
wishes  and  expectations.  In  the  end,  it  is  stated,  Isocrates 
recognized  his  mistake ; and  the  eyes  of  the  old  man — he 
was  ninety-eight  years  of  age — are  said  to  have  been 
suddenly  opened  to  the  real  intentions  of  the  king  by  the 
battle  of  Chseronea,  so  that  a few  days  after  the  battle  he 
voluntarily  ended  his  life  by  starvation.  It  is,  however, 
unintelligible,  why  the  final  conflict  should  have  made 
him  cease  to  put  trust  in  Philip.  For  the  blood  shed 
in  it  the  king  could  not  be  held  responsible ; and  however 
deeply  Isocrates  must  have  lamented  the  struggle,  which 
had  been  urged  on  by  a policy  disapproved  of  by  himself, 
yet  every  obstacle  had  been  now  removed;  what  he  had. 
so  long  desired  could  now  be  carried  into  execution  ; and 


476 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


lie  could  himself  by  virtue  of  his  high  authority  vigo- 
rously co-operate  to  that  end.  But  Isocrates  saw  his  native 
city  not  discouraged  after  the  defeat,  he  saw  it  rather 
arming  for  a last  struggle  of  despair,  which,  as  must  have 
seemed  certain,  could  not  fail  to  drive  the  king  also  to 
measures  of  ruthless  hostility.  Under  the  impression 
created  by  these  armaments,  and  by  the  decrees  of  Hype- 
rides,  it  is  very  possible  that  Isocrates  arrived  at  his  reso- 
lution, in  order  to  escape  the  conflict  of  positions  in  which 
he  would  necessarily  have  been  inevitably  involved  in  the 
event  of  a fight  for  the  walls  of  his  native  city, — as  an 
Attic  patriot  and  as  a friend  of  Philip.* 

Demos-  Doubtless  Demosthenes  under-estimated  the 

Khi^Phufp  Power  °f  Philip,  and  allowed  himself  to  be 
deceived  as  to  the  vital  powers  of  Macedonia 
by  comparing  it  to  other  foreign  empires  (p.  419).  But 
after  the  great  variety  of  experiences  which  the  empire 
had  undergone  up  to  Philip’s  reign,  and  after  all  the  acts 
of  violence  which  had  united  the  most  diverse  populations 
into  a variegated  whole,  it  was  very  natural  that  no  power 
of  endurance  should  be  attributed  to  such  a government, 
and  that  it  should  not  be  regarded  as  a power  to  which 
an  immutable  destiny  forced  all  neighbor-states  to  sur- 
render. The  entire  cohesion  of  the  empire  seemed  to  de- 
pend upon  one  man,  who  exposed  himself  personally  with 
foolhardy  daring ; of  his  successor  a very  slighting 
opinion  was  entertained.  How,  then,  can  we  wonder  that 
a good  Athenian  should  have  deemed  the  independence 
of  his  native  city  and  Hellenic  liberty  to  rest  upon  far 
surer  foundations  than  the  young  barbarian  empire,  the 
result  of  a rapid  succession  of  conquests  ? And  was  it  in 


* The  statements  as  to  the  death  of  Isocrates  (Dionysius;  Isaeus;  Paus.  i. 
18,  8 ; Lucian.  Maicp6j3ioi  23,  and  the  Biographies)  will  not  admit  of  being 
invalidated  by  the  doubtful  authority  of  the  Third  Epistle,  as  Blass  would 
have  it,  Rhein.  Mm.  xx.  109  seq.  But  he  is  right  in  considering  the  usual 
conception  of  the  motives  of  the  suicide  unintelligible.  Perhaps  the  expla* 
nation  suggested  in  the  text  may  be  more  self-evident. 


Chap,  iv.]  Lad  Struggles  for  Independence.  477 

truth  so  foolish  to  hope  for  success  ? Since  it  was  treason 
alone  which  caused  such  cities  as  Olynthus  to  fall,  it 
might  well  be  hoped,  that  if  the  citizens  of  Athens  re- 
mained united,  the  power  of  Philip  would  be  wrecked 
upon  her  walls.  There  was  reason  to  hope  that  during 
the  conflict  the  generous  spirit  of  the  citizens  would  gain 
strength,  and  that  the  common  danger  would  bring  to 
pass  a new  League  among  the  Hellenes ; that  the  Great 
King  too  would  remain  true  to  the  course  of  policy  which 
he  had  begun  in  the  case  of  Perinthus,  and  would  send 
money  and  ships.  The  disastrous  results  of  the  Social 
War  might  be  made  good  again,  and  by  her  once  more 
coming  forward  to  fight  in  the  front  for  the  liberty  of  the 
fatherland,  a new  hegemony  of  Athens  might  be  estab- 
lished. A happy  beginning  having  been  made,  and  the 
most  inflexible  opposition  on  the  part  of  an  ancient 
jealousy  having  been  overcome,  it  would  have  been  un- 
worthy pusillanimity  to  despair  of  one’s  own  people. 

The  petty  states,  which  had  always  required  some  power 
to  lean  upon,  might  join  Philip,  without  making  any  real 
sacrifice,  since  the  ancient  contrast  between  Hellenes  and 
barbarians  had  long  lost  its  keenness,  as  had  the  aversion 
of  Greek  republics  from  royal  dominion.  Accordingly, 
Polybius  comes  forward  on  behalf  of  his  fellow-country- 
men, and  defends  the  Peloponnesian  statesmen  whom 
Demosthenes  regarded  as  guilty  of  treason  against  the 
nation.  They  acted,  says  Polybius,  with  intelligence  and 
patriotism  ; through  the  instrumentality  of  Philip  they 
brought  it  to  pass  that  they  were  avenged  upon  Sparta, 
that  they  obtained  perfect  safety  and  an  enlarge- 
ment of  their  territory,  without  having  in  return  to  admit 
Macedonian  garrisons,  or  to  alter  their  constitutions.  In 
other  words,  Polybius  ascribes  to  them  the  right,  and  in  a 
certain  sense  the  duty,  of  preferring  their  separate  inter- 
ests to  aught  else,  while  the  object  of  the  efforts  of  Demos- 
thenes was,  that  all  the  civic  communities  of  Greece 


478 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


should  feel  themselves  to  be  one  united  body,  and  should 
defend  their  liberty  in  common.* 

While  the  cantonal  policy  of  the  Peloponnesians  finds 
an  excuse  in  the  impotence  of  the  petty  states,  which  had 
for  centuries  pursued  no  other  interest  beyond  that  of  pre-  , 
serving  to  themselves  their  narrow  separate  existence,  the  j 
case  was  quite  different  with  Athens.  It  was  the  mission 
of  Athens  to  prove  herself  the  hearth  of  Hellenic  feeling, 
and  to  give  to  the  others  an  example  of  patriotism ; 
Athens  would  break  with  her  past  and  deny  her  entire 
history,  if  she  purchased  peace  by  surrendering  her  inde- 
pendence to  a foreign  king. 

Or  was  Philip  perchance  a prince  with  whom  an  agree- 
ment was  possible,  in  which  the  honor  of  the  city  was  safe- 
guarded ? Isocrates  believed  in  such  a possibility.  But 
how  could  the  personal  individuality  of  the  king,  which 
even  the  pupil  of  Isocrates,  Theopompus,  judged  so  con- 
temptuously, awaken  confidence,  so  that  a Greek  states- 
man of  patriotic  sentiments  might  have  lent  himself  to  the 
thought  of  voluntarily  placing  the  destinies  of  his  native 
city  in  Philip’s  hands?  Demosthenes  and  his  friends  could 
not  find  in  the  canrp  of  the  king  aught  but  a policy  of 
mendacity  and  falsehood,  dynastic  ambition  and  measure- 
less lust  of  dominion.  They  could  not  but  regard  his 
Philhellenism  as  a mask  ; for  with  him  everything  was 
means  to  his  end.  How  could  they  hopefully  anticipate  a 
future  for  Greece  from  association  with  his  empire?  No- 
where was  any  sense  for  the  encouragement  of  the  inter- 
ests of  the  people  displayed  by  him  ; the  countries  were  to 
him  nothing  but  sources  of  money  and  districts  for  the 
levy  of  troops.  Everywhere  he  favored  the  lowest  ten- 
dencies ; permitted  himself  a vile  abuse  of  Hellenic  tradi- 
tions ; diligently  fostered  the  most  narrow-hearted  selfish- 
ness in  the  individual  states ; promoted  discord  among 

* Polyb.  xvii.  14.  As  to  his  view,  cf.  Orelli  in  Index  led.,  Zurich  1834  ( Led 
Polybianoe ),  p.  12. 


Chap,  iv.]  i Mst  Struggles  for  Independence  479 

neighbors  ; and  best  liked  to  pursue  his  aims  by  bribery. 
The  worst  men  in  the  nation  were  his  friends,  and  whoso- 
ever entered  his  circle  was  as  it  were  seized  by  an  evil 
spirit.  How,  then,  could  the  establishment  of  any  closer 
connexions  with  the  Macedonian  empire  be  regarded  in 
any  other  light  than  as  the  worst  of  calamities?  Could 
the  subordination  to  this  king  at  the  head  of  his  hosts, 
with  his  lust  of  conquest,  lead  to  any  consequence  but  the 
promotion  of  the  restless  quest  of  adventure  which  had 
been  the  fatality  of  Hellas  since  the  days  of  the  younger 
Cyrus, — to  anything  but  a demoralizing  adulation  of 
princes,  and  an  infection  by  barbarian  manners  and  cus- 
toms which  would  seize  upon  the  entire  life  of  the 
nation. 

An  amicable  agreement  with  Philip,  an  acceptable  mid- 
dle course,  could  not  therefore  appear  possible.  The 
choice  lay  between  two  alternatives, — liberty  or  slavery, 
the  preservation  or  the  downfall  of  the  nation.  The  State 
was  in  the  eyes  of  the  Greeks  not  like  unto  a house,  in 
which  a nation  finds  a lodging,  so  that,  when  the  old  dwell- 
ing-place falls  out  of  repair,  it  is  possible  to  migrate  to 
another.  On  the  contrary,  the  State  was  the  image  of 
their  intellectual  being,  the  perfect  expression  of  their 
moral  consciousness,  the  visible  form  of  personal  individu- 
ality shaped  from  within  and  necessarily  such  as  it  was, 
into  which  the  several  communities  had  developed  them- 
selves in  the  course  of  history ; and  the  more  abundant 
this  development,  the  more  sensitive  was  the  consciousness 
of  the  communities  as  against  any  change  imposed  upon 
them  from  without.  The  petty  states  might  console  them- 
selves with  the  prospect  of  municipal  independence;  not 
so  Athens.  Moreover,  even  the  outward  conditions  of  ex- 
istence seemed  to  be  in  danger.  For  in  this  point  Demos- 
thenes and  his  friends  probably  judged  the  king  incorrect- 
ly, that  they  suspected  him  of  entertaining  designs  against 
Athens  similar  to  those  which  he  had  executed  against 


480 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


Olynthus  and  Pliocis  ; they  could  not  believe  otherwise 
than  that  he  must  hate  Athens  most,  and  they  failed  to 
see  what  political  motives  necessarily  induced  him  to 
treat  her  considerately.  The  king  had  not  spared  men- 
aces ; and  thus  it  is  intelligible,  how  the  Attic  patriots 
pictured  to  themselves  the  fate  of  Athens  as  far  more  ter- 
rible than  that  which  in  reality  awaited  her,  and  were 
thereby  stimulated  to  the  utmost  exertions  in  their  la- 
bors. 


sides  the  law  of  honor  and  the  sworn  civic  duty  of  defend- 
ing city  and  country  to  the  last  breath.  Had  Athens 
been  victorious  in  her  resistance,  Demosthenes  would 
beyond  all  doubt  have  been  placed  on  a level  with  the 
greatest  heroes  of  the  nation ; but  the  failure  of  the 
struggle  has,  both  in  ancient  and  in  modern  times,  deprived 
him  of  the  recognition  which  was  his  due.  Polybius 
judges  him  according  to  the  standpoint  of  his  age;  he  is 
unjust,  because  he  considers  the  resistance  offered  by 
Demosthenes  not  less  unreasonable  than  the  rising  of  the 
Aclueans  against  Rome ; because  he  failed  to  perceive  the 
difference  between  the  Greeks  of  his  own  times  and  the 
contemporaries  of  Demosthenes  and  Lycurgus,  and  equally 
so  the  difference  between  Philip’s  military  sovereignty  and 
the  world-encompassing  Power  of  Rome.  Demosthenes 
himself,  even  after  the  fatal  day  of  Chseronea,  did  not  re- 
pent of  his  policy ; he  looked  back  upon  his  labors  with"  a 
good  conscience,  and  could  tell  his  fellow-citizens,  that 
with  a view  to  their  fair  fame,  to  their  ancestors,  and  to 
the  verdict  of  coming  generations,  they  could  not  have 
acted  otherwise,  even  though  the  issue  of  the  struggle  had 
been  manifest  to  them  beforehand ; to  act  according  to 
the  demands  of  duty  was,  he  declared,  the  business  of 


The  struggle  against  Philip  was,  therefore, 
no  perverse  fancy  on  the  part  of  Demosthenes, 
no  blind  obstinacy,  but  a moral  necessity. 
There  existed  no  other  standard  of  action,  be- 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  481 

human  beings,  while  success  or  failure  lay  in  the  hands 
of  the  gods.* 

With  excellent  reason  Demosthenes  takes  exception  to 
being  held  responsible  for  the  result,  and  to  his  administra- 
tion of  the  State  being  judged  accordingly.  The  resu]ta 
And  yet,  who  can  dare  to  assert  that  it  was  a °f  AthePn?icy 
failure,  and  devoid  of  result?  He  achieved 
the  highest  success  to  which  it  is  possible  for  a statesman 
to  attain ; by  his  speeches,  by  his  legislation,  and  by  his 
personal  example,  he  overcame  the  self-love,  the  craven 
indolence,  and  all  the  evil  inclinations  of  his  fellow-citi- 
zens ; instead  of  creating  in  them  a transitory  excitement, 
he  animated  anew  the  extinguished  powers  of  the  Athe- 
nians, revived  their  nobler  consciousness,  and  restored 
them  to  themselves.  The  length  of  time  for  which  this 
regeneration  would  endure  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  esti- 
mate ; and  in  the  life  of  the  Greek  free  states  we  are  least 
of  all  justified  in  measuring  the  deserts  of  statesmen  ac- 
cording to  the  period  of  time  during  which  their  efforts 
took  effect.  In  any  case,  he  preserved  Athens  from  a 
downfall  which  would  have  given  the  lie  to  her  history. 
For  while  filled  with  the  deepest  grief  by  the  bloody  de- 
feat, he  could  yet  say  with  just  pride : “ The  city  has  re- 
mained unvanquished,” — because  so  long  as  it  followed 
him,  it  rejected  all  Philip’s  attempts  at  corruption.  It 
was  his  example,  from  which  even  in  the  ensuing  period 
the  better  kind  of  Athenians  derived  strength  for  uphold- 
ing the  dignity  of  the  city  to  the  best  of  their  ability. 
Such  a gain  would  not  have  been  too  dearly  bought  even 
by  the  heaviest  sacrifices.  But  neither  was  the  outward 
fate  of  Athens  aggravated  by  Demosthenes,  any  more  than 
the  opposite  policy  brought  advantage  to  the  other  states. 
The  Thessalians  and  the  neighboring  tribes,  who,  seduced 
by  delusive  promises,  first  introduced  Philip  into  the  af« 


21 


* Dem.  xviii.  199. 


482 


History  of  Greece. 


[Boob  VU 


fairs  of  Greece,  and  who  became  his  helpers  in  her  subju- 
gation, were  those  who  lost  their  independence  first,  and 
who  lost  it  most  completely.  The  other  states  de- 
clined to  be  used  as  supporters  by  Philip ; but  they  let 
him  take  his  own  course,  and  pay  them  for  their  neutrali- 
ty by  a variety  of  small  advantages.  Such  was  the  course 
pursued  by  Arcadians,  Messenians,  Argives,  and  Eleans. 
They  too  derived  no  blessing  from  their  conduct ; they 
were  made  safe  as  against  Sparta,  but  in  return  they  were 
by  the  partisans  of  Philip  reduced  to  a far  more  oppres- 
sive condition  of  dependence  and  to  absolute  impotence. 
Athens  is  the  single  State  which  caused  real  difficulties 
and  dangers  to  the  king.  But  the  motives  which  had  al- 
ready previously  determined  him  to  try  every  method  of 
gaining  over  the  Athenians  by  gentleness,  were  even  more 
powerful  after  the  battle  of  Chseronea  than  before  it. 
Athens  had  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world  once  more 
proved  herself  to  be  the  foremost  city  of  the  Hellenes,  the 
heart  of  Greece.  Philip  was  in  his  own  interest  bound  to 
be  more  than  ever  intent  upon  sparing  her,  and  upon 
guarding  himself  against  any  abuse  of  his  victory.  For 
this  reason  Demosthenes  was,  eight  years  after  the  battle 
of  Chseronea,  able  to  ask  his  fellow-citizens,  whether  even 
the  bitterest  opponent  of  his  policy  could  now  persist  in 
wishing  that  Athens  might  have  stood  on  the  side  of  the 
Thessalians  or  the  Peloponnesians,  who  had  without  ex- 
ception fared  worse  than  the  Athenians  ? * 

The  Hei-  Demosthenes  was  the  representative  of  a 
o(npiHiipCy  Past  age.  He  still  found  sympathy  and  con- 
fidence ready  to  meet  him,  but  no  enduring 
determination  ; he  was  still  able  to  gather  round  him  men 
who  shared  his  sentiments;  but  the  number  of  the  faithful 
was  small  even  in  Athens,  and  outside  Athens  it  was  pre* 


* Dem.  xviii.  64. 


Chap,  iv.]  Lad  Struggles  for  Independence.  483 

cisely  in  the  most  populous  districts  of  Greek  inhabitants 
that  his  efforts  met  with  least  opposition.  “ If,”  he  said, 
“ according  as  I have  here  stood  at  my  post,  so  in  every 
Hellenic  town  there  had  been  only  a single  person,  or 
rather  if  Thessaly  or  if  Arcadia  had  only  possessed  one 
man  whose  sentiments  were  the  same  as  mine, — the  Hel- 
lenes would  have  remained  free  and  independent  both 
inside  and  outside  Thermopylae.” 

That  which  gave  the  victory  to  Philip  was  therefore  the 
fact,  that  the  strength  of  the  people  had  come  to  be  re- 
laxed. No  moral  forces  of  resistance  had  survived ; and 
for  this  reason  the  immense  advantages  which  Philip  had 
had  on  his  side  could  not  but  determine  the  result ; the 
standing  army  could  not  but  gain  the  victory  over  the 
civic  militias,  the  one  consolidated  empire-state  over  the 
loosely-knit  confederacies,  the  monarchy  over  the  republics. 
Notwithstanding  this  absolute  superiority,  we  find  the 
victor  not  dealing  with  the  vanquished  according  to  his 
own  arbitrary  choice ; on  the  contrary,  he  follows  their 
native  traditions  with  the  utmost  precision,  and,  instead 
of  with  a rough  hand  slitting  the  threads  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  national  history,  he  carefully  takes  them  up 
again.  The  ideas  which  the  Macedonian  appropriates  to 
himself  are  one  and  all  Hellenic. 

Thus  it  was  a usage  of  primitive  antiquity  among  the 
Hellenes,  that  those  tribes  and  states  which  sought  to  ac- 
quire a power  of  primacy,  established  a connexion  with 
the  national  sanctuaries,  took  these  under  their  protection, 
and,  by  offering  voluntary  homage  to  them,  gained  them 
over  to  their  own  interests.  It  was  thus  that  Polycrates 
and  Pisistratus  acted  towards  Delos,  and  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians towards  Olympia.  But  the  highest  importance  of 
all  attached  to  Delphi.  Upon  their  connexion  with 
Delphi  was  founded  the  significance  which  the  Dorians 
acquired  for  the  history  of  Greece.  Athens,  Sparta, 
Thebes  (vol.  iv.  p.  427)  at  different  times  sought  to  attach 


484 


History  of  Greece. 


IBook  Vli 


themselves  to  Delphi ; after  them,  Iason  of  Phene  (vol.  iv, 
p.  470)„  Into  the  same  course  of  policy  Philip  entered, 
taking  his  seat  at  the  “ common  hearth  ” of  the  Hellenes, 
and  thus,  as  it  were,  becoming  the  master  of  the  house  in 
Hellas  and  acquiring  a title  to  be  the  spokesman  of  the 
national  interests. 

In  his  measures  in  Peloponnesus  he  recurred  to  the  dis- 
tribution of  territory,  which  was  said  to  have  taken  place 
on  the  occasion  of  the  immigration  of  the  Heraclidse.  The 
new  Hellenic  League  against  Persia  was  concluded  on  the 
Isthmus  in  remembrance  of  the  League  of  Corinth  in  the 
times  of  Themistocles ; and  the  entire  conception  of  the 
Persian  War  as  a national  duty  was  of  course  an  idea  of 
the  Cimonic  age.  In  his  humiliation  of  Sparta,  Philip 
carried  out  that  for  which  Athens  and  Thebes  had  striven  ; 
while  he  engaged  in  a Spartan  line  of  policy,  when  he  fol- 
lowed the  precedent  of  Lysander  in  shaking  at  its  base 
the  power  of  resistance  in  the  states  by  means  of  his  par- 
tisans, and  in  placing  the  vanquished  under  Boards  of  Ten 
(p.  341)  ; and  again,  when,  in  accordance  with  the  exam- 
ple of  the  Peace  of  Antalcidas,  he  broke  up  Boeotia  and 
proclaimed  the  autonomy  of  its  country  towns.  In 
Thessaly  he  recurred  to  the  institutions  of  the  Aleuadse. 
Thus  it  is  a sheer  series  of  reminiscences  from  Greek 
history  which  reveals  itself  in  the  several  measures  of  the 
king. 

But  the  entire  position  assumed  by  him  towards  the 
Greeks  likewise  follows  their  ancient  traditions.  For 
among  all  the  forms  under  which  Greek  forces  of  popula- 
tion were  united  for  common  efforts,  none  had  proved 
more  effective  than  that  of  the  Hegemony.  The  direction 
of  a smaller  or  larger  group  of  states  in  its  foreign  affairs, 
by  a primary  State  called  to  the  task  by  virtue  of  its  su- 
perior power,  was,  since  the  Heroic  age,  accounted  the 
institution  most  thoroughly  in  accordance  with  the  spirit 
of  the  Greek  nation,  and  alone  capable  of  forming  as 


Chap.  IV.j 


Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


485 


against  all  foreign  powers,  without  prejudice  to  home  inde- 
pendence, an  authority,  which  corresponded  to  the  national 
ambition  and  to  the  desire  for  security  of  intercourse  and 
traffic.  It  is  true,  that  no  permanent  creation  was  ever 
successfully  accomplished,  but  the  striving  after  the  hono- 
rary right  of  the  Hegemony  became  the  most  potent  im- 
pulse towards  the  development  of  strength ; it  constitutes 
the  most  essential  contents  of  Greek  history ; it  conducted 
the  Spartans,  the  Athenians,  and  the  Thebans  successively 
to  the  height  of  their  fame.  By  confining,  then,  his  royal 
government  to  the  lands  of  his  empire  proper,  while  among 
the  Hellenes  he  desired  to  be  nothing  more  than  the  chosen 
general  for  the  conduct  of  a national  war,  Philip  in  the 
main  point  likewise  followed  tradition,  and  merely  as- 
sumed the  vacant  post  of  the  hegemon,  whom  the  nation 
could  not  spare. 

Thus  the  foreign  military  sovereign  clothed  It  inner 

his  entire  policy  in  forms  which  he  borrowed  untruthful- 
r \ ness. 

from  the  vanquished  people.  But  they  were 
in  truth  nothing  more  than  forms.  He  applied  them  with 
great  sagacity,  in  order  to  appease  the  Hellenes,  in  order 
to  have  their  resources  more  promptly  at  his  disposal,  and 
in  order  himself  to  be  regarded  as  a thorough  Hellene. 
But  the  small  respect  which  at  bottom  he  entertained  for 
that  which  was  most  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  Greeks  was 
shown  by  his  destruction  of  the  Greek  cities  in  Thrace 
and  Phocis.  If,  therefore,  already  in  the  associations  of 
states  under  Sparta  and  Athens  there  was  many  an  ele. 
ment  of  untruth,  inasmuch  as  the  actual  relations  received 
specious  names,  which  failed  actually  to  correspond  to  that 
upon  which  they  were  bestowed,  the  inner  untruth  was  in 
his  case  yet  far  greater.  The  common  compacts  were 
royal  ordinances,  the  confederates  were  vassals,  the  na- 
tional war,  for  which  the  nation  was  summoned  under 
arms,  as  if  eager  to  rush  to  the  satisfaction  of  its  warlike 
cravings,  was  at  the  time  a thoroughly  unpopular  idea. 


486 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


The  hatred  of  the  Persians  had  long  vanished;  the  Great 
King  had  entered  into  the  most  intimate  international 
relations  with  the  Greeks;  he  had  recently  supported  the 
Attic  policy  (p.  404)  ; and  those  who  in  any  way  still  had 
national  interests  at  heart,  and  who  had  a clear  insight 
into  the  circumstances  of  the  times,  could  not  but  regard 
him  rather  as  an  ally  and  as  a safeguard  for  the  liberty 
of  their  nation,  than  as  an  enemy.  Equally  little  could  a 
reasonable  Greek  seriously  think  of  a liberation  of  the 
confederates  in  Asia  by  means  of  Philip  of  Macedonia.  In 
other  words,  the  entire  “ national  ” idea  was  simply  a mask 
for  the  king’s  lust  of  conquest ; and  the  same  was  the  case 
with  the  Amphictyonic  institutions,  whereby  a new  unity 
was  to  be  created  for  the  Greeks  on  the  sacred  basis  of  the 
most  ancient  system  of  law  which  had  obtained  among  the 
states.  For  in  point  of  fact  the  remnants  which  still 
existed  of  that  primitive  union  among  the  Hellenes,  upon 
which  the  beginnings  of  their  history  rest,  the  solitary 
surviving  relic  of  a common  bond,  was  only  taken  ad- 
vantage of,  in  order  to  break  up  the  nation  as  such,  and 
to  put  an  end  to  its  history. 

The  Hei-  Universal  peace,  freedom  of  intercourse  by 
theeMaceder  water  and  by  land,  perfect  security  for  all 
(Ionian  do-  Greek  communities  in  their  constitutions  and 

minion. 

in  their  territorial  possessions,  friendship  and 
alliance  between  all  the  states  leagued  against  the  heredi- 
tary enemy  of  the  nation, — such  was  the  form  under  which 
the  new  association  agreed  upon  at  Corinth  followed  the 
more  ancient  treaties  of  State.  But  it  differed  from  all 
previous  compacts  in  this  : that  the  primary  direction 
came  into  the  hands  of  a power  which  stood  outside 
Greece,  and  which  was  to  such  a degree  superior  to  all  the 
confederates  together,  that  as  against  it  there  could  be  no 
question  of  a real  independence.  For  although  in  the 
first  instance  foreign  affairs  only  were  at  issue,  yet  it  was 
manifest,  that  the  king  who  had  been  appointed  General 


chap,  iv.]  jMSt  Struggles  for  Independence.  487 

of  the  League  with  absolute  authority,  would  in  the  inte- 
rior of  the  states  too  allow  nothing  contrary  to  his  interests. 
If  he  desired  unconditionally  to  dispose  over  the  offensive 
and  defensive  forces  of  the  nation,  it  was  also  necessary 
for  him  to  be  thoroughly  assured  as  to  the  country  itself, 
to  control  the  routes  by  land  and  water,  and  the  harbors, 
in  it.  For  this  reason  Philip  placed  Macedonian  garri- 
sons at  the  most  important  points,  in  Thebes,  Chalcis, 
Corinth  and  Ambracia  ; these  were  perfectly  sufficient  for 
holding  all  Greece  in  bondage.  True,  the  entire  associa- 
tion had  only  been  agreed  upon  for  the  purposes  of  a sin- 
gle war ; but  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  king  to  extend 
this  war  as  he  thought  best.  It  was  a League-in-arms 
concluded  for  all  times  ; and  the  Greeks  once  and  for  ever 
renounced  the  right  of  taking  up  arms  for  pui’poses  of 
their  own  choice.  Any  act  of  recalcitrance  against  the 
commander-in-chief  was  a criminal  offence  against  the 
sworn  treaty  of  the  League,  any  attempt  to  regain  inde- 
pendence of  movement  was  regarded  as  a revolt,  as  was 
proved  by  the  doom  of  Thessaly  and  Thebes.  Service  in 
the  pay  of  Persia  was  likewise  made  penal  as  treason 
against  the  nation,  in  order  that  the  enemy  might  be  de- 
prived of  the  aid  of  Greek  resources,  upon  which  his 
power  was  essentially  based.  Thus,  Philip’s  office  of 
commander-in-chief  of  itself  abolished  the  state-autonomy 
and  the  personal  liberty  of  the  Greeks  in  the  most  materi- 
al points. 

But,  furthermore,  he  was  the  guardian  of  the  national 
peace.  In  other  words,  every  description  of  wrong  which 
endangered  it,  all  internal  disturbances  and  party-feuds 
which  diminished  the  guarantees  for  the  secure  endurance 
of  the  treaties, — the  distribution  of  land,  the  extinction  of 
debts,  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  and  other  radical 
changes,  were  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Federal  Coun- 
cil and  to  infliction  of  punishment  by  the  Head  of  the 
League.  Any  community,  from  which  a violation  of  the 


488 


History  of  Greece. 


[Boor  VII. 


peace  proceeded,  was  to  be  excluded  from  that  participa- 
tion in  the  League  -which  was  the  sole  basis  of  its  own  au- 
tonomy. As  a warning  against  all  attempts  at  revolt,  the 
cities  destroyed  by  Philip  were  to  remain  in  ruins  for  all 
times.  The  considerate  measures  of  the  king,  in  particu- 
lar those  towards  Athens,  whose  harbor  no  Macedonian 
ship  of  war  was  to  enter,  were  restrictions  imposed  upon 
himself  by  the  holder  of  supreme  authority,  so  long  as 
they  seemed  advantageous  for  his  purposes.  Acts  of  in- 
terference by  force  in  the  life  of  the  states  could  not  fail 
to  occur  ; for  the  nice  boundary-line  between  the  absolute 
monarchy,  which  prevailed  on  the  further  side  of  Thermo- 
pylae, and  the  Hegemony  in  Greece,  was  not  permanently 
tenable. 

The  real  character  of  the  new  relations  of  course  only 
asserted  itself  gradually.  With  respect  to  the  levy  of 
troops,  Philip  seems  likewise  to  have  proceeded  with  great 
considerateness.  And  in  truth  it  could  not  but  be  in  con- 
sonance with  the  interest  of  the  king,  that  the  advent  of 
his  rule  was  hailed  as  the  beginning  of  better  days,  and  that 
a feeling  of  security,  which  had  long  been  missed,  came  to 
prevail,  that  prosperity  rose,  that  the  cities  revived,  and 
confidence  returned.  The  gains  of  Greece  redounded  to 
the  advantage  of  Philip  ; and  his  authority  necessarily 
best  established  itself,  in  proportion  as  men  gave  themselves 
up  to  the  belief  that  civic  life  would  continue  to  move  un- 
disturbed in  the  ancient  lines.* 

* The  contents  of  the  first  compact,  valid  as  public  law  (kou'tj  dp-qvri  teal 
crvppaxi'a),  between  Macedonia  and  Hellas,  are  only  known  to  us  from  its 
renewal  by  Alexander  (01.  cxi.  1,  b.  c.  336),  and  these  new  treaties  only  from 
the  oration  nepl  tojv  np'og  \AAe£at'Spov  crvi'drjKtov  (‘  Dem.’  xvii.),  the  author  of 
which  demonstrates  all  the  violations  of  them  which  had  occurred  on  the 
part  of  Macedonia.  At  the  commencement  of  the  document  stood  the  words 
eA evOepovg  teal  avrovo/xovs  elvaL  roi)s'1’EAA77i/as,  £ 8.  The  king  is  crpaTTjyb?  ai»ro- 
Kparcop;  the  Synedrium  (oi  ini  T-p  k.olvt  </>uAa/<#  TeraypeVot)  provides,  07Ttts  iv 
rat?  KOLVioaovcrais  rroAeat  tt)?  etp^i/^s  pt  ylyvoiVTat  OavaTOS  /cat  (f>vyal  napd  roup 
KetpeVovs  rats  TroAeat  vopovs  prjSe  ^p^para/i/  Svjpevae t?  p^Se  y 77s  a.i'aSao’poi  fxrjSi 
Xpeuv  anoKonai  p^Se  8ov\(ov  ane\ev6epui(rei<;  ini  yewrepiapw,  £ 15.  As  to  the 
Federal  malricula:  Diod.  xvi.  89;  Justin,  ix.  5. 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence.  489 

In  Athens  the  national  party  remained  at  the  helm. 
Hyperides  defended  himself  against  Aristogiton,  on  ac- 
count of  the  laws  proposed  by  him  (p.  453)  granting  their 
revolutionary  character,  but  excusing  himself  with  the 
circumstances  of  the  times.  “ Not  I,”  he  said,  “ but  the 
battle  of  Chseronea  gave  those  laws;”  and  the  civic  as- 
sembly acquitted  him.  Nine  months  after  the  battle,  the 
Athenians  in  a public  document  proclaimed  the  praises 
of  two  Acarnanians,  Phormio  and  Carphinas,  who,  mind- 
ful of  the  ancient  friendship  of  their  people  towards 
Athens,  had  in  the  last  conflict  also  readily  supported  her 
in  company  with  their  adherents ; and  they  bestowed 
upon  these  men  the  franchise  of  the  city.  Shortly  before 
they  had  likewise  publicly  honored  the  population  of 
Tenedos,  the  most  faithful  of  their  allies  in  the  islands. 
After  the  terrible  agitation  of  the  times  of  war,  and  the 
excessive  efforts  called  forth  by  the  administration  of 
Demosthenes,  the  Athenians  drew  breath  again,  and, 
leisure  having  at  last  been  restored  to  them,  turned  their 
attention  to  municipal  affairs.  In  dealing  with  these, 
Athens  had  the  special  good  fortune  of  possessing  in  Ly- 
curgus  a man  who  with  incomparable  skill  reduced  the 
finances  of  the  city  to  order,  and  expended  the  increased 
revenues  in  the  noblest  way.  He  contrived  to  raise  the 
annual  income  to  1,200  talents  (£292,500);  he  provided 
for  the  building  of  the  walls,  and  increased  the  numbers 
of  the  ships  of  war  to  four  hundred.  The  construction  of 
the  ship-sheds  was  resumed  ; the  arsenal  and  magazine  of 
arms  were  completed.  He  finished  the  Theatre  of  Diony- 
sus, and  built  the  Stadium  on  the  Ilissus,  the  Odeum  and 
the  Gymnasium  in  the  Lyceum.  Since  the  days  of  Peri- 
cles the  external  wants  of  Athens  had  not  been  provided 
for  so  connectedly  or  in  such  a spirit  of  grandeur.  Since 
the  city  was  unable  to  pursue  any  policy  of  her  own,  this 
was  the  sole  method  left  for  maintaining  her  honor  and 
fostering  the  remembrance  of  the  past.  In  the  citadel  too 

21* 


490 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


were  placed  dedicatory  gifts,  which  had  been  vowed  in 
consequence  of  the  events  which  had  promised  success  in 
the  days  before  the  defeat,  and  monuments  in  honor  of 
the  brave,  who  were  publicly  extolled  for  their  worthy 
bearing.  Indeed,  even  the  Thebans  in  spite  of  their  deep 
humiliation  erected  a stately  monument  on  the  battle-field 
of  Clueronea,  the  colossal  marble  figure  of  a lion,  who  sit- 
ting erect  guarded  the  tombs  of  the  citizens  slain  in  the 
fight,  and  proclaimed  their  heroic  courage  to  the  coming 
generations.* 

Thus  the  sense  for  the  Noble  and  the  Beautiful  con- 
tinued to  live  among  the  Hellenes  even  after  the  loss  of 
their  liberty,  and  afforded  them  a consolation  for  their  for- 
feiture of  possessions,  without  which  they  would  in  former 
times  have  deemed  life  unendurable.  No  compensation 
was  received  for  what  had  been  lost ; the  Greek  communi- 
ties were  not  admitted  into  a larger  whole,  in  order  to 
commence  a new  life  as  members  of  it,  after  the  strength 
of  the  life  carried  on  in  each  of  the  Greek  communities  by 
itself  had  been  exhausted  in  them  ; nor  again  was  it  their 
lot  to  find  themselves  jointly  constituting  a single  body. 
On  the  contrary,  the  states  of  secondary  importance  and 
the  petty  states  remained  unchanged,  each  in  its  self- 
secluded  course  of  existence,  hostile  and  full  of  suspicion 
against  one  another,  and  at  home  abounding  in  discord 
and  party-feuds.  The  lofty  aims,  in  the  pursuit  of  which 
the  states  and  parties  had  temporarily  united,  no  longer 
existed  ; all  ideal  tendencies  fell  into  the  background  ; 
the  interests  became  more  and  more  narrowed ; in  short, 

* Hyperides  c.  Aristog. : Vit.  X Oral.  849.  Decree  in  favour  of  Phormio  and 
Carphinas  (pog6rjoai>Tes  gera  Svranfio!,  perhaps  at  Chferonea):  ICirehhoff  in 
M onatsberiehte  dev  K.  Preuss.  Al;ad.  der  Wissensch.,  1856,  115.  Decree  in  honor  of 
Tenedos . Kohler  in  BuUelt.  dell'  Inst.,  1866, 104. — Concerning  the  public  labors 
of  Hyperides  we  now  possess  a whole  series  of  original  documents  : cf.  Her- 
mes, i.  313;  Philologus,  xxiv.  83;  Hermes,  ii.  25.— Dedicatory  gifts  in  the  Acro- 
polis : Monatsberichte  der  Preuss.  AJcad.,  1863,  9. — As  to  the  lion  of  Chseronea: 
Gottling,  Ges.  Abhandlungen,  i.  148;  Weleker,  11  leone  di  Ch.  in  Monum.  ed  Am 
1856 ; AUe  Denkm.,  v.  62. 


Chap,  ivj  last  Struggles  for  Independence . 491 

all  the  grand  aspects  of  the  Greek  city-republics  were 
lost,  while  the  weak  points  and  disadvantages  were  main- 
tained, and  became  more  and  more  perceptible.  The  pro- 
tectorship of  a foreign  king,  who  arbitrarily  dispensed 
considerate  grace  or  pitiless  severity  to  the  subject  states, 
encouraged  among  them  the  spirit  of  jealousy,  which 
served  him  as  a pledge  for  the  security  of  his  dominion, 
and  brought  with  it  no  blessing  in  any  direction.  Indi- 
vidual Hellenes  found  opportunities  for  most  abundantly 
satisfying  their  ambition  ; but  they  were  hereby  estranged 
from  the  fatherland.  The  spirit  of  adventure,  which  had 
from  of  old  found  a home  in  the  Arcadian  cantons,  and  had 
developed  itself  in  the  other  parts  of  Greece  since  the  close 
of  the  Peloponnesian  War,  extended  itself  further  and  fur- 
ther, and  took  away  from  the  country  its  most  efficient  sons. 
The  talents,  the  culture,  the  still  abundant  internal  re- 
sources of  the  Hellenes,  the  Macedonian  knew  how  to  appre- 
ciate and  turn  to  account ; he  did  homage  to  the  glory  of 
their  past ; he  flattered  their  vanity ; but  for  the  Hellenes 
themselves,  for  the  nation  as  a whole,  he  had  no  heart. 
The  patriots  he  hated  as  irreconcilable  enemies ; the 
traitors,  who  had  delivered  the  land  into  his  hands,  he  de- 
spised. Although  he  owed  everything  that  he  gained  to 
the  Greeks,  although  they  were  indispensable  to  him  for 
his  ulterior  purposes,  yet  he  only  made  them  serve  his 
dynastic  ambition,  without  conceding  to  the  nation  an  in- 
dependent share  in  his  glory,  or  thinking  of  a new  eleva- 
tion of  the  Hellenes  in  the  united  body  of  his  empire. 
The  entrance  of  Greece  into  the  Macedonian  dominion 
was  therefore  not  a transition  into  a new  era,  which  re- 
moved what  had  become  obsolete,  and  called  forth  new 
germs  of  development,  but  only  a retrogression  and  a 
downfall.  Religious  faith  had  long  lost  its  strength  ; 
philosophic  thought  could  only  conduct  isolated  indi- 
viduals to  a loftier  conception  of  the  tasks  of  humanity ; 
and  though  art  could  invest  the  localities  of  ancient  glory 


492 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII 


with  a consolatory  and  cheering  halo,  yet  it  was  unable  to 
offer  any  moral  anchorage  to  the  civic  communities.  The 
one  kind  of  impulses  still  operating  in  the  Greek  nation, 
to  overcome  the  love  of  self  and  to  awaken  a devotion  to 
higher  aims,  lay  in  the  communal  feeling,  in  the  attach- 
ment to  the  city  and  fatherland,  in  the  fidelity  to  law  and 
usage,  in  the  piety  towards  past  generations,  in  the  love 
of  liberty.  Whatsoever  movements  of  high-minded  senti- 
ment had  found  expression  in  the  immediate  past,  had 
their  roots  in  the  consciousness  of  state-life.  No  sooner, 
therefore,  had  this  ground  been  taken  away  from  under 
the  feet  of  the  nation,  no  sooner  had  its  fatherland  been 
annihilated,  and  its  communal  life  reduced  to  barrenness, 
than  as  a necessary  consequence  the  virtues  too  decayed, 
which  still  survived  from  the  ancient  times.  For  this 
season  the  Macedonian  dominion  had  an  altogether  de- 
moralizing effect  upon  the  Greeks.  External  prosperity 
and  the  comfortable  ease  of  the  life  of  petty  citizens  were 
the  objects  which  the  multitude  sought  to  procure  for  it- 
self. All  higher  impulses  faded  away  more  and  more. 

The  The  men  of  eminence  had  long  ago  made 

Hellenes  themselves  independent  of  local  influences,  and 
continued  . 1 < # 7 

to  live  in  h;ul  striven  after  an  ideal  Hellenism,  which 
Science. 

was  elevated  above  the  distractions  of  tribes 
and  states.  This  we  perceive  most  clearly  in  the  example 
of  the  great  Theban  statesman  (vol.  iv.  p.  523) ; and  Iso- 
crates accounted  it  the  highest  glory  of  the  Hellenes,  that 
their  name  signified  not  so  much  a nationality,  as  a cer- 
tain degree  of  culture, — not  so  much  a physical,  as  an 
intellectual  agreement.  The  intellectual  movement  had 
since  the  times  of  Socrates  more  and  more  severed  itself 
from  public  life ; in  proportion  as  civic  interests  grew 
narrower  and  shallower,  the  impulse  of  the  Hellenes 
towards  knowledge  unfolded  itself  more  abundantly ; and 
the  spirit  of  scientific  inquiry  now  extended  with  greater 
energy  than  ever  into  wider  fields  and  penetrated  into 


Chap,  iv.]  Xo-si  Struggles  for  Independence. 


493 


further  depths,  nowhere  allowing  itself  rest,  and  compre- 
hending in  its  grasp  things  human  and  things  divine.  All 
the  subjects  of  mediation  were  mastered ; all  were  made 
to  yield  a fertile  system  of  contemplation  and  the  cor- 
responding method  ; the  results  of  earlier  labors  were  care- 
fully turned  to  account,  and  the  tendencies  which  had 
hitherto  remained  apart  were  most  happily  united.  The 
Socratic  inquiry  and  those  various  studies  to  which  the 
Sophists  had  given  the  first  impulse,  as  well  as  the  labors 
of  a Eudoxus,  a Democritus  and  others, — all  were  now 
combined ; ethical  speculation,  physical  inquiry,  and  his- 
torical information  were  united.  Thus  was  Aristot]e 
formed  a new,  universal  Science;  and  Athens, 
deprived  of  her  temporal  importance,  was  consecrated 
anew,  when  Aristotle  three  years  after  the  battle  of  Chasro- 
nea  founded  there  the  school  from  which  proceeded  the 
consummation  of  Hellenic  knowledge. 

More  clearly  than  Plato,  he  perceived  the  incapacity 
of  the  Hellenic  civic  states  for  a continued  life;  he  judged 
with  severity  all  their  weak  points  and  the  evils  under 
which  they  suffered,  in  particular  the  excrescences  of 
democracy,  which  in  such  a State  as  Athens  rendered  it 
impossible  for  the  wise  and  reflecting  to  take  an  effective 
part  in  public  life.  But  he  stood  in  no  attitude  of  in- 
difference or  hostility  towards  the  history  of  his  nation, 
nor  did  he  abandon  his  belief  in  it,  since  it  had  ceased  to 
be  that  nation  which  determined  the  destinies  of  the  lands 
of  the  Mediterranean.  It  remained  to  his  eyes  the  chosen 
people,  the  people  of  the  future,  which  would  now  for  the 
first  time  attain  to  asserting  in  full  measure  the  gifts  which 
distinguished  it  before  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth.  For 
the  nations  of  the  North,  he  says,  are  brave,  but  they  lack 
the  impulse  towards  perfect  knowledge  and  the  sense  of 
art,  therefore  they  are  well  adapted  for  maintaining  their 
independence,  but  they  have  no  mission  for  the  formation 
of  states,  and  are  incapable  of  ruling  over  other  nations. 


494 


History  of  Greece. 


[Book  VII. 


The  Asiatics  have  natural  gifts  for  the  acquisition  of 
knowledge  and  for  art,  but  they  lack  bravery  of  spirit ; 
they  are  therefore  not  suited  for  maintaining  their  inde- 
pendence, and  sink  into  servitude.  The  race  of  the  Hel- 
lenes alone  combines  valor  with  the  sense  for  art  and 
science ; it  is  therefore  created  for  liberty ; it  has  de- 
veloped the  best  of  civil  institutions ; and  its  mission  is  to 
rule  over  all  nations,  when  it  is  itself  united  as  a State.* 

In  such  a world-empire  Aristotle  could  believe,  so  long 
as  the  person  of  Alexander  allowed  him  to  hope,  that  this 
prince  would  be  a truly  Hellenic  king,  and  would  realize 
the  ideal  of  monarchy,  which  had  for  a long  time  floated 
before  the  minds  of  so  many  Hellenes.  But  in  truth  it 
was  only  an  intellectual  supreme  authority,  which  the 
Greek  nation  gained  as  towards  other  nations ; and  this 
world-empire,  Avhich  it  actually  achieved,  it  owes  to 
Aristotle  even  more  than  to  his  pupil. 

Through  Aristotle  philosophy  likewise  entered  into  the 
most  intimate  relation  towards  the  history  of  his  nation,  in 

Scientific  proposing  to  itself  the  task  of  scientifically 
Greek entof  treadn8  the  totality  of  the  contents  of  that 
history.  history.  Documents  were  collected,  the  con- 

stitutions examined  and  compared  with  one  another,  their 
advantages  and  defects,  their  transitions  and  degenera- 
tions observed.  As  the  physiologist  uses  for  his  studies 
the  body  from  wdtich  the  soul  has  fled,  so  the  philosopher 
employed  for  his  the  states  of  which  the  development  was 
at  an  end,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  vital  conditions  of  a 
healthy  organism,  as  well  as  the  causes  of  its  decay. 
Literature  and  Art  were  likewise  conceived  of  as  a whole 
in  their  historical  development ; the  biographies  of  the 
statesmen  were  written ; and  from  the  recent  experiences 
inquiry  mounted  back  to  the  most  ancient  traditions. 

Thus  there  unfolded  itself  among  the  Greeks  an 


* Aristot.  Folit.  13271  (p.  105,  28). 


495 


Chap,  iv.]  Last  Struggles  for  Independence. 


abundant  science,  the  subject  of  wbicb  was  their  own 
civilization ; and  although  only  comparatively  few  took 
part  in  these  labors,  yet  they  indicate  the  character  of  the 
age  which  ensued  upon  the  downfall  of  independence;  and 
at  this  stage  too  the  organic  development  of  the  Hellenes 
becomes  vividly  manifest  to  us,  when  we  see  how  the 
spirit  of  the  nation,  after  the  exhaustion  of  its  formative 
power  and  after  the  completion  of  its  practical  tasks  in 
the  domain  of  politics,  hereupon  at  once  applies  itself  with 
full  energy,  learning  to  understand  the  past  connectedly 
by  means  of  scientific  study,  and  as  it  were  to  bring  home 
the  harvest  of  the  fruits,  which  had  ripened  for  the  know- 
ledge of  human  things  in  the  now  completed  circle  of  de- 
velopment. Thus  the  spirit  of  the  people  which  had 
grown  strong  in,  and  with,  political  life,  now  continued 
its  activity  outside  it  and  free  from  all  local  bounds,  and 
attested  its  unbroken  vigor. 

True,  the  vitality  of  the  states  themselves  was  not  yet 
extinct,  nor  the  resources  of  population  all  spent ; in 
several  regions,  as  in  the  districts  of  the  Achelous  and  in 
Arcadia,  they  had  not  even  yet  arrived  at  a full  develop- 
ment. Even  the  states  which  were  most  ex-  The  d f 
hausted  continued  to  live  on  after  their  fashion.  the  con- 

nected  his- 

Sparta  now  as  before  insisted  upon  her  rights  ^ry  of free 
of  primacy.  In  Athens  the  old  parties  main- 
tained themselves.  Hew  attempts  were  dared,  in  order  to 
recover  freedom  of  action  ; endeavors  were  even  made  for 
new  formations  of  states,  in  order  to  unite  after  an  expedi- 
ent fashion  the  dwindled  forces  of  the  nation.  But  all 
these  uprisings  were  merely  interruptions  of  the  dominion 
of  the  foreigner.  The  uprising  of  Athens  under  Demos- 
thenes was  the  last  great  deed  of  free  Greece ; and  with 
the  Peace  of  Demades  her  connected  history  is  at  an  end 


INDEX  TO  YOL.  Y, 


BOOK  THE  SEVENTH. 

MACEDONIA  AND  GREECE. 
CHAPTER  I. 

THE  KINGDOMS  OF  THE  NORTH. 


PAGE 

The  countries  in  the  North  of  Greece  7 

Their  natural  configuration 10 

The  Thracian  Empire 12 

Thrace  and  Athens 13 

The  kingdom  of  Seuthes 15 

The  mountains  and  the  rivers  of 

Macedonia 16 

The  Macedonian  coast-land 19 

The  people  of  the  Macedones 20 

Macedonians  and  Illyrians 21 

Greek  immigration 23 

The  Temenidse 24 

Advance  of  the  Argeadae 25 

Foundation  of  ASgae ib. 

Perdiccas  1 27 

Amyntas ib. 

Alexander  Philhellen 28 

Perdiccas  II 31 

The  Northern  policy  of  Athens ib. 

The  crisis  of  Perdiccas’  reign 33 

Archelaus 37 

Foundation  of  Pella 38 

Pieria  the  home  of  the  Muses ib. 

Ten  years  of  Confusion 39 

Amyntas 40 

Alexander  II 41 

Ptolemaeus ib. 

Ineffectual  settlement  by  Pelopidas.  42 

Perdiccas  III 44 

Competition  for  the  throne  on  the 

death  of  Perdiccas 45 

Philip  II ib. 

His  accession 46 

His  first  achievements 48 

His  reforms  in  the  kingdom  and 
in  the  military  system 49 


PAGS 

His  foreign  policy 51 

Amphipolis  and  Athens 52 

Negotiations  concerning  Amphipo- 

Hs . 54 

Conquest  of  Amphipolis 56 

Alliance  between  Philip  and  Olyn- 

thus 57 

The  mines  of  Thrace ib. 

Foundation  of  Philippi 60 

Philip’s  system  of  coinage 61 

Philip  and  Arybbas  the  Molos- 

sian 63 

Philip  and  the  Greeks ib. 

Philip  the  successor  of  Iason 65 

Philip's  Greek  policy 66 

Intervention  in  Thessaly 67 

Phocis 68 

Amphictyonic  decree  against  Pho- 
cis  69 

Outbreak  of  the  Sacred  War 71 

Philomelusat  Delphi 72 

Amphictyonic  decree  from  Thar- 

mopylse  against  Philomelus 73 

Conduct  of  the  war  by  Philomelus...  ib. 

Defeat  and  death  of  Philomelus 75 

Victories  of  Onomarchus ib. 

His  defeat  and  death 77 

Phayllus 78 

And  Phalsecus  at  the  head  of 

affairs  in  Phocis 79 

Philip  master  of  Thessaly ib. 

Philip  in  Thrace 80 

Philip  and  Olynthus 81 

fdynthusand  Athens 83 

Embassy  of  the  Olynthians  to 
Athens ib 


497 


498 


Index. 


CHAPTER  II. 

TEE  POLICY  AND  INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  OF  ATHENS  UP  TO  THE  BEGIN* 
NING  OF  THE  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF  DEMOSTHENES. 


PAGE 

Jflistory  of  Attic  policy 85 

The  Boeotian  party 86 

And  its  opponents 87 

F nancial  Innovations 90 

The  new  Naval  Confederation  of 

Athens 91 

Attic  policy  before  the  battle  of 

Leuctra 92 

Callistratus 93 

Chabrias ib. 

Timotheufl ib. 

Isocrates 94 

Transitory  success  of  the  Theban 

Party- 95 

Fall  of  Timotheus 96 

The  policy  of  Callistratus 98 

Attic  policy  after  Leuctra ib. 

Seizure  of  Samos 103 

Loss  of  Oropus 104 

Callistratus  and  Epaminondas ib. 

Fa'l  of  Callistratus 107 

Victory  of  the  Boeotian  party 108 

Aristophon 109 

His  conduct  of  affairs no 

Events  in  Thrace m 

Successes  in  Euboea  and  Thrace 112 

Outbreak  of  the  Social  War...... 114 

The  dynasts  of  Caria 116 

Revolt  of  Cos,  Chios,  Rhodes 117 

Battle  in  the  harbor  of  Chios 119 

Victory  of  Chares  under  Artabazus..  120 

Close  of  the  Social  War 121 

Condemnation  of  the  generals 122 

Social  condition  of  Athens  up  ti  the 
first  appearance  of  Demosthenes 

in  public  life 123 

The  popular  assembly 126 

Legislation 127 

Litigiousness 128 

The  orators  and  the  genetals 129 

The  condition  of  the  finances 130 

The  position  of  the  generals  131 

Their  connexion  with  foreign 

princes 132 

Their  estrangement  from  the  city....  133 

Chares 134 

Charidemus  of  Oreus* 135 

Foreign  relations 136 

The  Cimmerian  Bosporus 137 

Egypt  and  Cyprus 138 

Persia ib. 

Thrace ib. 

The  results  of  the  policy  of  Aristo- 
phon  140 

The  po'icy  of  Eubulus 142 

The  festival-money 144 

The  administration  of  Eubulus 146 

The  decay  of  Athenian  life 147 


pAGE 

Scientific  life  at  Athens 140 

Philosophy ib. 

The  influence  of  Socrates 150 

Foreign  followers  of  Socrates 151 

Euclides ib. 

Eubulides ib. 

Phaedo 152 

Aristippus  ib. 

Antisthenes 153 

Diogenes  the  “dog” 154 

The  Athenian  followers  of  Socrates..  155 

Xenophon  156 

His  experiences  in  life 158 

Xenophon  as  a philosopher 159 

Xenophon  and  Plato 161 

Plato,  the  son  of  Ariston ib. 

His  training 162 

His  teaching. r63 

Its  rational  character 165 

Plato  and  his  predecessors 167 

Prose-writing  before  Plato 168 

The  popular  art  cf  the  Platonic  Dia- 
logues   169 

Plato’s  standpoint  above  his  people.  172 

The  followers  of  Plato 173 

Isocrates 174 

Attic  oratory 177 

Thrasymachus 178 

The  art  of  Isocrates ib. 

Practical  oratory 180 

Lysias i8r 

Jsaeus 182 

The  literature  of  pamphlets ib. 

Rhetoric  and  history 184 

Xenophon ib. 

Aitic  archaeology  and  ancient  his- 
tory  18^ 

Androtion,  ib  ; Theopompus 180 

Ephorus 187 

Ctesias 188 

Persian  history ib. 

History  and  philology 189 

Progress  of  medicine 190 

Hippocrates ib. 

Eudoxus  of  Cnidus 191 

The  Attic  dialect  the  organ  of  Greek 

culture  and  science 193 

Poetry  at  Athens 194 

Epos 195 

Drama tb. 

Later  comedy 197 

Travesty *99 

The  Fine  Arts 200 

Sculpture  and  architecture 201 

Combination  of  both 203 

Works  of  Scopas 205 

And  of  Praxiteles 206 

Leochares 2°S 


Index. 


499 


PAGE 


Groups  and  portraits  in  statuary 209 

Painting 210 

Painting  on  pottery 212 

Culture  and  communal  life 214 

Cosmopolitanism 216 


PAGE 

Tendencies  in  favour  of  monarchy...  218 


Platonic  politics 219 

Philosophy  and  the  State 221 

Severance  of  the  spheres  of  life 222 

The  resurrection  of  Athens 223 


CHAPTER  III. 


ATHENS  AND  KING  PHILIP  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  PHILOCRATES. 


PAGE 

Demosthenes,  the  son  of  Demos- 
thenes  226 

His  parentage ib. 

His  childhood 229 

The  guardianship 230 

Demosthenes  and  Isaeus 231 

Opening  of  the  suit  against  the  guar- 
dians  232 

Forced  tiierarchy  of  Demosthenes...  233 

His  speeches  as  plaintiff 235 

His  natural  gifts 237 

Formation  of  his  character ib. 

His  training  and  development  as 

an  orator 238 

His  relations  to  the  present 239 

And  to  the  past 241 

His  originality 242 

Demosthenes  as  an  advocate 243 

Speeches  of  Demosthenes  against 

Androtion 245 

And  Leptines 246 

Demosthenes  against  Timocrates 248 

Political  character  of  his  forensic 

speeches 249 

The  political  situation 251 

Demosthenes  against  the  Persian 

War  253 

Condition  of  the  Attic  navy 253 

Reforms  proposed  by  Demosthenes.  255 
Speech  concerning  the  symmories...  257 

War-  and  peace-parties 258 

Sparta’s  policy  of  Restoration 259 

Athens  in  league  with  Messene 260 

Oration  for  Megalopolis 261 

The  Thebans  in  Peloponnesus 263 

The  affairs  of  Thrace 264 

Cersobleptes  and  Charidemus 265 

Demosthenes  against  Aristocrates...  266 

Further  losses  in  Thrace 267 

Application  for  aid  from  Rhodes 268 

The  war-policy  of  Demosthenes 270 

The  Macedonian  question  : currents 
of  opinion  and  sentiment  at 

Athens 272 

Phocion 273 

Alternations  of  fear  and  indiffer- 
ence  ib. 

The  First  Philippic 274 

Importance  of  the  island  of  Euboea..  277 
Application  for  aid  from  Plutarchus.  278 
Phocion  in  Euboea 280 


PAGE 

Condemnation  of  Apollodorus 281 

Demosthenes  and  Midias 283 

History  of  the  city  of  Olynthus 284 

Olynthus  and  King  Philip 287 

Olynthian  embassies  to  Athens 289 

State  of  public  feeling  at  Athens 290 

The  Olynthiac  Orations  of  Demos- 
thenes   ib. 

The  First 291 

The  Second 292 

The  Third 293 

The  Olynthian  War 296 

Three  auxiliary  expeditions 297 

Fall  of  Olynthus 299 

Reception  of  the  Olynthians  at 

Athens 300 

Turn  in  the  policy  of  Eubulus ib. 

jEschines  the  orator 302 

iEschines  and  Eubulus 303 

iEschines  in  Peloponnesus 304 

The  case  of  Phrynon 305 

Phrynon  and  Ctesiphon  in  Philip's 

camp ib. 

Wishes  for  peace  on  either  side 306 

Embassy  to  Pella 308 

iEschines  and  Demosthenes  at  Pella.  309 
Debates  in  the  civic  assembly  con- 
cerning the  Peace 31 1 

The  resolution  of  the  Federal  Coun- 
cil   313 

Second  Debate 314 

The  Peace  accepted 316 

Embassy  of  ratification ib. 

The  envoys  at  Pella 318 

The  envoys  accompany  Philip  into 

Thessaly - 321 

Report  of  the  Embassy  in  the  Council  322 

Debates  in  the  assembly ib. 

Philip  and  Thermopylae 324 

Philip  summoned  against  Phocis 325 

Athens  and  Phocis 327 

Capitulation  of  Phalaecus 329 

Philip  at  Delphi 330 

Delphic  reforms ib. 

Doom  of  the  Phocians 332 

The  Athenians  undeceived 333 

Philip  appeases  Athens 33s 

Philip  celebrates  the  Pythia 336 

Delphic  embassy  at  Athens 337 

Demosthenes  de  Pace 338 

Philip  returns  home 34® 


500 


Index. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLES  FOR  THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  GREECE. 


PAGE 

Position  of  Philip  on  the  conclusion 

of  the  peace 341 

His  further  schemes 342 

Philip  in  Thessaly 344 

His  progress  in  Peloponnesus...  ib. 

Elis 345 

Philip  protector  of  Elis 346 

Of  Messenia,  Megalopolis,  Ar- 
gos  ib. 

Of  Megara 347 

Relations  with  Athens ib. 

Public  feeling  in  Athens  after  the 
peace  of  Philocrates  ; the  party 

of  material  interests 348 

Isocratis  Philippics 350 

Philip's  friends 352 

The  three  peace-parties 353 

Their  weak  points ib. 

Growing  authority  of  Demosthenes..  354 

Resources  of  the  city 355 

Constitutional  reforms 356 

Demosthenes  and  the  old  parties 358 

The  Patriot-party ...  359 

Hegesippus ib. 

Lycurgus ib. 

Hyperides 360 

Polyeuctes,  Callisthenes ib. 

Aristonicus,  Nausicles,  Dioti- 

mus,  Timarchus ib. 

Party-contests  in  the  law-courts 361 

Demosthenes  v.  JEschines 362 

Condemnation  of  Timarchus ib. 

The  case  of  Antiphoo 364 

Condemnation  of  Philocrates ib. 

The  Delian  suit 365 

Resumption  of  the  indictment  de 

falsa  legatione 367 

Acquittal  of  iEschines 370 

Foreign  affairs  : Peloponnesus 371 

Demosthenes  in  Peloponnesus 372 

The  bearing  of  the  Peloponnesians...  373 
Peloponnesian  embassy  at  Athens...  374 

The  Second  Philippic 375 

Python  at  Athens 377 

Hegesippus  in  Macedonia 379 

Philip's  troops  in  Euboea ib. 

Alliance  between  Athens  and  Chal- 

cis 381 

Revolutionary  changes  in  Epirus....  ib. 
Thessaly  divided  among  tetrarchs...  382 
King  Philip's  letter  to  the  Athe- 
nians  384 

Speech  of  Hegesippus  concerning 

Halonnesus 385 

Philip’s  proposals  rejected 387 

The  Thracian  Chersonnesus....  ib. 

Diopithes  on  the  Hellespont 388 

Speech  of  Demosthenes  concerning 

the  Chersonnesus 389 

The  Third  Philippic 392 


PAGE 


The  effect  of  the  speeches 

Demosthenes  in  Thrace 

Byzantium 

Perinthus 

Alliance  between  Athens  and  By- 
zantium  

Embassies  to  Rhodes,  Chios,  and 

Persia 

Demosthenes  and  Callias 

The  National  League 

Liberation  of  Euboea 

Philip’s  Thracian  War 

Siege  of  Perinthus 

Siege  of  Byzantium 

Open  war  between  Philip  and 

Athens 

Siege  of  Byzantium  raised 

Philip  in  Scythia 

War-resources  of  Athens  and  of 

Philip 

Reforms  in  the  Attic  political  sys- 
tem  

Condition  of  Attic  naval  affairs 

Naval  law  of  Demosthenes 

Its  results 

Financial  reform 

Effects  of  the  reforms 

Demosthenes  and  Lycurgus 

The  prospects  of  the  War 

Philip's  difficulties 

His  intrigues 

The  election  of  the  Pylagorze 

iEschines  and  the  Amphisseans 

The  quarrel  about  Cirrha 

Philip  appointed  Amphictyonic  ge- 
neral   

How  the  new  Amphictyonic  War 

was  brought  about 

Advance  of  Philip 

Occupation  of  Elatea 

Panic  at  Athens 

Athens  and  Thebes 

Negotiations  at  Thebes 

Demosthenes  at  Thebes 

League  between  Athens  and  Thebes 

The  two  Theatres  of  the  War 

Skirmishes  in  Phocis 

Demosthenes  and  Phocion 

Intrigues  of  the  peace-party 

Philip's  march  to  Amphissa 

Fresh  negotiations 

Energy  of  Demosthenes  

Advance  of  the  Macedonian  main 

force 

Disposition  of  the  two  armies 

Battle  of  Chzeronea 

Treatment  of  Thebes 

Situation  of  Athens 

Demades  becomes  Philip's  agent 

Conduct  of  the  Athenians  after  the 
Battle  of  Chzeronea 


394 

395 
ib. 
397 

ib. 


ib. 

398 

399 

400 
402 

405 

406 

408 


410 


412 

ib. 

414 

416 


4i7 


418 


419 

421 

423 

424 

425 

426 


427 

429 


430 

434 

435 
435 
437 

439 

440 

441 
441 

443 

444 

445 

446 

447 

448 


45° 

450 

451 
453 

453 

454 

455 


Index. 


501 


PAGE 

Demades  at  Athens 457 

Athenian  embassy  to  Philip 459 

Philip's  peace-proposals 459 

Conclusion  of  the  Peace 460 

Philip  in  Peloponnesus 462 

Attitude  of  Sparta 464 

Territorial  changes  in  Pelopon- 
nesus  465 

Federal  Treaty  concluded  at  Co- 
rinth  466 

Retrospect  of  the  public  career  of 

Demosthenes 467 

The  historical  foundation  of  his  po- 
licy  469 

Demosthenes  and  Pericles 469 

Ethics  and  politics 473 


PAGE 


Demosthenes  and  Isocrates 474 

Demosthenes  and  King  Philip 476 

The  judgment  of  posterity  on  De- 
mosthenes  480 

The  results  of  the  policy  of  Athens..  481 

The  Hellenic  policy  of  Philip 482 

Its  inner  untrathfulness 485 

The  Hellenes  under  the  Macedonian 

dominion 486 

The  Hellenes  continued  to  live  in 

Science 492 

Aristotle 493 

Scientific  treatment  of  Greek  His- 
tory  494 

The  end  of  the  connected  history  of 
free  Greece 495 


INDICES. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


VOLS.  I.~ V. 


A. 

Abae,  the  oracle  of,  in  Phocis  ii.  19. 

Abas,  the  soothsayer,  iv.  170. 

Abdera,  ii.147, 226,  v.  13  ; taken  by  Philip, 
v.  265. 

Abrocomas  abandons  Syria,  iv.  187. 

Abydus,  i.  438;  foundation  of,  ii.  119; 
sack  of,  by  Daurises,  207;  defection 
of,  from  the  Athenians,  iii.  493  ; two 
battles  at,  494 ; under  a Spartan  Har- 
most,  iv.  17. 

Academy,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  393 ; ii. 
614. 

Acanthus,  foundation  of,  i.  458,  467;  iii. 
181. 

Acarnania,  iii.  3,  62  ; composed  of  inde- 
pendent communities,  77  ; one  of  the 
scenes  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  101, 
iv.  264  ; Agesilaus  in,  265  ; envoys  of 
Thebes  in,  426. 

Achaeans,  the,  i.  104;  in  Phthiotis,  105, 
iii. 

Achaeus,  son  of  Apollo,  i.  104. 

, satyr-drama > of,  iv.  88. 

Achaia,  Athenian  expedition  to,  ii.  443; 
in  conflict  with  Acarnania,  iv.  264  ; the 
coast  towns  of,  487. 

Acharnae,  the  victory  of  Thrasybulus 
near,  iv.  46. 

Achelous,  river,  i.  290. 

Achilles,  the  first  genuine  Hellene,  i.  40. 

Achradina,  the  city  quarters  of,  iii.  254. 

Acoris,  rules  over  Egypt,  iv.  293. 

Acrae,  foundation  of,  in  Ortygia,  i.  468  ; 
the  fights  at  the  hill  of,  iii.  404. 

Acragas,  foundation  of.  i.  475,  499  ; his- 
tory of,  iii.  225 ; remains  neutral  in 
the  Sicilian  war,  374  ; destroyed,  413. 

Acroceraunian  promontory,  the,  iii.  6. 

Acrocorinth,  the  gorge  of,  iv.  246. 

Acropolis  of  Athens,  the,  i.  318 ; de- 


stroyed by  the  Persians,  ii.  320;  rebuilt 
in  the  time  of  Pericles,  618,  seqq.;  its 
central  magnificence,  637. 

Actium,  naval  battle  of,  iii.  8. 

Adimantus,  tire  archonship  of,  ii.  389. 

of  Corinth,  ii.  319. 

, son  of  Leucolophides,  ap- 
pointed general,  iii.  524,550;  his  life 
spared,  553. 

Adonis,  Syrian  divinity,  iv.  82. 

Admetus,  king  of  the  Molossi,  entertains 
Themistocles,  ii.  395. 

Adramytes  founds  Adramyteum,  ii.  129. 

Adrastus,  myth  of,  i.  276,  280;  his  me- 
mory celebrated,  ii.  574. 

^Eaces,  Tyrant  in  Samos,  ii.  180. 

/Eacidee,  the  sacred  figures  of  the, 
brought  to  Salamis  from  iEgina,  ii. 

324  •. 

iEantis,  Attic  tribe,  ii.  248. 

iEgae,  ii.  188  ; foundation  of,  v.  25. 

^Egaleus,  Mount,  ii.  325. 

iEgean,  the,  converted  into  a Greek 
island  sea,  i.  432;  its  character,  ib.: 
ii.  1. 

./Egialeans,  the,  i.  277  ; called  Archelai 
by  Clisthenes,  280. 

^Egicoreus,  sen  of  Ion,  i.  326. 

iEgimius,  ii.  95. 

iEgina,  ii  87;  bronze  founding  in,  88; 
the  colleges  of  Theori  in,  103  ; as  a 
maritime  power,  227 ; its  disputes 
with  Athens  228;  temple  of  Athene 
in,  ib.)  allied  with  Thebes,  229  ; offers 
homage  to  Persia,  ib.)  feud  between, 
and  Athens,  26  » ; revolt  in,  ib.  ; slave 
popul  tion  in,  286  ; jealous  of  Corinth, 
293;  the  struggle  for,  433  ; the  f II  of, 
436;  complaints  of,  iii.  18;  the  lands 
of,  distributed  among  Attic  citizens, 
62  ; return  of  its  inhabitants,  561,  iv. 
282. 


22 


5°5 


500 


General  Index. 


/Eginetans,  the,  ii.  87,  170,  232,  326  ; 
their  trading  places,  227  ; their  victory 
over  the  Samians,  228  ; send  Leoty- 
chides  to  Athens,  232 ; receive  the 
prize  of  valor  after  Salamis,  330 ; 
transported  to  the  Peloponnesian 
coasts,  iii.  62  ; at  Cynuria,  169. 

ALgon,  i.  271. 

ASgospotami,  iii.  549  ; battle  of,  552. 

Aeimnestus,  ii.  340,  343. 

Aeinau'ae,  the,  i.  435. 

iEnesidemus,  iii.  216,  226. 

ALolians,  the,  establish  a new  Boeotia, 
i.  120;  ignorant  of  navigation  at  Cyme, 
434;  jealous  of  the  Ionians  of  Attica, 

i. i.  106;  in  Bceotia,  iv.  351. 

ALolic  Greek,  i.  36. 

IE olidae,  the,  i.  104. 

ASolo- Achaean  migration,  i.  139. 

ALolis,  becomes  Thessaly,  i.  120;  con- 
quest of,  145. 

.Epytidae,  the,  i.  179. 

ALschines  despatched  to  Sparta  by  the 
Knights,  iv.  24. 

, son  of  Lysanias,  publishes 

Socratic  dialogues,  v.  156. 

, son  of  Atrometus,  v.  302  ; 

keeps  a school  at  Athens,  ib.;  IE.  and 
Eubulus,  303  ; in  Peloponnesus,  304  ; 
at  Pella,  309  ; speaks  in  the  assembly 
at  Athens,  314;  at  Delphi,  337;  ac- 
cused by  Demosthenes,  362 ; resump- 
tion of  the  indictment  de  falsa  lega- 
tione  against  367,  seqq.;  acquitted, 
370  ; elected  a Pylagoris , 425  ; IE. 
and  the  Amphisseans,  426  ; takes  the 
leading  part  at  Athens,  437. 

iEschylides,  a sycophant,  iv.  26,  31. 

Aischylus,  son  of  Euphorion,  ii.  21 ; his 
Per  see,  390,  581 ; Orestea,  426,  584  ; 
Phineus , 581 ; Glaucus , id.;  Eume- 
nideSy  583  ; calls  himself  a pupil  of 
Dcmenter,  577  ; IE.  and  the  organiza- 
tion of  tragedy,  ib.)  the  poetry  of, 
579  ; IE.  and  Sophocles,  584,  seqq.; 
death  of,  ib.;  at  the  court  of  Hiero,  iii. 
252  ; his  Women  of  AEtna,  ib.;  Persee, 
ib.;  the  descendants  and  successors  of, 
iv.  89. 

Aosimus,  iv.  61. 

AEsymnetae,  the  i.  266. 

./Ethiopia,  ii.  542. 

./Ethiopians,  the,  ii.  277. 

./Etna,  Mount,  the  Gieek  myth  concern- 
ing, i.  465  ; iii.  251. 

, town  of,  founded  by  Hiero,  iii. 

240 ; attacked  by  the  Syracusans, 
261  ; comes  to  an  end,  262. 

iEtolia,  envoys  of,  Thebes  in,  iv.  426. 

jEtolians,  the,  iii.  148. 

iExoone,  the  deme  of,  v.  no. 

Agamedes,  ii.  71. 

Agamemnon,  i.  no. 

Agariste,  daughter  of  Clisthenes,  i.  284; 
her  suitors,  ib.;  marries  Megacles, 
the  Athenian,  286. 

, wife  of  Xanthippus,  ii.  257. 

Agatharchus  cultivates  scene-painting, 

ii.  579  ; iii.  330. 


Agathinus,  iv.  257. 

Agathon,  tragic  poet,  iii.  557,  iv.  92, 
seqq.)  his  Anthos,  90  ; his  Embolinia, 
94,  v.  38. 

Ageladas,  sculptcr  in  bronze  at  Argos, 
ii.  601  ; his  school,  602. 

Agesandridas,  iii.  484 ; his  fleet  de- 
stroyed, 494. 

Agesilaus,  birth  of,  iv.  210 ; and  Ly- 
sander,  ib.,  becomes  king  of  Sparta, 
213  ; at  Aulis,  223  ; in  Ionia,  224 ; 
acknowledged  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army,  ib.;  enters  upon  his  cam- 
paign, 227 ; at  Ephesus,  ib.;  his 
second  campaign,  228  ; victorious  at 
the  Pactolus,  ib.;  as  nauarch,  231  ; 
his  new  plans,  231  ; his  return,  245  ; 
his  march,  249 ; at  Coronea,  250 ; 
at  Delphi,  251  ; takes  Lechaeum, 
260 ; in  Piraeum,  261  seqq.;  in  Acar- 
nania,  264 ; A.  and  Agesipolis,  321, 
seqq.;  the  political  system  of,  345  ; 
declines  the  command  against  Thebes, 
377;  in  Boeotia,  382;  declares  war 
against  Thebes,  410;  humiliated  by 
the  Mantineans,  437  ; in  Arcadia,  446  ; 
saves  Sparta,  450,  seqq.;  helps  to 
save  Spar  a a second  time,  504. 

Agesipolis,  kirg,  succeeds  Pausanias, 

iv.  249  ; invades  Argolis,  266  ; effects 
the  fall  of  Mantinea,  321  ; demands 
the  punishment  of  Phoebidas,  335, 
338  ; his  death,  343. 

Agiadae,  the,  i.  204. 

Agis,  king,  invades  Attica,  ni.  155,  424  ; 
at  the  battle  of  Mantinea,  310;  the 
Spartans  under,  417;  winter  cam- 
paigns of,  431 ; before  Athens,  484, 
561. 

, king,  iv.  204 ; invades  Elis,  206, 

seqq-;  his  death,  210. 

, king,  son  of  Archidamus,  v. 

464. 

Aglaophon,  painter,  the  father  of  Poly- 
gnotus,  ii.  517. 

Agoracritus,  sculptor,  ii.  638  ; iii.  45. 

Agoranomi,  the,  ii.  364. 

Agoratus,  iii.  540;  iv.  27,  61. 

Agron,  son  of  Ninus,  ii.  115. 

Agylla  (Caere),  ii.  102  ; chief  settlement 
of  the  Tyrrhenians,  iii.  237. 

Agyrrhius,  orator  at  Athens,  iv.  236, 
297. 

, Athenian  demagogue,  v.  88. 

Albania,  v.  17. 

Alcaeus,  ii.  97. 

Alcamenes,  king  of  Sparta,  i.  314. 

, Tyrant  of  Acragas,  iii.  226. 

Alcander,  Tyrant  of  Acragas,  iii.  226. 

Alcetas  of  Epirus,  iv.  468. 

, heir  to  the  Macedonian  throne, 

v.  31. 

Alcibiades,  son  of  Clinias,  iii.  297;  his 
youth,  298;  A.  and  Socrates,  299, 
seqq.;  his  political  attitude,  302  ; his 
plans  of  war  operations,  305,  seqq.; 
challenge  between,  and  Nicias,  314; 
increase  of  his  influence,  315 ; his 
further  schemes,  310 ; his  position  at 


General  Index. 


507 


Athens,  327;  his  arrogance  and  dis- 
play, 328,  seqq.;  at  Olympia,  331 ; his 
policy,  333  ; his  adversaries,  334;  his 
reply  to  JNicias,  334  ; accused  by  An- 
drocles,  353  ; sails  trom  Athens  with 
the  armada,  355 ; his  plan  adopted, 
359  ; summoned  to  Athens,  460  ; con- 
demnation of,  363  ; the  vengeance  of, 
368;  escape  of,  80;  in  Sparta,  382, 
seqq.;  advises  the  Peloponnesians  to 
invade  Attica,  424  ; in  t_hios,  436;  at 
the  battle  of  Miletus,  442  ; passes  to 
Tissaphernes,  446 ; as  a Persian 
grandee,  447 ; u1  tenor  schemes  of, 
448  ; his  demands  from  Athens,  458  ; 
re  .ailed  by  the  army,  472  ; at  Samos, 
473  ; as  the  preserver  of  Athens,  474  ; 
his  relations  with  Tissaphernes,  475  ; 
his  active  influence,  491  ; his  cruises, 
492 ; at  Abydus,  491  ; seizure  and 
escape  of,  497  ; at  the  battle  of  Cyzi- 
cus,  497  ; levies  sound  dues  at  Chryso- 
polis,  501 ; on  the  Hellespont,  504 ; 
commences  proceedings  against  Chal- 
cedon,  595  ; at  S Jymbria,  506  ; at  By- 
zantium, 507  ; his  return,  508  ; at  the 
head  of  the  State,  510  ; his  enemies  at 
Athens,  524  seqq ; dismissed  from 
office,  528  ; estabi  shes  a connexion 
with  the  Thracian  tribes,  551  ; his 
counsel  refused  by  the  Athenians,  551, 
iv.  27  ; his  relations  with  Pharnabazus, 
28 ; proceedings  against,  28 ; his 
death,  29. 

Alcidamas  of  Elaea,  rhetorician,  v.  177 ; 
his  Messeniazi  Oration , 184. 

Alcidas,  sails  from  Gytheum  for  the 
JE gean,  iii.  115  ; his  cowardice  and 
unskilfulness,  115  ; anchors  near 
Erythrae,  116  ; his  timidity  and  flight, 
117,  138. 

Alcimenes,  party -leader  at  Corinth,  iv. 
259- 

Alcmaecnidse,  the,  i.  338  ; their  banish- 
ment, 341  : permitted  to  return  to 
Athens,  364  ; in  exile,  397 ; their  con- 
nexions with  Delphi,  id. 

Aleman,  lyric  poet,  ii.  97. 

Alcon  of  Epirus,  suitor  of  Agariste,  i. 
286. 

Aletes,  the  Heraclide,  i.  288. 

Aleuadae,  the,  in  Thessaly,  11.  274 ; 
their  policy,  id.;  their  court  at  Larissa, 
274. 

Alexander  I.  (Philhellen),  king  of  Mace- 
donia, ii.  189,  364,  v.  28  ; subjects  the 
Thra  ian  tribes,  29 ; removes  his 
capital  to  Pydna,  30  ; his  message  to 
the  Greeks  at  Tempe,  ii.  304  ; as  me- 
diator, 332  ; sends  information  to  the 
Greeks  at  Plataeae,  338. 

II.,  king  of  Macedonia, 

slain  by  Ptolemaeus,  iv.  475  ; occupies 
Larisa  and  Crannon,  v.  42  ; his  death, 
id. 

, brother  of  Olympias,  at 

the  Macedonian  court,  v.  381. 

— , son  of  Philip  II.  of  Mace- 

donia, v.  45r , 488. 

— — , Tyrant  of  Pherae,  murders 


Polyphon,  iv.  472 ; marries  the 
daughter  of  Jason*  473  ; allied  with 
Athens,  475;  fights  against  Pelop'das, 
501  ; joins  the  Boeotian  confederacy, 
v.  100. 

Alexis,  comic  poet,  v.  200. 

Alphabet,  the  Attic,  iv.  74. 

Alpheus,  river,  treaty -pillar  on  the,  i. 
248,  iv.  208  ; valley  of  the,  418. 

Alyattcs,  of  Lydia,  his  war  against 
Miletus,  ii.  124  ; his  treaty  with  Mi- 
letus, 125  ; his  years  of  reign,  129  ; 
his  death,  129. 

Amadocus,  Thracian  prince,  v.  114,264, 
268\ 

Amasis,  king  of  Egypt,  i.  367;  state  of 
affairs  in  Egypt  under,  452 ; the 
Philhellenic  king,  ii.  137,  153,  541  ; 
subdues  Cyprus,  154;  his  war  with 
Persia,  138. 

Ambracia,  adheres  to  Corinth,  iii.  5,  77, 
150;  hundred  years’  peace  betwe<  n, 
and  Arcanania,  151 ; a Macedonian 
garrison  in,  id. 

Ambracian  Gulf,  the,  iii.  5 ; end  of  the 
war  on,  150. 

Ambron,  founder  of  Sinope,  i.  448. 

Amestris,  wife  of  Xerxes,  ii.  398. 

Amiantys,  suitor  of  Agariste,  i.  285. 

Aminocles,  of  Corinth,  builds  ships  at 
Samos,  i.  293,  457. 

Amipsias,  the  Comastce  rf,  iii.  366. 

Ammon  (Zeus),  oracle  of,  in  Libya,  iv. 
169  ; connexion  of  Lysander  with, 
id. 

Amompharetus,  ii.  339. 

Amorges,  iii.  440 ; delivered  up  to 
Tissaphernes,  443. 

Amphictyony,  associations  named,  i.123  ; 
groups  of  peoples  forming  the  Delphic, 
126  ; its  statutes  and  influence,  128, 
seqq.;  the  Peloponnesian,  259;  an 
Apolline  A.  in  Delos,  ii.  162,  377  ; a 
new  Delphic  formed  by  the  allies  of 
Thebes,  iv.  427, 

Amphictyonic  war,  the  new,  v.  430. 

Amphimnestus,  the  Epidaurian,  suitor 
of  Agariste,  i.  285, 

Amphipolis  on  the  Strymon,  foundation 
of,  under  Pericles,  ii.  537,  iii.  184; 
fall  of,  185 ; besieged  by  Cleon,  202, 
291,  v.  31,  51, ; A.  and  Athens,  52; 
negotiations  concerning,  54;  con- 
quered by  Philip,  56. 

Amphissa,  v.  426,  433. 

Amphitheus,  iv.  364. 

Amyclaeum,  the,  sculpture  in,  ii.  77  ; iii. 
285. 

Amyntas,  iii.  576. 

Amyntas  I , king  of  Macedonia,  ii.  188  ; 

iv.  11. 

III.  invades  Thessaly,  iv.  473  ; 

v.  40. 

, son  of  Philip  I.  of  Macedonia, 

v.  34‘  - 

Amyris  of  Siris,  suitor  of  Agariste,  1. 
285. 

Amyrtaeus  continues  the  Egyptian  re- 
volt, >i.  446. 

I Anacharsis,  i.  493. 


508 


General  Index. 


Anacreon  of  Teus  at  Athens,  i.  394  ; at 
the  court  of  Polycrates,  ii.  166. 

Anactorium,  iii.  5. 

Anaphlystus,  v.  143. 

Anapus,  river,  iii.  236,  404. 

Anaxagoras,  of  Clazomenae,  ii.  470  ; his 
doctrines,  ib.;  settles  at  Athens,  475; 
prosecuted,  iii.  48  ; quits  Athens  for 
Lampsacus,  49  ; his  teachings,  iv.  81. 

Anaxandrides,  comic  poet,  v.  200,  300. 

Anaxibus,  iv.  193  ; at  Byzantium,  194  ; 
failure  of  his  plan,  196 ; slain  near 
Abydus,  281. 

Anaxilas  reigns  at  Lucri,  ii.  212. 

Anaxilaus,  iii.  237,  368;  his  fort  near 
Scyllzeum,  231. 

Anaximander,  introduces  tabular  maps 
of  the  earth,  ii.  50 ; teaches  philoso- 
phy, 466. 

Anaximenes,  philosopher,  ii.  63,466. 

Anaxinus  of  Oreus,  executed,  v.  401. 

Anaxis,  historian,  iv.  520. 

Andania,  ancient  Messenian  capital,  i. 
232. 

Andocides  negotiates  peace  with  Sparta, 
ii.  452. 

, an  oligarch,  iii.  338  ; the 

statement  of,  as  to  the  mutilation  of 
the  Hermae,  362,  iv.  156 ; head  of 
the  peace  party  at  Athens,  275 ; ban- 
ished, 279 ; as  an  orator,  v.  180. 

Andreas  (Orthagoras)  of  Sicyon,  i.  277. 

Androclesr  iii.  335  ; openly  attacks 
Alcibiades,  353. 

Andfoclidae,  the,  in  MesSenia,  i.  232. 

Androcl  das,  party  leader  at  Thebes, 

iv.  361 ; assassinated,  ib. 

Androdamas,  of  Rhegium,  ii.  107. 

Andronicus,  actor,  v.  197. 

Andros,  Hellenic  council  of  war  at,  328  ; 
besieged,  353 ; Attic  citizens  con- 
ducted to,  534 ; siege  of,  iii.  525, 
528. 

Androtion  writes  his  Atthis  at  Megara, 

v.  185,245. 

Anius,  “ son  of  Apollo,"  ii.  19. 

Annals,  priestly,  ii.  54. 

Anopaea,  the,  occupied  by  Phocians,  ii, 
308.  . 

Antalcidas,  at  Sardis,  iv.  268 ; propo- 
sitions of,  260,  seqq .;  commander-in- 
chief, 284  ; the  “ Peace  of,"  285  ; its 
significance,  288  ; its  falsity,  313  ; its 
c nsequences,  316,  seqq.;  its  renewal, 
407,  seqq.;  suicide  of  A.,  484. 

Antenor,  represented  in  tne  painting  of 
the  Delphic  Lesche,  ii.  102. 

Anthemus,  port-town  on  the  Thermaean 
Gulf,  v.  57. 

Anthesteria,  the,  ii  542. 

Antilochus,  poet.  iv.  166. 

Antiochus,  sunk  with  his  vessel  at  Ephe- 
sus, iii.  527. 

• , historian,  iii.  264. 

Antimachus,  iii.  44. 

, v.  98. 

Antimenidas,  ii.  137. 

Antipater,  v.  31 1,  450. 

Antiphanes,  comic  poet,  iv.  104 ; v. 
200. 


Antiphon,  his  school  of  oratory,  ii.  569  ; 
opposes  Alcibiades,  iii.  338  ; his  gn  at 
activity,  461;  his  speech,  488;  his 
death,  488. 

Antiphon,  the  case  of,  v.  364  ; his  death, 

ib. 

Aniisthenes  commands  expedition  to 
Asia,  iii.  456. 

, philosopher,  v.  153  ; his 

maxims  and  teaching,  154. 

Anytus,  sentenced  to  banishment,  iv. 
20  ; at  Thebes,  44  ; accuses  Socrates, 
I58- 

Apaturia,  the,  iii.  541. 

Aphobetus,  brother  of  iEschines,  v. 
418. 

Aphobus,  guardian  of  Demosthenes,  v. 
230  ; indicted,  235. 

Aphrodite,  i.  62  ; of  Paphcs,  ii.  155; 
sanctuary  of,  in  the  Pirzeeus,  iv.  298, 
v.  205. 

Apodectae,  the,  ii.  530. 

Apolline,  the,  festival  year,  ii.  25.' 

Apollo,  worship  of,  i.  68;  in  Thessaly, 
129  ; Amphictyon,  321  ; worship  of, 
at  Athens,  344 ; under  Pisistratus, 
392  ; Delphinius , 472  ; A.  the  origi- 
nator of  Hellenic  history,  ii.  2,  seqq.; 
the  worship  of,  14,  16  ; the  prophet 
of  the  Supreme  Zeus,  13  ; sibyls  and 
prophets  in  connexion  with  the  wor- 
ship of,  19  ; laurel  hut  of,  by  the 
waters  of  Cassotis,  21;  as  prophet, 
26 ; ai  god,  28  ; becomes  the  legis- 
lator of  the  year,  29 ; as  the  divine 
architect,  81  ; influence  of,  92 ; the 
music  art  of,  92  ; temple  of,  at  De- 
lium,  iii.  173  ; statues  of,  v.  207. 

Apollodorus,  follower  of  Socrates,  iv. 
131,  161  ; v.  155. 

, executed  for  murdei  of 

Phrynichus,  iii.  481. 

, son  of  Pasion,  in  Sicily  as 

trie: arch,  v.  281  ; his  condemnation, 
ib.  282. 

conducts  an  auxiliary  force 

to  Perinthus,  v.  406. 

Apollonia,  i.  460 ; foundation  of,  ii. 
44  ; embassy  from,  and  its  results,  iv. 

325,  seqq. 

Apollomaes,  banishment  of,  v.  288. 

Apsephion,  archon,  ii.  334. 

, the  law  of,  v.  246. 

Arabia,  the  tribes  of,  do  homage  to 
Cambyses,  ii.  174. 

Aracus,  nauarch  at  Sparta,  iii.  547. 

Arcadia,  i.  187;  popular  movement  in, 
iv.  436 ; condition  of,  438 ; the  na- 
tional party  in,  439  ; the  small  com- 
munication in  South-Western  A., 
444  ; takes  Pallana,  478 ; quarrel  be- 
tween, and  Elis,  479  ; defeated  by  the 
Spartans,  481  ; the  p otecting  power 
of  Olympia,  495  ; renounces  all  rights 
at  Olympia,  498  ; division  between  the 
parts  of,  503  ; asks  for  help  from 
Athens,  v.  104  ; receives  the  territory 
on  the  upper  Eurotas,  465. 

Areas,  i.  188  ; his  remains  transported 
from  Mzenalia  to  Mantinea,  ii.  104. 


General  Index. 


509 


Arcesilas,  painter,  ii.  638. 

Archseanac tides,  Heroic  family,  i.  498. 
Archelaus,  king  of  Macedonia,  iii.  556, 
v.  37>  seQ<7-',  his  death,  39. 
, step-  brother  of  Perdiccas 

11.,  asserts  his  claim  to  the  Macedo- 
dian  throne,  v.  45. 

Archeptolemus,  son  of  Hippodamas, 

iii.  462  ; his  trial,  488. 

Archestratus,  iii.  529. 

Archias  falls  at  the  siege  of  Samos,  ii. 
169. 

•,  oligarch,  iv.  360. 

Archidamus,  kiDg  of  Sparta,  ii.  400. 

, king  of  Sparta,  iii.  22,  32  , 

assumes  the  command  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian troops  at  thi  Isthmus,  56;  in 
Attica,  58,  seqq.;  quits  the  Attic  terri- 
tory, 61 ; advances  for  the  third  time 
upon  Atrica,  108  ; besieges  Plataese, 

iii,  seqq.\  death  of,  115. 

k son  of  Agesilaus,  iv.  424  ; 

gains  the  “tearless  victory/*  480; 
helps  to  save  Sparta,  505  ; his  end,  v. 
464. 

Archilochus,  the  songs  of,  i.  472. 
Archinus,  as  an  associate  of  Thrasy- 
bulus  at  Theb  s,  iv.  44;  the  law  of, 

65.. 153- 

Architecture  of  the  Heroic  age,  i.  153  ; 
Doric  style  of,  ii.  72  ; Ionic  style  of, 
73  ; in  Sicily,  iii.  254,  seqq. 

Archons,  i.  327;  decennial,  328. 
Archytas,  of  Tarentum,  philosopher,  ii. 
108  ; v.  192. 

Arctinus  epic  poet,  ii.  565. 

Ardys  of  Lydia,  ii.  122  ; his  attacks  on 
Miletus,  zb.;  captures  Priene,  ib. 
Areopagus,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  326,  356; 
the  statues  of,  ii.  106 ; invested  with 
an  executive  authority,  316 ; at  Sa- 
lamis, 317  ; its  conservative  influence 
at  Athens,  420,  seqq.;  deprived  of  its 
authority,  427  ; reacquires  importance, 

iv.  71. 

Arethusa,  waters  of,  i.  463  ; the  Chal- 
cidian  A.  recurs  on  Ithaca,  in  Elis 
and  Sicily;  the  waters  of,  ii.  45. 
Argadeus,  son  of  Ion,  i.  326. 

Aigaeus,  v.  45  ; his  death,  47. 
Arganthonius,  builds  a wall  for  the 
Phocseans,  i.  484,  ii.  148  ; his  death, 
148. 

Argeadae,  the,  in  Macedon,  v.  25. 
Argesilaus  of  Rhegium,  iii.  216. 
Arginusae,  the,  battle  of,  iii.  534  ; its  re- 
sults, 535. 

Argo,  the,  i.  98. 

Argolis,  character  of  its  early  history, 

i.  271 ; diminution  of  its  population, 

ii.  284;  its  coast  laid  waste  by  Peri- 
cles, iv.  258.  266  ; the  inhabitants  of, 
at  Corinth,  258. 

Argonauts,  the,  i.  72  ; their  homes,  97. 
Argos,  Iasian  or  Ionian,  i.  75  ; its  pre- 
historic age,  107  ; its  regeneration,  ii. 
418;  alliance  between  A.,  Thessaly, 
and  Athens,  419  ; developes  a demo- 
cratic constitution,  iii.  287  ; its  quad- 
ruple alliance  with  Athens,  Elis  and 


Mantinea,  306;  cor  sequences  of  the 
battle  cf  Mantinea  to,  314  ; its  r ew 
alliance  with  Aihens,  315  ; the  exiles 
at,  iv.  44;  assorts  itself  as  a new 
Peloponnesian  power,  2 66 ; threatened 
by  Sparta,  288  ; headquarters  of  the 
Peloponnesian  democracy  at,  432 ; 
the  Scytalism  at,  433  ; recovers  Thy- 
reatis  and  the  district  of  the  Cynurians„ 

v.  465  ; protected  by  Philip  of  Mace- 
donia, 346. 

Ariabignes,  brother  of  Xerxes,  falls  at 
Salamis,  ii.  326. 

Arizeus,  offered  the  throne  of  Persia,  iv. 
189. 

Ariobarzanes,  satrap  of  Phrygia,  iv. 

479  ; summons  a Greek  congress,  zb.; 
his  fall,  v.  103. 

Arion,  and  the  diihyrambus,  i.  298;  ii. 
573  I iii.  244. 

Aristsechmus  of  Elis,  v.  346. 

Aristagoras,  Tyrant  of  Cyme,  ii.  180. 

, Tyrant  of  Cyzicus,  ii. 

180. 

, Tyrant  of  Miletus,  gives 

adv.ce  to  Artaphernes,  ii.  196 ; leads 
an  expedition  against  Naxos,  197 ; 
incited  by  Histiseus  to  revolt  against 
Darius,  199  ; in  Sparta  and  Aihens, 
203  ; quits  Ionia,  209 ; his  death,  210, 
v.  58. 

Aristander,  sculptor,  ii.  638  ; v.  705. 
Aristarchus,  Athenian  party-leader,  iii. 

480  ; esc-pes  to  CEnoe,  486. 

— , Harmost  of  Byzantium, 

iv.  195. 

, tragic  poet,  iv.  88. 

Aristeus  at  Potideaea,  iii.  17. 

Aristides,  son  of  Lysimachus,  ii.  238, 
259  ; his  political  views,  264 ; opposes 
Themistocles,  266 ; ostracism  and  ban- 
ishment of,  267 ; arrives  at  Salamis, 
323;  leconciled  with  Themistocles, 
zb.;  in  the  battle  of  Salamis,  326; 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Attic  land 
forces,  331,  seqq.;  at  Platseae,  340; 
settles  a dispute  amorg  the  allies, 
341  ; proposes  constitutional  reforms, 
365  ; his  views  as  to  the  constitution 
of  the  new  Confederation,  377 ; with- 
draws from  public  life  and  dies,  410. 

, painter,  iv.  520. 

Aristippus  of  Cyrene,  sophist,  iv.  138 ; 

v.  152. 

Aristocles,  iii.  481. 

Aristoclides,  cither  player,  iv.  116. 
Aristocrates,  king  of  Orchomenus,  i. 
233»  24i-  . 

, Athenian  party  leader,  iii. 

480 ; appointed  general  with  Alci- 
biades,  524  ; re-elected,  529  ; his  ex- 
ecution, 545. 

, the  motion  of,  opposed  by 

Demosthenes,  v.  2 66. 

Aristodemus  of  Messina,  i.  230. 
, guardian  of  Agesipolis, 

iv.  249. 

, actor,  sent  to  Macedonia, 

v.  308. 

Aristogenes,  iii.  533. 


510 


General  Index. 


Aristogiton,  regarded  as  a Hero  at 
Athens,  i.  419,  v.  489. 

Aristomenes  of  Messenia,  the  war  of, 
i.  232 ; dies  at  Rhodes,  243. 
Aristomenidas,  iii.  131,  iv.  223. 

Ariston,  the  naval  invention  of,  iii.  394. 
Aristonicus,  the  Anagyrasian,  v.  360. 
Aristonymus  of  Athens,  iii.  197. 
, legislator  in  Arcadia,  v. 

a 2-I9‘ 

Aristophanes,  his  creative  invention, 

iii.  122  ; defies  Cleon,  159 ; his 
Babylonians , 160  ; Acharnians , 194  ; 
Knights , 195  ; Peace , 292  ; Birds , 366  ; 
Lysistrata , 452  ; 7 hesmophoriazusce, 
465  ; Plutus , 510  ; Ranee , 558  ; Achar- 
nians, iv.  91 ; Gerytades , 91  ; Frogs 
and  Amphiaraus , 125  ; Clouds,  132  ; 
attacks  Socrates,  149  ; his  Ecclesia- 
zusce,  297  ; Acharnians , v.  13. 

Aristophon,  the  Hazeniean,  the  law  of, 

iv.  71,  v.  109;  his  conduct  of  affairs 
at  Athens,  no,  seqq;  results  of  his 
policy,  140,  seqq „ 182,  357,  417. 

Aristoteles,  despatched  to  Sparta  by  the 
Knights,  iv.  24  ; known  as  a man  of 
philosophical  culture,  151. 

of  Marathon,  v.  90. 

, son  of  Nichomachus,  iii. 

486,  v.  40,  454 ; founds  a school  of 
science  at  Athens,  492  ; his  scientific 
treatment  of  Greek  History,  494. 
Aristoxenus,  comic  poet,  iii,  245. 

Aristus,  mission  of  to  Syracuse,  iv.  179. 
Arrephori,  the,  at  Athens,  iii.  97. 
Arrhibaeus,  chieftain  of  the  Lyncestae, 
iii.  181. 

Arsites,  satrap  of  Lesser  Phrygia,  v. 
405- 

Artabanus,  brother  of  Darius,  ii.  273, 
282. 

Artabazus,  ii.  329,  332,  338,  349;  as  sat- 
rap in  Mysia,  371. 

the  revolt  of,  v.  120. 

Artaphernes,  brother  of  Darius,  satrap 
of  Lydia,  i.  416,  ii.  193  ; blockaded  in 
his  citadel,  204 ; besieges  Clazo- 
menae  and  Cyme,  208  ; A.  and  His- 
tiaeus,  ib. 

•  (son  of  the  former),  heads 

the  expedition  with  Datis  against 
Eretria  and  Athens,  ii.  234  ; at  Sparta, 
iii.  419  ; his  return  to  the  Great  King, 
420. 

Artaxerxes  I.,  king  of  Persia,  ii.  399  ; 
his  death,  iii.  420. 

II.  (Mnemon),  iv.  27,  180  ; 

at  Cunaxa,  188,  286,  289 ; as  the  over- 
lord  of  Hellas,  289. 

•  III.  (Ochus),  v.  138,  251. 

Artayctes,  governor  of  the  Chersonnesus, 

357- 

Artazostra,  daughter  of  king  Darius,  ii. 
215. 

Artemis,  temple  of,  at  Aul  s,  iv.  224; 
altar  of,  in  Munychia,  v.  417;  Euclea , 
the  festival  of,  at  Corinth  iv.  258 ; 
Hymniq , in  Arcadia,  ii.  35. 

Artemisia,  queen,  ii.  318 ; her  advice  be- 


fore Salamis,  ib.;  rules  over  Halicar- 
nassus, 554,  v.  116. 

(the  younger),  v.  270. 

Artemisium  the,  at  Ephesus,  ii.  46,  101  ; 
attacked  by  Cimmerians,  124,  311/ 
the  Greeks  retreat  from,  314. 

Artemon,  ii.  637. 

Arthmius  of  Zela,  outlawed,  ii.  301. 

Artobazanes,  son  of  Darius,  ii.  271. 

Arumazda,  ii.  174,  176. 

Arybbas,  the  Molossian,  v,  63,  381. 

Asarrhaddon  of  Assyria,  ii,  156. 

Asclepias,  the  sanctuaries  of,  ii.  560,  iv. 
161  ; tne  temple  of,  341  ; statue  of,  v. 
206. 

Asia,  armaments  of  Darius  in,  ii.  270  ; 
magazines  of  Xerxes  in,  279. 

Asia  Minor,  i.  12,  360  ; coasts  of,  14,  95  ; 
immigration  from,  into  Greece,  56; 
coast- tribes  of,  262  ; cities  of,  ib.. 
433  ; the  gold  staedard  of,  introduced 
into  Euboea,  ii.  47 ; its  influence  upon 
the  coast  of  the  European  country,  73  ; 
renounces  its  allegiance  to  Delphi,  no; 
the  trading  towns  on  the  coa>t  of,  113  ; 
1 14;  under  Darius,  180;  after  the 
Peace  cf  1 imon,  456  ; Tissaphernes  in, 
iv.  191  ; Greek  mercenaries  in.  307. 

Asinaria,  popular  festival  in  Syracuse, 
iii.  303. 

Asinarius,  Battle  of  the,  iii.  301. 

Asine,  a new,  built,  i.  231 ; taken  by  the 
Arcadians,  iv.  478. 

Asopus,  position  of  the  armies  on  the,  ii. 
336  ; the  coast  districts  of  the,  iii. 
172. 

Aspasia,  the  mistress  of  Pericles',  ii. 
507,  seqq  ; her  accomplishments,  508  ; 
her  prosecution  and  acquittal,  iii.  49; 
marries  Lysicles,  95. 

Assesus,  temple  of  Aihene  at,  ii.  125. 

Assur,  ii.  115. 

Astacus,  Megarean  colony,  foundation 
of,  i.  457. 

Astarte,  i.  62. 

Asteus,  archon,  iii.  439 

Astronomy  at  Athens,  ii.  561. 

Asiyages  king  of  the  Medes,  ii.  128. 

Astydamas,  tragic  poet,  iv.  89. 

Astymachus,  iii.  132. 

Astynomi,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  364. 

Astyochus  iii.  441,  445 ; defeats  the 
Atiick  commander  Charminus,  456; 
inaction  of,  475. 

Astypalaea,  citadel  of  Poly  crates  at,  ii. 
161,  164. 

Astyra,  a Phcenican  station,  i.  437. 

Atalante,  island  of,  iii.  62 ; an  Attic 
garri-on  established  in,  ib. 

Atarneus,  ii.  6. 

Ateas,  Scythian  prince,  v.  409. 

Athenaeus,  of  Sparta,  iii.  197. 

Athenagorus,  of  Syracuse,  iii.  371. 

Athene,  figures  of,  in  olive-wood,  ii.  76 ; 
name  of,  introduced  in  place  of 
Athenaea,  iv.  76;  Ale  a,  sanctuary  of, 
at  Sparta,  iv.  451  ; and  at  Tegea,  v. 
204  ; Parthenos , the  golden  robe  of, 
iii.  40;  Polias , temple  of,  i.  391. 


General  Index. 


511 


Athenian  levy,  an,  iv.  299. 

Athenians,  march  of  the,  to  Marathon, 

ii.  246;  in  Salamis,  ./Egina,  and  Trce- 
zene,  318 ; at  the  batde  of  Platseae, 
339  ; their  winter  campaign,  357 ; 
on  the  Strymon,  403;  dismissed  by  the 
Spartans,  418 ; defeated  at  Tanagra, 
439 ; victorious  at  CEnophyta,  440 ; 
their  expedition  to  Thessaly,  and 
Achaia,  443 ; defeated  at  Coronea, 
449;  cifference  between,  and  the 
lonians,  477  ; at  the  battle  of  Sybota, 

iii.  12,  seqq.;  blockade  Potidaea,  18  ; 
their  retaliatory  expeditions,  62  ; ex- 
pel the  ALgineians  from  their  island, 
62 ; allied  with  Sitalces,  63  ; their 
victory  through  the  vigilance  of  Phor- 
raio,  76 ; their  victory  at  Tanagra, 
144  ; at  Pylus,  157  ; defeated  at  De- 
lium,  174  ; trying  to  take  possession 
of  the  Liparean  islands,  278  ; their  ex- 
pedition against  Melos,  317  ; capture 
Epipolae,  377;  construct  Fort  Syce, 
ib.\  move  their  headquarters  to 
Plemmyrium,  388 ; defeat  the  Sjrra- 
cusans,  393  ; defeated  in  the  second 
naval  battle,  395  ; repulsed  at  Epipolae, 
397,399  ; again  defeated  by  the  Syra- 
cusans, 395  ; retreat  by  land,  403  ; de- 
feated at  Oropus,  483  ; victorious  at 
Ab>dus,  494;  at  Cyzicus,  497;  at 
Chalcedon,  505  ; at  the  Arginusae, 
533- 

Athens,  Acropolis  of,  i 318;  first  di- 
vinities of,  zb.;  the  land  united  in  one 
city  of,  321;  Regal,  326;  becomes 
the  capital  of  Attica,  344 ; its  new 
suburbs,  386:  its  roads  and  aqueducts, 
387;  ripens  into  an  independent  citi- 
zen state,  423  ; at  the  end  of  the  sixth 
century,  429  ; gymnastic  art  at,  ii.  37  ; 
proffers  aid  to  the  Milesians,  203  ; her 
alliance  with  Sparta,  230  ; her  feud 
with  ALgina,  262  ; under  the  guidance 
of  Themistocles,  267  ; number  cf  her 
citizens  and  garrison  troops,  284;  her 
reconciliation  with  iEgina,  301  ; de- 
clares herself  the  enemy  of  Persia, 
333  ; second  evacuation  of,  334  ; occu- 
pied by  the  Persians,  zb.;  rebuilt,  358  ; 
the  walls  of,  363  ; administrative  re- 
forms in,  364;  transfer  of  the  naval 
hegemony  from  Sparta  to,  375  ; be- 
comes the  federal  capital,  378  ; her 
alliance  with  Thessaly  and  Argos, 
420 ; completion  of  the  democratic 
system  in,  428 ; transfer  of  the  con- 
federate treasury  to,  430,  seqq.;  de- 
clared' the  capital  of  the  iEgean,  432  ; 
A.  and  her  maritime  neighbors,  433  ; 
treasonable  conspiracies  at,  438  ; com- 
pletion of  the  fortifications  of,  441  ; 
saved  by  Pericles,  451 ; gains  support 
in  Euboea,  451  ; negotiates  with  Per- 
sia, 453 ; the  philosophers  at,  474, 
558, 3 v.  149  ; fears  against  the  free- 
thinkers at,  ii.  479  ; policy  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  at,  490;  introduction  of 
the  pay-system  in  war  and  peace  at, 


493  ; the  judicial  system  at,  495  ; sub- 
jection of  the  allies  to  the. tribunals  of, 
497;  payment  of  jurymen,  etc.,  at, 
498 ; completion  of  the  democratic 
system  at,  500 ; fortified,  513  ; forms 
a single  system  with  the  Piraeus,  514  ; 
her  navy,  514  ; her  greater  and  lesser 
allies,  518;  her  public  revenues  and 
domains,  523 ; customs  and  other 
duties,  public  services  at,  524 ; the 
public  treasure  at,  527,  seqq.;  colonial 
policy  of,  532  ; industrial  intercourse 
at,  538  ; ancient  regulation  of  the  civic 
franchise  at,  540;  manufactures  at, 
542  ; commercial  policy  and  maritime 
greatness  of,  zb.;  intellectual  life  at, 
546;  earliest  historical  writings  at, 
547  ; authors  of  contemporary  history 
at,  555,  seqq.;  archaeology  and  ancient 
history  at,  v.  184  ; the  Sophists  at,  ii. 
559  ; scientific  researches  at,  559  ; as- 
tronomy at,  561 ; oratory  at,  564,  v. 
129,  177,  180;  p negyrics  at  public 
funerals  in,  ii.  570;  development  of 
the  drama  at,  573  ; tragedy  at,  zb.,  iv. 
87;  comedy  in,  ii.  588,  iv.  124,  v.  197; 
healthy  character  of  the  intellectual 
activity  of,  ii.  593,  seqq.;  painting  at, 
596,  seqq.;  v.  210  ; pottery  at,  v.  212  ; 
sculpture  at,  ii.  600;  seqq .,  v.  201, 
seqq.;  in  the  character  of  a national 
centre,  ii.  607  ; new  structures  at,  609  ; 
its  western  suburb,  614 ; its  eastern 
suburb,  615;  its  inner  city,  616; 
the  great  theatre  at,  617  ; the  Par- 
thenon at,  620,  seqq.;  the  sculptors  of, 
summoned  to  Olympia,  625;  general 
activity  of  art-industry  at,  637,  seqq; 
alliance  between,  and  Corcyra,  iii.  11  ; 
the  resources  of,  39,  seqq.;  the  plague 
in,  70,  seqq  ; changes  in  the  civic  body 
at,  86,  seqq  ; change  in  the  leadership 
of  the  people  at,  89,  seqq.;  the  new 
class  of  demagogues  at,  91,  seqq.; 
aristocratic  circles  in,  96 ; the  mode- 
rate party  in,  97  ; the  power  of  money 
at,  100  ; measures  of,  against  Mitylene, 
170;  declares  war  against  Perdiccas, 
184  ; concludes  fifty  years’  peace  with 
Sparta,  208,  seq  ; A.  and  Italy,  269; 
plans  of  intervention  in  Sicily  and 
Italy  at,  275 ; virtual  rupture  of  her 
alliance  with  Sparta,  294  • her  quad- 
ruple alliance  with  Argos,  Elis  and 
Mantinea,  306 ; at  tl  e head  of  the 
Peloponnesian  Separate  League,  307  ; 
her  new  alliance  with  A>-gos,  316  ; 
social  and  financial  condition  of,  325  ; 
political  clubs  at,  336 ; nomination  of 
generals  at,  against  Syracuse,  342  ; war 
decreed  at,  346,^77./  the  armada  sails 
from,  355  ; disturbances  at,  360  ; results 
of  the  party  intrigues  at,  364 ; new 
armaments  at,  391  ; reception  of  the 
Sicilian  n*,ws  at,  414  ; desperate  situa- 
tion of,  415  ; financial  pressure  at,  426, 
seqq.;  constitutional  changes  at,  427; 
oligarchic  schemes  at,  for  changing 
the  constitution,  450 ; preparation  for 


512 


General  Index. 


the  coup  cT c 'tat  at,  464,  seqq ,;  A.  at 
Samos,  468;  rising  against  the  Four 
Hundred  at,  481  ; the  new  constitution 
at,  485;  embassy  to  S-’sa  from,  514; 
fresh  armaments  at,  532;  rejects  the 
Spartan  peace-proposals,  535  ; perse- 
cution of  the  generals  at,  537 ; their 
trial,  540;  and  execution  at,  544;  the 
Legislative  commission  at,  559 ; in- 
tellectual impoverishment  of,  556;  be- 
sieged by  Pausanias  and  Agis,  561 ; 
blockaded,  565,  seqq.;  the  capitulation 
of,  571 ; execution  of  patriots  at,  573  ; 
the  last  assembly  of  the  people  at,  579 ; 
establishment  of  the  Thirty  at,  ib .; 
Lacedaemonian  soldiers  in,  581  ; the 
glories  of,  586 ; political  parties  at,  iv. 
19,  seqq.;  the  establishment  of  the 
Thirty  at,  21  ; terrorism  of  the  Thirty 
at  30 ; the  Three  Thousand  at,  34  ; 
changes,  in  civic  affairs  at,  40;  the 
popular  assembly  at,  41 ; education  at, 
42  ; state  of  parties  at,  52  ; the  Am- 
nesty at,  65 ; the  Restoration  period 
at,  66  ; revision  of  the  law  at, 68  ; new 
financial  offices  at,  72 ; changes  in 
the  form  of  public  documents,  etc.,  at, 
73  ; public  library  at,  76  ; general  con- 
dition of  society  at,  after  the  Restora- 
tion, 98,  seqq  ; native  religiosity  at, 
ousted  by  foreign  superstition,  81, 
seqq.;  materialism  and  atheism  at,  84, 
seqq.;  the  foundation  of  a popular  sys- 
tem of  ethics  at,  146;  political  law- 
suits at,  152;  renewed  agitations  and 
persecutions  at,  153  ; league  of,  with 
Thebes,  237  ; the  walis  of,  rebuilt,  256  ; 
peace  negotiations  of,  with  Sparta, 
276;  A.  before  the  return  of  Conon, 
296;  after  the  return  of  Conon,  298: 
effects  of  the  system  of  mercenaries, 
at,  310  ; after  the  war,  311;  the  The- 
ban refugees  at,  361  ; alliance  cf,  with 
Thebes,  382  ; A.  at  the  head  of  the 
new  naval  Confederation,  386 ; her 
first  new  victory,  390,  seqq.;  her  peace 
negotiations  with  Sparta,  396;  her 
Peloponnesian  Policy,  435  ; concludes 
an  alliance  with  Alexander  of  Pherse, 
475  \ joins  the  anti-Theban  alliance, 
503;  A.  and  Thrace,  v.  13;  her 
Northern  policy,  31 ; A.  and  Amphi- 
polis,  52  ; sends  an  expedition  to 
Eubcea,  55  ; history  of  her  policy  after 
the  liberation,  85,  seqq.;  her  new 
naval  Confederation,  91  ; her  podcy 
before  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  92  ; after 
Leuctra,  98,  seqq.;  restoration  of  her 
p wer  on  the  Hellespont,  114;  her 
confederates  rise  against,  114  ; her 
social  condition  up  to  the  first  public 
appearance  of  Demosthenes,  123, 
seqq.;  the  popular  assembly  at,  126; 
legislation  at,  127;  litigiousness  at, 
128;  condition  of  her  finances,  130;' 
osition  of  her  generals,  131,  seqq ,; 
er  foreign  relations,  136 ; decay  of 
life  at.  149;  scientific  life  at,  1149  : 
pamphlets  at,  182 ; progress  of  medi- 


cine at,  190  ; poetry  at,  184  ; travesty 
at,  200  ; b ine  Arts  at,  200 ; culture  and 
communal  life  of,  214  ; cosmopolitan- 
ism at,  216  ; tendency  to  anarchy  at, 
218;  Platonic  politics  at,  219 , seq.; 
severance  of  the  spheres  of  life  at, 
222  ; the  resurrection  of,  223  ; condition 
of  the  navy  of,  253  ; war  and  peace 
parties  at,  258  ; in  league  with  Messene, 
260;  currents  of  public  feeling  at,  272; 
290  ; reception  of  the  Olynthians  at, 
300;  debates  concerning  the  peace  at, 
31 1 ; resolution  of  tne  Federal  Council 
at,  313  ; second  debate  at,  314;  the 
peace  accepted  at,  316  ; report  of  the 
embassy  in  the  council  at,  322;  de- 
bates in  the  assembly  at,  ib.;  A.  and 
Phocis,  327;  undeceived,  333  ; ap- 
peased by  Philip,  334  ; Delphic  em- 
bassy at,  337  ; public  feeling  after  the 
peace  of  Philocrates,  335  ; the  party  of 
material  interests  at,  348 ; the  three 
peace  parties  at,  353,  seq.;  resources 
of,  355  ; constitutional  reforms  at,  356  ; 
the  patriot  party  at,  359  ; party  con- 
tests in  the  law  courts  at,  361;  allied 
with  Chalc’s,  381  ; wiih  Byzantium, 
395 ; concludes  a National  League 
with  Chalcis,  399 ; the  war  resources 
of,  410  ; reforms  in  thepolitical  system 
of.  412  ; condition  of  the  naval  affairs 
of,  412 ; financial  re  orms  at,  417 ; 
panic  at,  435  ; A.  and  Thebes,  437 ; 
in  league  together,  441  ; intrigues  of 
the  peace  party  at,  445  ; the  situation 
of,  453  ; conduct  of,  after  the  battle  of 
Chzeronea,  454  ; embassy  sent  from, 
to  Philip,  459  ; concludes  peace  with 
Philip,  460 ; results  of  the  policy  of, 
481 ; science  at,  492. 

Athlothete,  Pericles  elected  as,  at  Athens, 
ii.  506. 

Arhos,  Mount,  i.  10,  15  ; Isthmus  of,  cut, 

ii.  280. 

Atossa,  wife  of  Darius,  ii.  181 : her 
efforts  for  Xerxes,  271. 

Atridze,  the,  i.  no. 

Attaginus,  ii.  336,  349. 

Attic  dialect,  the,  ii.  566. 

Attica,  i.  131,  137;  natural  condition  of, 
316;  the  earliest  landings  in,  317;  as 
a Dodecapolis,  ib.t  317;  second  epoch 
of  the  pre-historic  age  cf,  318  ; becomes 
Ionic,  ib.  319;  history  of,  commences, 
320;  soil  and  products  o£  ib.;  admiss- 
ion of  foreign  families  into, 321  ; culture 
of,  324  ; division  of  the  population  o£ 
325,  seq.;  political  system  of  the  aris. 
tocracy  of,  330,  seq.;  the  calendai 
of,  361  ; campaign  of  the  Persians 
against,  ii.  5*25;  poverty  at,  260; 
evacuation  of,  317  ; culture  in,  since 
Solon,  460,  seqq.;  trade  of,  in  earthen- 
ware goods,  542;  origin  of  the  drama 
in,  573  ; schools  of  art  in,  604  ; the 
Spartans  establish  a fortified  place  in, 

iii.  34  ; second  invasion  of,  67;  typhoid 
fever  in,  68  ; third  invasion  of,  106 ; 
fourth  invasion  of,  115  ; invaded  by 


General  Index. 


513 


Agis,  424  ; the  insufficient  resources  of, 

584- 

Aulis,  offerings  at,  iv.  223. 

Autocles,  speech  of,  iv.  404;  v.  99,  in. 
Autolycus,  iv.  25. 

Autophradates,  satrap  of  Lydia,  iv.  293. 
Auxesia,  figures  of,  ii.  76. 

Axius,  iii.  103,  v.  11. 


B. 


Babyca,  i.  216. 

B ffiylon,  1 ecomes  an  independent  em- 
pire, ii.  116 ; opposes  the  princes  of 
Ecbatana,  127 ; allied  with  Crcesus, 
138. 

Bac.hiadae,  the,  i.  289  ; their  prosper- 
ous rule  at  Corinth,  291  ; their  fall, 


294,  v.  23. 

Bacchis,  i.  289. 

Bactria,  revolt  in,  ii.  401. 

Bactrians,  the,  unite  under  Hystaspes, 
ii.  276. 

Bagistana,  monument  of,  ii.  176. 

Birdylis  on  the  Illyrian  throne,  v.  49. 
Bartja  (Smerdis)  put  to  death  by  Cam- 
byses,  ii.  174. 

Bate,  the  deme  of,  v.  420. 

Bathycles,  sculptor,  ii.  78 ; emigrates 
from  Sardes  to  Sparta,  146. 

Batrachus,  sycophant,  iv.  26,  31,  66. 
Battus,  the  Euphemide,  i.  486;  lounds 
Cyrene,  487. 

Belmina,  assigned  to  Megalopolis,  v. 

465- 

Berisides,  Thracian  prince,  v.  114, 
264. 

Bermius,  Mount,  v.  25. 

Bessi,  the  Thracian  tribe,  v.  57. 

Bias  of  Priene,  ii.  149. 

Bine,  foundation  of,  v.  404. 

Black  Sea,  the  fish  and  the  skins  of  the, 

ii.  546. 

Boedromius  C Apollo),  ii.  255. 

Boeotarch-,  tne,  iv.  368. 

Bceotia,  the  Minyae  in,  i.  100  ; a new 
B.,  120;  Southern  B.,  415  ; the  Per- 
sians in,  ii.  316  ; MarJonius  in,  325  ; 
the  Spartans  in,  437  ; revolutionized 
by  Athens  after  (Enophyta,  440,  447, 
seq .;  three  successive  attacks  up^n, 

iii.  171  ; the  Spartans  in,  iv.  250  ; B. 
a vassal-state  to  Sparta,  343  ; descrip- 
tion of,  349  ; condition  of,  in  the  his- 
toric times,  350 ; the  aristocracy  of, 
351  ; the  unification  of  371  ; Spartan 
campaigns  in,  384,  v.  78,  447. 

Boeotian  party,  the,  at  Athens,  v.  86  ; 

its  opponents,  87;  its  victory,  108. 
Boeotians,  the,  at  Platseae,  ii.  34.0:  iii. 
36,  294. 

Boge^  in  Eion,  ii.  380;  besieged  by 
Cimon,  383;  his  deatn,  384. 
Borysthenes  (river),  i.  445. 

Bospo/us,  tunny-fish  in  the,  i.  440. 

, the  Cimmerian,  v.  136. 

Bottiaeans,  the,  v.  20;  their  subjugation, 
27. 


Branchidae,  sanctuary  of  the,  ii.  46,  119. 

Brasidas,  iii.  62,  102  ; effects  an  under- 
standing with  the  Corinthians,  135 ; 
becomes  appreciated  bySpaita,  143; 
wounded  at  Coryphasium,  156;  his 
war  policy,  175,  seqq.;  the  only  hero 
of  Sparta,  176  ; in  Thessaly,  179;  in 
Macedonia,  181  ; in  Thrace,  181  ; his 
speech  at  Acanthus,  181,  seqq.;  on  the 
Strymon,  183  ; his  further  conquests, 
188  ; takes  Torone,  id.,  189  ; character 
and  value  of  his  successes,  190,  seqq.; 
at  Amphipolis,  202  ; his  deatn,  204,  v. 
66. 

Brea,  ii.  534. 

Brilessus,  Mount,  ii.  247. 

Bronze  used  in  sculpture  instead  of  wood, 
ii.  80. 

Bryas,  leader  of  the  One  Thousand,  iii. 
3*5- 

Bularchus,  v.  443. 

Bura,  swallowed  up.  iv.  434. 

Butadae,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  427,  seqq.; 
the,  ii.  4. 

Buzygae,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  427. 

: Byblus,  built  by  Phoenicians,  i.  48. 

Byzantium,  founded  by  the  Megareans, 

i.  304;  built  on  the  Golden  Horn,  458  ; 

ii.  183 ; capture  of,  by  the  Greeks, 
458 ; a battle  in,  392 ; again  saved  by 
the  Athenians,  392  ; capture  of,  by  the 
Athenians,  521  ; fall  of,  iii.  506  ; re- 
j ins  the  Attic  alliance,  507 ; retaken 
by  Lysander,  s6o  ; the  Cyreans  at,  iv. 
194,  v.  105  ; B.  the  centre  of  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Pontus,  395  ; reckoned 
an  independent  maritime  state,  ib.\ 
allied  with  Athens,  397  ; refuses  to  be- 
come the  ally  of  Philip,  405 ; be- 
sieged, 406  ; the  siege  of,  raised,  409. 

C. 

Cadmea,  seizure  of  the,  iv.  323  ; block- 
ade and  capitulation  of  the,  369  ; a 
Macedonian  garrison  enters  the,  v. 
453- 

Cadmean  writing,  ii.  54, 

Cadmeans,  the,  their  home  on  the  Euri- 
pus,  i.  454. 

Cadmus,  i.  72,  101. 

, son  of  Scythes,  at  Delphi,  iii. 

, 225* 

Cai’cus,  river,  i.  13,  434. 

Calauria,  naval  confederation  of,  i.  112. 

Calcedon  founded,  i.  458. 

Calchas,  ii.  8. 

Calendar,  the  Attic,  361  ; the  Greek, 
under  the  superintendence  of  Delphi, 
ii.  28  ; its  division,  29. 

Callseschrus,  iii.  480. 

Calliades,  iv.  27. 

Callias,  son  of  Phaenippus,  buys  the  pro- 
perty of  Pisistratus,  i.  379. 

, husband  of  Elpinice,  ii.  382  ; 

embassy  of,  to  Susa,  ii.  454,  seq. 

(grandson  of  the  above),  his 

spendthrift  life,  iii.  87,  331 ; as  envoy 
at  Sparta,  iv.  404.  • 

22* 


514 


General  Index. 


Callias,  cLath  of,  at  Potidaca,  iii. 
i7- 

Tyrant  at  Chalcis,  v.  278,  381 ; 

allied  with  Athens,  398;  marches 
against  Oreus,  400. 

, son  of  Habron,  v.  420. 

Caliibius,  Harmost  in  the  Acropolis,  iv. 

25  ; at  Tegea,  440. 

Cal li eh  s,  i v.  139. 

Calhcratidas,  replaces  Lysander,  iii. 
530;  his  successes,  530,  seqq.;  his 
death,  534. 

Callid  omus,  Mount,  hot  springs  of,  ii. 
306,  v.  434. 

Callimachus  of  Aphid 'a  polemarch,  ii. 
247 ; gives  the  signal  for  the  fight  at 
Marathon,  248. 

, architect  and  sculptor,  v. 

203. 

Cillinus  in  Ephesus,  ii.  123. 

Callisthenes,  v.  360. 

Callistratus  (Parnytes),  500. 

of  Aphidnae,  iv.  386  ; dis- 
missed from  the  command,  389  ; advo- 
cates peace,  395  ; his  spee-h  at  the 
congress  at  Athens,  395,  v.  93  ; his 
olicy,  98  ; C.  and  Epaminondas,  104; 
is  fall,  107,  142. 

Callixenes,  iii.  541. 

Cailynteria,  the  festival  of,  ii.  635. 
Calybe,  foundation  of,  v.  404. 

Calydon,  iv.  264;  liberated,  265. 
Camarina  refuses  to  join  the  Athenians, 

iii.  374. 

Cambyses  ascends  the  Persian  throne,  ii. 
156  ; his  war  against  Egypt,  157,  173  ; 
make^  away  with  his  brother  Bartja, 
174  ; his  death,  ib. 

Campania,  seitlements  in.  i.  464. 
Candaules,  ii.  116  ; murder  of,  ib. 
Canobus,  factory  of,  in  Egypt,  i.  449. 
Cantharus,  the,  ii.  612. 

Caphisias,  iv.  366. 

Caphisodorus,  iv.  366. 

Cappadocia,  the  highlands  of,  ii.  127, 
278. 

Caranos,  the  (title  of  the  younger  Cyrus), 

iv.  182 ; among  the  Macedonians,  1. 
271  ; ii.  188,  v.  25. 

Carcinus,  tragic  poet,  iv.  90,  114. 

Cardia,  v.  138;  the  home  of  the  Merm- 
nadae,  ii.  116. 

Caria,  enmity  between  and  Ionia,  1 16; 
the  Persians  in,  151  ; the  subjection 
of,  213  ; dynasty  of,  549,  v.  116,  269. 
Carians,  the,  i*  60,  74,  435  ; companions 
by  sea  of  the  Phoenicians,  438  ; traces 
of  their  nationality,  ii.  119,  seq. 
Carnasium,  cypress  grove  of,  iv.  454. 
Carnean  festival,  reform  of  the,  at  Sparta, 
i.  236. 

Carneus,  the  festive  month  of,  iv.  266. 
Carphinas,  v.  487. 

Carthage  threatens  the  Greek  settlers,  i. 
475  ; her  efforts  in  the  Tyrrhenian  sea, 
476,  iii.  203. 

Carura,  ii.  117. 

Carystus,  taken  by  the  Persians,  ii.  235  ; 
reduction  of,  by  the  Athenians,  382. 


Casmenae,  foundation  of,  i.  468. 

Cas  andra,  prophetess  cf  Apollo,  ii.  19. 

Castalan  spring,  the,  ii.  27. 

C-storia,  peninsula,  v.  16. 

Catana,  foundat'on  of,  i.  468. 

Cauc on,  the  Hero,  iv.  454. 

Cayster,  river  in  Asia  Minor,  i.  13; 
struggles  on  the,  261,  434. 

Cebes,  philosopher,  iv.  355. 

Cecrops,  king  of  Attica,  i.  73. 

Cenchreae,  the  pass  of,  iv.  246. 

Centoripae,  taken  by  the  Athenians,  iii. 
375- 

Central  Greece,  1.  16;  plan  devised  by 
the  Persians  against,  ii.  224  ; the 
states  of,  229 ; negotiates  with  the 
Persians,  304 ; does  homage  to  Mar- 
donius,  335  ; war  in,  437;  earthquake 
in,  iii.  159  ; war  in,  170. 

Ceos,  the  riddle  of,  ii.  544. 

Cephallenia,  joins  the  Attic  alliance,  iii. 
62  ; evacuated  by  the  Messenians,  iv. 
15  ; the  Paleans  in,  392. 

Cepha^us,  of  Syracuse,  settles  in  Athens, 
ii.  546,  seq. 

—  , Athenian  orator,  iv.  364  ; v. 

89-.  . 

Cephisius,  iv.  156. 

Cephissus,  valley  of  the,  v.  75,  140. 

Cephisodotus,  Attic  admiral ; his  pro- 
posal, v.  joo,  1 1 2,  265. 

—  , sculptor,  v.  205. 

Cephisophon,  v.  409. 

Cepi,  near  Pdanaguria,  v.  226. 

Ceramicas,  suburban  district  of  Athens, 
i.  386,  seq.,  i . 408,  614  ; the  Athenian 
dead  transferred  to  the,  614  ; monu- 
ment in  the,  614;  iii.  66. 

Cersobleptes,  son  of  Cotys,  v.  112,  114; 
C.  and  Charidemus,  265  ; at  war  with 
Philip,  317. 

Chabrias,  iv.  282  ; operates  in  Cyprus, 
28^,  293 ; occupies  the  pass  of 

Eleutherae,  368  ; cc  mmands  the  Attic 
auxiliaries,  383,  389  ; collects  an  army 
at  Corinth,  459  ; his  fame,  v.  93  ; serves 
in  Egypt,  no;  as  trierarch  under 
Chares,  119  ; his  death,  122. 

| Chaereas,  iii.  469. 

Chaerephon,  follower  of  Socrates,  iv. 
150;  v.  155. 

Chaeronea,  town  of,  v.  450 ; the  battle 
of.  ib.  451. 

Chalcedon,  founded,  i.  458  ; a Megarian 
colony,  ii.  183  ; the  struggle  for,  iii. 
505  ; taken  by  Lysander,  560. 

Chalcideus,  iii.  434  ; slain  in  Miletus, 
44r-. 

Chalcidice,  v.  25. 

Chalcis  (in  Euboea),  war  between,  and 
Eretria,  i.  269  ; Corinthian  trade 
with,  293 ; Athenian  settlement  in, 
419;  the  “ bronze  city/’  454;  West- 
ern voyages  and  settlements  of  the 
mariners  of,  463,  ii.  97,  106,  532; 
maintains  her  independence  against 
Philip,  v.  381  ; her  alliance  with 
Athens,  ib.;  a Macedonian  garrison 
placed  in,  486. 


General  Index. 


515 


Chalcis,  (in  iEtolia),  i.  289,  463. 

Chaones,  i.  117,  470. 

Chares,  general,  v.  no;  at  Corcyra, 
in  ; attacks  Chios,  119  ; his  victory 
under  Artabazus,  120,  134 ; sails  to 
the  Bosporus,  408,  451. 

Charicles,  iii.  338. 

Charidemus  ofOreus,  v.  112, 134. 

Charinus,ii.  412  ; iii.  43. 

Charminus,  iii.  458. 

Charceades,  iii.  94. 

Charon  of  Lampsacu?,  ii.  549. 

democratic  conspirator  at  Thebes, 

iv.  366. 

Charondas  of  Catana,  laws  of,  ii. 
106. 

Chelidonean  islands,  the,  ii.  456. 

Chersonnesus,  the,  ii.  257;  liberated, 
346 ; war  in,  v.  38T,  seqq  ; speech  of 
Demosthenes  concerning,  389,  seqq. 

Chile  us  of  Tegea,  ii.  299. 

Chios,  i.  262,  ii.  6 ; art  at,  85;  aids 
the  Milesians,  124,  144;  admitted 

into  the  Hellenic  Confederation,  338 ; 
into  the  Peloponnesian  Confederation, 
iii.  433;  significance  of  the  revolt  of, 
437  ; revolt  of,  v.  117 ; battle  in  the 
harbor  of,  119  ; envoys  sent  to,  398. 

Chirosophus,  iv.  186 ; at  Byzantium, 
193  ; death  of,  ib. 

Choerilus,  tragic  poet,  ii.  577. 

epic  poet,  the  Perse'is  of,  iv. 

167  ; v.  39,  195. 

Chronology  of  the  Greeks,  1.  169,  seqq.; 
ii-  54- 

Chrysopolis,  iii.  501. 

Chrysothemis,  ii.  94. 

Cillicyrii,  the,  iii.  217. 

Cimmerians,  the,  invade  Ionia,  ii.  122; 
take  possession  of  Sinope  and  of  the 
lower  town  of  Sardes,  122. 

Cimon,  son  of  Miltiades,  ii.  372 ; com- 
mander of  the  Confederates,  381  ; his 
early  life,  ib.  seq.\  besieges  Eion,  383  ; 
re  tores  the  remains  of  Theseus  to 
Athens,  385  ; his  victory  on  the  Euiy- 
medon,  397  ; reconquers  the  territory 
of  his  ancestors  403  ; at  the  height  of 
his  authority  in  Athens,  407,  seqq.; 
his  sons,  410  ; C.  and  the  Themisto- 
clean  party,  411  ; his  opponents,  412; 
accused  by  Pericles,  415  ; proves  his 
innocence,  zb.;  becomes  the  head  of  a 
party,  ib.  seq.;  his  expedition  to 
Sparta,  417  ; in  Egypt,  422  ; ostracism 
of,  425  ; his  return,  443  ; effects  the 
truce  for  five  years  With  Sparta,  445  ; , 
his  last  campaign,  ib  ; his  death,  446  ; : 
the  so-called  peace  of,  456. 

of  Cleonse,  ii.  597. 

Cinidon,  the  conspiracy  of,  iv,  216; 
execution  of,  217. 

Cirrha,  fall  of,  i.  283  ; the  quarrel  about, 

v.  426. 

Cissides,  iv.  481. 

Cladeus,  river,  iv.  495. 

Clazomenae,  siege  of,  ii.  208,  iii.  436, 
497 ; assigned  to  the  Persians,  iv. 
292. 


Cleaenetus,  father  of  Cleon,  iii.  119. 

Cleander,  Harmost  of  Byzantium,  iv. 
*93- 

Cleandridas  commands  an  expedition 
against  Tarentum,  iii.  271. 

Clearchus  of  Sparta,  iii.  493  ; at  Byzan- 
tium, 498  ; iv.  13,  184;  at  Cunaxa,  188. 

Clearidas,  iii.  203  ; reluses  to  give  up 
Amphipolis,  292. 

Cleobule,  mother  of  Demosthenes,  v. 
226. 

Cleobulus,  iii.  292. 

Cleocritus,  herald  at  the  Mysteries,  iv. 
56  ; his  speech,  ib. 

Cleombrotus,  commands  the  Spartans 
in  Bceolia,  iv.  377,  415  ; defeated  at 
Leuctra,  420. 

Cleomenes  of  Pisa,  i.  249. 

, king  of  Sparta,  marches  on 

Athens,  i.  399  ; combines  with  Isa- 
goras,  412 ; attacks  Athens,  413 ; is 
defeated,  414. 

, king  of  Sparta,  ii.  5,  230  ; his 

designs,  232  ; at  ^Egina,  ib.;  combines 
with  Leotychides  against  Demaratus, 
232  ; his  flight,  ib.;  his  death,  233. 

, uncle  of  Pausanias,  invades 

Attica,  iii.  115. 

of  Thebes,  iv.  475. 

Cleon,  iii.  48,  61  ; sues  Pericles,  73 ; as  a 
demagogue,  95 ; his  political  position, 
119  ; his  power  and  policy,  122  ; con- 
trast between,  and  Pericles.  124;  his 
speech,  126  ; opposition  aeainst,  159  ; 
appointed  to  the  command  at  Pylus, 
162  ; at  the  height  of  power,  165 ; 
commands  in  Thrace,  201  ; besieges 
Amphipolis,  202  ; his  death,  204. 

Cleophon,  the  eloquence  of,  iii.  500, 
568  ; his  death,  569. 

Cleopompus,  iii.  71. 

Cleostratus,  astronomer,  ii.  561. 

Cleotimus  of  Elis,  v.  346. 

Cleruchies,  the  Athenian,  ii.  533,  seqq. 

Clidemus  writes  an  Atthis,  v.  185. 

Cligenes,  speech  of,  iv.  326. 

Climate  in  Greece,  i.  9 ; of  Northern 
Greece.  16. 

Clinias,  father  of  Alcibiades,  iii.  297. 

Clisthenes,  Tyrant  of  Sicyon,  i.  279, 
seqq.,  ii.  24. 

the  younger,  i.  288  ; opposes 

the  Pisistratidae,  397;  his  political 
ideas,  401;  his  retorms,  405,  41 1 ; 
leaves  Athens,  412;  his  return,  416; 
his  embassy  to  Sardes,  ib.;  his  Ty- 
rannical designs  and  fall,  ib.,  ii.  6,  104. 

Clitarchus  of  Eretia,  v.  278,  401. 

Cliteles  of  Corinth,  v.  99. 

Cnemis-range,  the,  v.  434. 

Cnemus,  admiral,  iii.  77,  seqq. 

Cnidus,  ii.  151,  iii.  456 ; battle  of,  iv. 
254-. 

Coeratidas,  iv.  195. 

Coes  receives  Lesbos  as  a fief  from 
Darius,  ii.  190. 

Coins,  first,  gold  and  silver,  brought 
from  Asia  to  Hellas,  i.  348  ; Sicilian, 
iii.  257. 


516 


General  Index. 


Colacretae,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  330. 

Colseus  discovers  the  western  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean,  ii.  159. 

Colonization,  myths  connected  with,  i. 
57,  seq.;  geneial  survey  of  Greek,  486, 
seqq. 

Colophon,  foundation  of,  i.  434 ; Clarian 
oracle  near,  ii.  19. 

Colotes,  sculptor,  ii.  638. 

Comedy,  Attic,  ii.  565,  578,  iv.  124,  v. 
197  ; Sicilian,  iii.  246,  seqq. 

Comon  conducts  the  Naupactians  to 
Libya,  iv.  430. 

Conon  re-elected  general  at  Athens,  iii. 
529;  retreats  to  Mitylene,  530;  in 
command  of  the  Athenian  fleet,  551  ; 
at  A*  gospotami,  553  ; at  Cyprus,  iv. 
219 ; negotiates  with  the  Persian 
court,  218;  his  war  plans,  220;  influ- 
ences Attic  policy,  252  ; at  Caunus, 
253;  at  Babylon,  ib. ; in  Greece,  255; 
as  the  second  founder  of  Athens,  256  ; 
heads  an  embassy  against  Antalcidas, 
269;  his  arrest,  272;  his  return  to 
Athens,  298,  seqq.;  his  death, 
302. 

Copal's,  lake,  iv.  415  ; v.  450. 

Cora  (Persephone),  worship  of,  ii.  4. 

Corax,  founder  of  Sicilian  oratory,  iii. 
251,  263. 

, Mount,  v.  434. 

Corcyra,  colony  of  Corinth,  i.  292  ; under 
the  name  of  Maoris , 459 ; _ opposes 
Corinth,  iii.  5 ; threatens  Epidamnus 
7 ; defeats  the  Corinthians,  8 ; sends 
envoys  to  Athens,  ib  ; aliied  with 
Athens,  11;  party-conflicts  at,  136; 
received  into  the  Attic  alliance,  138  ; 
,end  of  the  feuds  at,  139;  new  massa- 
cres at,  167;  siege  of,  iv.  396;  end  of 
siege  of,  402  ; lost  to  the  Naval  Con- 
federation, v.  III. 

Corinth,  foundation  of,  i.  288  ; trade  in, 
289  : a naval  power,  290 ; under  the 
Bacchiadae,  291;  jealous  of  iEgina, 
431 ; slave  population  at,  ii.  286;  dis- 
sension between,  and  iEgina,  293 ; 
enters  into  a secret  alliance  with 
JE gina  and  Epidaurus,  434  ; position 
and  policy  of,  iii.  2 ; attaches  Megara 
to  herself,  4 ; relations  of,  with  Corcyra, 
5;  with  Epidamnus,  7 ; defeated  by 
the  Corcyraeans,  3 ; sends  envoys  to 
Athens,  9 ; their  speech,  20;  excites 
the  Peloponnesian  Confederation  to 
war,  25 ; expedition  against,  166  ; 
adopts  the  Babylonian  gold-weight, 
272  ; concludes  a separate  league  with 
Argos,  &c.,  288,  seqq.;  dissatisfied 
with  Sparta,  iv.  178  ; seeks  the  sup- 
port of  Thebes,  ib.  223 ; massacre  at, 
257;  cut  off  from  the  sea,  259;  again 
allied  with  the  Lacedaemonians,  288  ; 
massacres  at,  432  ; sides  with  Sparta, 
469 ; at  peace  with  Thebes,  491,  v. 
104  ; federal  treaty  concluded  at,  465  ; 
a Macedonian  garrison  at,  486. 

Corinthian  Gulf,  the,  i.  290  ; naval  bat- 
hes in  the,  iii.  77,  149. 


Corinthian  League,  the,  iv.  243. 

War,  the,  iv.  245  ; review  ot 

the,  305. 

Corinthians,  the,  domesticated  on  the 
Achelous,  i.  290 ; their  inventions, 
291  ; renounce  obedience  to  Cleo- 
menes,  418;  besiege  Sam^s,  ii.  196, 
seq.;  their  animosity  towards  Athens, 
320. 

Coroebus,  ii.  611. 

Corone,  foundation  of,  iv.  455. 

Coronea,  th  1 battle  of,  ii.  449,  iv.  250; 
taken  by  the  Phocians,  v.  77. 

Coryphasium,  the  promonotory  of,  iii. 
156. 

Cotys,  v.  45  ; controls  the  Thracian 
Chersonne^us,  107  ; assassinated,  iii, 
199.  _ 

Council,  the,  at  Athens,  under  the 
Thirty,  iv.  23. 

Crates,  comic  poet,  ii.  591. 

Cratinus,  comic  poet,  ii.  591;  his  Thra - 
cian  Women , 591  ; his  Archilochi , 
592,  iii.  44;  his  Fa?ioptce , iv.  125. 

Crenides,  foundation  of,  v.  68. 

Crete,  description  of,  i.  80;  Dorians  in, 
19?,  seqq  ; worship  of  Apollo  at,  236  ; 
agency  of,  between  Greece  and  Libya, 
485  ; the  purple-fishers  of,  ib  ; unites 
with  ASgina  against  the  Samian  pi- 
rates, i i.  159. 

Crisa,  the  fall  of  i.  283  ; the  port  of,  .:i. 
21. 

Crissean  gulf,  anti-Dorian  tendency  in 
the  cities  on  the,  i.  275. 

Critalla,  in  Capradocia,  the  gathering 
place  of  Xerxes’  armada,  ii.  278. 

Critias,  son  of  Callseschrus,  arrested, 
iii.  362  ; returns  to  Athens,  573  ; his 
character  and  equipments,  ib.  seqq.; 
after  his  return  fr<  m Thessaly,  577  ; 
one  of  the  Five  Ephors,  579,  iv.  28; 
head  of  the  government,  32  ; his  con- 
flict with  Theramenes,  34,  seqq.;  his 
death,  49. 

Crito,  v.  155. 

Croesus,  king  of  the  Lydians,  account 
of,  i.  367 ; his  system  of  policy,  ii. 
130;  his  gifts  to  Apollo,  130;  his 
policy  towards  Ephesus,  131 ; his 
empire,  132  ; assembles  Greek  artists, 
135;  his  flourishing  sea-ports,  134; 
reaction  in  his  career,  135  ; seeks  aid 
at  Sparta,  136;  in  Egypt,  137;  at 
Babylon,  136 ; enters  Cappadocia, 
138;  besieged  at  Sardes,  139 ; his 
overthrow,  139  ; tradition  concerning, 
v.  130. 

Crommyon,  iv.  259. 

Croneum,  suburb  of  Corinth,  v.  155. 

Croton,  foundation  of,  i.  470,  ii.  44; 
Democedes  returns  to,  192;  Persians 
in,  ib.;  overthrows  Sybaris,  iii.  266; 
renewal  of  the  conflict  between,  and 
Sybaris,  269 

Ctesias,  historian,  ii.  278. 

Ctefiphon,  envoy  to  Phil-p,  v.  305. 

Ctesippus,  son  of  Chabrias,  v.  246. 

Cunaxa,  the  battle  of,  iv.  188. 


General  Index. 


517 


r yanean  islands,  the,  ii.  456. 

Cyaxares  takes  JNinive,  ii.  127. 

Cyclades,  ii.  81 ; freed  from  the  Spartan 
yoke,  iv.  255. 

Cydathenseum,  i.  386. 

Cydias,v.  104. 

Cydonia,  ii.  170;  expedition  against, 
iii.  78. 

Cyllene,  abandoned  by  Elis,  iv.  209. 

Cylon,  revolution  of,  i.  334 ; its  conse- 
quences, 337. 

Cyme  in  Euboea,  i.  454  ; ii.  114. 

in  Italy,  foundation  of,  i.  464  ; 

succored  by  Hiero,  iii.  238. 

in  .Eolis,  ii.  114  ; siege  of,  208. 

Cynaegirus,  death  of,  ii.  251. 

Cynics,  the,  v.  155. 

Cynosarges,  gymnasium  near  Athens, 
ii.  252,  6x5,  v.  154. 

Cyuoscephalae,  the  heights  of,  iv.  377. 

Cynosura,  the  promontory  of,  ii.  247. 

Cynuria,  the  Eginetans  settle  at,  iii. 
170. 

Cyprian  war,  the,  iv.  293 ; end  of  the, 
294. 

Cyprus,  connexion  between,  and  Phoe- 
nicia, ii.  154;  becomes  Egyptian,  ib.; 
revolt  in,  205  ; partial  liberation  of, 
369,446;  Cimon  before,  447;  aban- 
doned by  Athens,  454,  298,  v.  138. 

Cypselus,  Tyrant^cf  Corinth,  i.  296. 

C pselidae,  end  of  the,  i.  302. 

Cyreans,  the,  at  Byzantium  iv.  193 ; in 
Thrace,  105. 

Cyrenaics,  tne,  v.  155. 

Cyrene,  foundation  of,  i.  487;  under  the 
Battiadae,  488. 

Cyrus,  establishes  his  government  in 
Iran,  ii.  136;  subjects  Media  aid 
threatens  Ly  ii  a,  136;  triple  alliance 
against,  138  ; besieges  Crcesus  at  Sar- 
des, 139  ; as  the  protector  of  the  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah,  142;  marches  to- 
wards Ecbatana,  143. 

• , son  of  Darius  and  Parysatis,  iii. 

515  ; satrap  in  Asia  Minor,  516  ; re- 
solves to  support  Sparta,  523  ; sum- 
mons Lysander  to  Sardes,  547  ; iv. 
28 ; C.  and  Tissaphernes,  180 ; his 
position  and  authority,  182  ; his  arma- 
ments, 183  ; negotia  es  with  Sparta, 
185 ; starts  from  Sardes,  185 ; at 
Cunaxa,  188;  his  death,  180. 

Cythera  (Cerigo),  island  of,  iii.  168; 
enters  the  Attic  alliance,  168. 

Cyzicus,  foundation  of,  i.  439,  497  ; 
battle  of,  iii.  497;  occupied  by  the 
Athenians,  498  ; school  of  science  at, 
v.  192. 

D. 

Dcedalidae,  the  Cretan,  ii.  77. 

Daemonion,  the,  of  Socrates,  iv.  145. 

Damascus,  i.  285. 

Damia,  figures  of.  ii.  76. 

Damocratidas,  i.  271. 

Damon,  the  flute-player,  ii.  483  ; banish- 
ed from  Athens,  iii.  48. 


Damophcn,  son  of  Pantaleon,  i.  253. 

Danuoe,  the,  ii.  184;  conspiracy  at  the 
bridge  across,  185,  seqq.,  v.  410,  422. 

Daphnis,  Tyrant  in  Abydus,  ii.  180. 

Dardani,  the,  i.  88;  in  Lycia,  Pamphy- 
1 a,  Cilicia,  Sicily,  and  Italy,  262. 

Dardanu>,  founder  of  Dardania,  i.  88. 

Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  ascends  the 
Persian  throne,  ii.  175;  the  second 
founder  of  the  Persian  monarchy, 
ib.;  destroys  the  party  of  the  Ma- 
gianc,  ib.;  his  reforms,  176,  seqq.;  his 
Scythian  expedition,  181  ; on  the  Bos- 
porus, 183;  on  the  Danube,  184; 
conspiracy  against,  185  ; his  return, 
186  ; bestows  Cos  upon  Scythes,  2 12  ; 
D.  and  the  Athenians,  217;  trans- 
plants the  inhabitants  of  Barca  into 
Bactria,  218;  his  communications 
with  the  Carthaginians,  ib.;  orders 
chastisement  of  Eretria  and  Athens, 
234 prepares  new  plans  for  war, 
269 ; disputes  as  to  the  succession  of, 
271  ; death  of,  ib.;  his  kindness  to 
Metiochus,  273. 

Darius  II.  (Ochus)  ascends  the  Persian 
throne,  iii.  420 ; his  death,  iv.  180,  v. 
x3* 

“ Dascyles,  the  district  of,,#  ii.  117. 

Dascylium,  ii.  180,  iv.  233. 

Datis,  commands  with  Artaphernes  the 
expedition  against  Eretria,  Athens, 
etc.  ii.  234;  his  return  to  Susa,  269. 

Datum,  Thasian  colony,  v.  68. 

Daurises,  sacks  Dardanus,  &c.,  207; 
fights  against  the  Carians,  207. 

Decharies,  of  Lysander,  the,  iv.  18. 

Decelea,  occupied  by  the  Spartans,  iii. 
424  ; Athen  an  envoys  sent  to,  467. 

Decelean  war,  the,  iii.  424  ; review  of, 
the,  580,  seqq. 

Deigma,  the  ^Exchange  at  Athens),  ii. 
612. 

Deioces,  the  Medes  under,  ii.  126. 

Deiphontes,  i.  270. 

Deisidaemonia,  iv.  83. 

Delians,  expulsion  of  the,  iii.  200 ; re- 
turn of,  to  their  island,  295. 

Deliastae,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  12. 

Deliurn,  fortified,  iii.  172;  Athenian  de- 
feat at,  174,  287. 

Delos,  the  first  sacred  laurel  at,  i.  97; 
purification  of,  383,  ii.  19  ; popular 
festivals  at,  40 ; the  temple  in,  42, 
seqq.;  the  Persians  at,  235  ; the  cen- 
tre of  a New  Confederation,  381  ; 
earthquake  in,  iii.  53  ; second  purifi- 
cation of,  151;  the  suit  of,  against 
Athens  at  Delphi,  v.  365. 

Delphi,  Tempe  and,  i.  125;  the  oracle 
of,  258;  the  temple  of,  282;  votive 
offerings  of  Cypselus  at,  296;  the 
temple  of,  burnt,  398;  sanctuary  of, 
ii.  20,  21 ; becomes  a centre  of  higher 
culture,  21 ; made  an  independent 
community,  21 ; sanctions  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Olympic  festival,  34; 
the  fair  at,  41 ; its  sacred  roads,  42  ; 
first  gold  brought  to,  47  ; services  ?f, 


518 


General  Index. 


to  geographj",  49  ; influence  of,  in 
Egypt,  58  ; an  Amphictyonic  sanctu- 
ary, 75 ; Greex  music  at,  93 ; as  a 
political  centre,  101 ; relations  of,  with 
foreign  c juntrics,  101 ; as  a supreme 
judicial  authority,  103 ; legislation  of, 
in  ihe  colonies,  104;  decline  ol  the 
influence  of,  no;  its  p:>wer  broken, 
290  ; sentiments  of  the  priesthood  of, 
296;  offerings  at,  after  Salamis,  330, 
448  ; proclamation  from,  iii.  149,  295, 

iv.  86,  150,  427,  470;  v.  72;  Philip  at, 

330 ; reforms  at,  330 ; festival  of  vic- 
tory at,  336 ; embassy  from,  at  Athens, 
337,  425-  , , ..  „ , . 

Delphic  Amphictyony,  the,  11.26;  phi- 
losophy, the,  64;  War,  the,  i.  344. 

Delphinius  (Apollo),  ii.  44. 

Delphion  of  Phlius,  iv.  341. 

Delta,  the,  ii.  154. 

Demales,  v.  353 ; becomes  Philip's 
agent,  v.  454 ; at  Athens,  455 ; the 
peace  of,  495. 

Demagogues,  the  new,  in  Athens,  iii.  91, 
seqq. 

Demaratus,  king  of  Sparta,  opposes 
Cleomenes,  i.  418,  ii.  iii,  230;  flight 
of,  231 ; prophesies  a serious  war  to 
the  Persians,  297. 

Demarete,  daughter  of  Thero,  iii.  227, 
258. 

Demaretium  (com),  111.  258. 

Demes,  the  Attic,  i.  406. 

Demeter,  worship  of,  ii.  4,  59  ; sanctu- 
ary of,  at  Thermopylae,  306 ; divinity 
of  the  Mysteries,  iii.  510,  iv.  454. 

Demetrius,  the  “ copper  man,”  iii.  273. 

Demiurgi,  the,  in  Attica,  i.  325. 

Democedes,  at  the  court  of  Polycrates, 
ii.  165  ; retained  as  a slave  by  Orcetes, 
191 ; body-physician  of  Darius,  ib.; 
escapes  to  Croton,  192 ; marries  the 
daughter  of  Milo,  ib. 

Demochares,  v.  227. 

Democopus,  architect,  iii.  249. 

Democratidas,  i.  232. 

Democritus,  philosopher,  ii.  147,  iv.  85, 

v.  492. 

Demomeles,  cousin  of  Demosthenes,  v. 

443-  .. 

Demcnides  of  QEa,  11.  412,  493. 

Demophantus,  iii.  488 ; law  proposed 
by,  500. 

Demophilus,  v.  357. 

Demophon  enters  Boeotia,  iv.  368. 

, guardian  of  Dem  isthenes,  v. 

230. 

Demos,  the,  of  Athens,  ii.  486;  v.  211. 

Demosthenes,  son  of  Alcisthenes,  iii.  94, 
143;  his  schemes,  145;  at  war  with 
the  Leucadians,  146;  in  ./Etolia,  148; 
at  Olpse,  149  ; his  treaty  with  Meue- 
daius,  150;  returns  to  Athens,  151  ; 
his  adventurous  schemes,  153;  at 
Pylus,  155  ; as  a strategus  of  Athens, 
171;  before  Siphae,  172;  before  Syra- 
cuse, 395;  his  attempt  on  Epipolae, 
397 ; his  advice  opposed,  398 ; sur- 
renders to  the  Syracusans,  400;  his 
death,  408. 


Demosthenes,  son  of  Demosthenes,  v, 
226;  childhojd,  229;  his  guardians, 
230 ; D.  and  Isaeus,  231  ; opens  the 
suit  against  the  guardians,  232  ; his 
forced  trierarchy,  233 ; his  speeches 
as  plaintiff,  235  ; his  natural  gifts, 
237  ; formation  of  his  character,  ib.  ; 
his  training  and  development  as  an 
orator,  ib.  238  ; his  relations  to  the 
present,  239 ; and  to  the  past,  241 ; his 
originality,  242;  as  an  advoc  te,  241; 
his  speeches  against  Androtion,  245  ; 
and  Leptines,  246 ; against  Timo- 
crates.  248  ; political  character  of  his 
forensic  speeches,  249  ; his  speech 
agaiu^t  the  Persian  war,  253  ; proposes 
reforms,  255,  seqq.  ; D.  and  the  c vie 
assembly  at  Athens,  258;  his  first 
Philippic , 259  ; against  Aristocrates, 
266  ; opposes  the  request  for  aid  from 
Plutarchus,  279  ; D.  and  Midias,  283  ; 
connter-charge  against,  284  ; his  Olyn- 
t hiac  Orations , 290  ; the  First , 291  ; 
th  3 Second , 292;  the  Third , 293; 
wishes  for  peace  with  Macedonia,  306 ; 
at  Pella,  309  ; his  propositions,  314  ; 
takes  the  oath,  316;  obtains  the  lib- 
eration of  the  Attic  prisoners  in  Mace- 
donia, 320 ; his  speech  de  Pace , 337, 
seqq.  ; his  growing  authority,  354 ; 
D.  and  the  old  parties,  358;  against 
ALschines,  362,  367,  seqq. ; in  Pelo- 
ponnesus, 372,  seqq. ; his  speech  con- 
cerning the  Chersojinesus^-fi>9,  seqq.; 
effects  of  his  speeches,  395 ; in  Thrace, 
ib.  ; D.  and  Callias,  398  ; in  Pelopon- 
nesus, 399  ; crownei  at  the  Dionysia, 
402  ; his  naval  law,  414,  seqq.  ; his 
views  on  the  conduct  of  Philip,  421  ; 
brings  about  a combination  with 
Thebes,  437  ; l is  speech  for  the  Cher - 
so7i7iesus , 438 ; as  regent  of  Athens, 
ib.  ; at  Thebes,  439  ; D.  and  Phocion, 

444  ; at  the  head  of  national  affairs, 

445  ; his  energy,  448 ; receives  another 
wreath  of  honor,  450 ; holds  the 
Funeral  Oration  in  honor  of  the 
fallen,  462  ; retrospect  of  his  public 
career,  467  ; the  historical  foundations 
of  his  p Mcy,  469  ; D.  aud  Pericles, 
469,  seqq. ; his  combination  of  ethics 
with  politics,  470  ; D.  and  Isocrates, 
474;  D.  and  Philip,  476;  the  judg- 
ment of  posterity  on,  480. 

Demostratus,  iii.  347. 

Demothoides,  i.  253. 

Dercyllidas,  succeeds  Thibron,  iv.  201 ; 
his  truce  with  Pharnabazus,  201  ; 
maintains  himself  in  Abydus  and 
Sestus,  255. 

Deval,  river,  v.  16. 

Dexileus,  iv.  299. 

Diacrians,  the,  i.  407. 

Diactoridas,  a suitor  of  Agariste,  i.  286* 
Diagoras  of  Melos,  lyric  poet,  iv.  85  ; 

at  Athens,  85  ; outlawed,  86. 

Dialectic  art,  the  Platonic,  v.  163. 
Dialects,  the  Greek,  i.  33. 

Diasia,  Attic  festival,  i.  336. 

Dicseopolis,  iii.  194. 


General  Index. 


519 


D:dymaeum,  the,  at  Miletus,  ii.  19,  101. 
Diitrephes,  at  Thasos,  iii.  46  . 

Dinicha,  wife  of  Archidamus,  v.  75. 

D nolochu<,  iii.  249. 

Dinomache,  wife  of  Clinias,  iii.  297. 
Dinomenes,  iii.  241. 

Dinomenidae,  tbe,  iii.  261. 

Dioboly,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  414. 
Diochares,  the  gate  of,  ii.  615. 

Diodes,  the  law  of,  iv.  71. 

Diodides,  iii.  361  ; executed,  363. 
Diodotus,  iii.  98;  D.  and  the  Mity- 
le^aeans,  126  ; his  speech,  128. 
DiodDrus  accuses  Androtion,  v.  245. 
Diogenes  of  Apollonia,  philosopher,  ii. 
475- 

, the  Cynic,  v.  154,  seq. 

Diognetus,  v.  425. 

Di^medon,  iii.  468,  532  ; executed,  545. 
Diomilus,  iii.  377. 

Dion  (town),  iii.  189. 

Dion,  at  Syracuse,  and  the  Academy, 
v.  221. 

Diondas,  v.  450. 

Dionysia,  celebration  of  the,  v.  145, 

443- 

Dionysius  of  Phocaea,  11.  21 1,  seq. 

I.,  Tyrant  of  Syracuse,  iv.  179, 

284.  299.  459. 

II.,  v.  102,  214;  summons 

Plato  to  his  court,  221. 

Dionysodorus,  execution  of,  iii.  572  ; iv. 
26. 

Dionysus,  god  of  the  peasantry,  i.  280  ; 
worship  of,  287,  ii.  24,  78,  573,  seqq ., 

iii.  558 ; his  festivals,  iv.  90,  v.  207. 
Diophantus,  captain  under  Epamiaon- 

das,  iv.  510. 

Diophantus,  the  archonship  of,  iv.  297. 
Diopithes,  the  priest,  iii.  49,  351 ; iv. 
86,  213. 

• , general,  on  the  Hellespont,  v. 

388;  invades  Macedonian  territory, 
388. 

Dioscurias  on  the  Pontus,  i.  447. 
Diotimus,  v.  355,  360. 

Diphilus,  the  wealth  of,  v.  414. 

Dipoenus,  first  sculpt  r in  marble,  i.  196. 
Dipylum,  the,  in  the  Piraeeus,  ii.  614 
Dithyrambus,  the,  ii.  573;  the  modern, 

iv.  112. 

Dodecipolis,  the  Attic,  i.  406. 

Dodona,  i 116,  seq.  ; the  oak,  of.  ii.  1. 
Dolonci,  the,  ii.  184. 

Dolopes,  the,  do  homage  to  Iason  of 
Pherae,  iv.  466. 

Dorcis,  at  Byzantium,  ii.  373. 

Porians,  the,  i.  122  ; migrate  into  Pelo- 
ponnesus, 131  ; conquer  it,  134 ; in 
Crete,  &c.,  142  ; the  migrations  of, 
175,  seqq. ; occupy  Messenia,  178  ; 
and  Laconia,  180 ; in  Argolis,  181  ; 
their  Hexapolis,  185 ; in  Crete,  192, 
seqq.  ; their  discipline,  218,  iii.  33. 
Doric  lyric  poetry,  ii.  98  ; temple  archi- 
tecture, ii.  66,  seqq. 

Doricus,  brother  of  k.  Cleomenes,  ii. 
292  ; iii.  223. 

Doris,  the  most  ancient,  i.  122  ; ii.  437; 

v.  435- 


Doxander,  iii.  107. 

Drabescus,  battle  of,  ii.  403,  615  ; v.  58. 

Draco,  the  legislation  of,  i.  333  ; iv.  68, 
seq. 

Dracontidas,  iv.  22. 

Drama,  the,  at  Athens  ; decay  of  the 
technical  part  of,  iv.  120,  v.  195. 

Dualism  of  the  Greek  nation,  i.  45. 

Ducetius,  leader  of  the  Siculi,  iii.  261, 
274 ; defeats  the  Acragantines  and 
Syracusans,  ib.  ; founds  Cali  Acti , 
275  ; his  death,  zb. 

Dyspontians,  emigration  of  the,  i.  254. 

E. 

Ecbatana,  the  princes  of,  ii.  127. 

Ecdicus,  iv.  273. 

Echinus,  taken  by  Philip,  v.  392,  434. 

Edones,  the,  v.  57. 

Eetionea,  iii.  479. 

Egesta,  town  of  ihe  Elymi,  i.  477; 
disputes  of,  with  Selinus,  iii.  283 ; 
Athenian  commissioners  sent  to,  340. 

Egypt,  ii.  737;  under  the  Psammeti- 
chidae,  153  ; under  Amasis,  153 ; Per- 
sian conquest  of,  757;  revolts  of,  271, 
422  ; subjected  under  Xerxes,  273 ; 
throws  off  the  Persian  yoke,  422,  443  ; 
E.  and  Athens,  138. 

Egyptians,  the,  in  Cyprus,  ii.  154. 

Ei'on,  siege  and  fall  of,  ii.  383;  Athe- 
nians at,  404 ; fortified  by  Thucy- 
dides, iii.  186. 

Eira,  fall  of,  i.  242  ; restoration  of,  iv. 
454- 

Elatea,  occupied  by  Philip,  v.  435. 

Eleatic  philosophy,  the,  ii.  150,  466. 

Elegiac  verse,  i.  239. 

E’eus,  son  of  Cimon,  ii.  410. 

Eleusinian  Mysteries,  the,  iii.  510. 

Eleusis,  description  of,  ii.  558,  iii.  59  ; 
purified,  iv.  47;  the  Thirty  at,  60,  64. 

Eleutheria,  institution  of  the,  iii.  260. 

Eleven,  the,  at  Athens,  iv.  26,  30. 

Elimea,  v.  16. 

FPmiotae,  the,  v.  40. 

Elis,  alliance  between,  and  Sparta,  i. 
250;  the  powerful  position  of,  255; 
frees  herself  from  the  Laconian  in- 
fluence, ii.  433 ; New-Elis,  434  ; enmity 
between,  and  Sparta,  iii.  288  ; rela- 
tions of,  with  Sparta,  iv.  202  ; the  war 
in,  206;  the  chastisement  of,  207,  seqq.; 
conflict  of,  with  Arcadia,  492,  v.  345  ; 
protected  by  Philip,  346. 

Elpinice,  half-sister  of  Cimon,  marries 
Callias,  ii.  382;  mediates  between 
Cimon  and  Pericles,  444. 

Elymi,  the,  on  Mount  Eryx,  i.  477  ; iii. 
2ir,  283. 

Emathia,  the  ancient,  ii.  188  ; v.  20. 

Embates,  the,  i.  22. 

Embolima,  iv.  04. 

Empedocles,  the  teachings  of,  ii.  469  ; 
at  Agrigentum,  474  ; at  Thurii,  537. 

Endaeus,  sculptor,  ii.  600. 

Endius,  iii.  436;  his  peace-proposals, 
500. 


520 


General  Index. 


Eordasa,  v.  18. 

Euaminondas,  son  of  Polymnis,  iv.  356; 
his  training,  ib.  seq.  ; his  aims,  357  ; 
introduces  the  Tyrannicides  into  the 
civic  assembly,  368  ; h s wisdom,  374  ; 
at  the  congress  at  Sparta,  404  ; his  de- 
mand, 409  ; his  tactics,  412,  seqq.  ; vic- 
torious at  Leuctra,  419  ; his  plans, 
429  ; on  the  Eurotas,  449  ; in  Messe- 
nia,  452;  returns  home,  456;  results 
of  his  campaign,  457 ; his  second  cam- 
paign, 460 ; dismissed  from  office, 
461;  serves  under  Cleomenes,  475; 
heads  an  army  against  Alexander  of 
Pherae,  ib.  476  ; leads  a third  Theban 
expedition  into  Peloponnesus,  487 ; 
at  the  height  of  his  authority,  502  ; 
reprimands  the  Mantineans,  ib  ; at 
Nemea,  504;  in  Sparta,  504;  his 
retreat,  506 ; before  Mantinea,  506, 
seqq.;  his  death,  510;  comparison 
between,  and  Pericles,  514 ; a true 
Hellene,  515,  516  ; his  friendship  with 
Pelopidas,  518  ; his  policy,  519  ; his 
examples,  ib.;  his  efforts  f r Science 
and  Art,  ib.  520 ; significance  of  his 
efforts  for  succeeding  ag-:s,  522,  seqq., 
v.  106,  seqq. 

Eparitae,  the,  in  Arcadia,  iv.  442. 

E{  eum,  iv.  208. 

Ephesus,  i.  263  ; situation  of,  434  ; E. 
and  Croesus,  ii.  131 ; capitulation  cf, 
132 ; diet  at,  iii.  546. 

Ephetae,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  334. 

Ephialtes,  the  traitor,  ii.  309. 

, son  of  Sophonides,  li.  412  ; 

abolishes  the  political  influence  of 
the  Areopagus,  424  ; his  death,  438. 

• , at  Susa,  v.  397. 

Ephors,  the,  at  Sparta,  i.  213  , ii.  12, 
iii.  22,  292  seq.;  at  Athens,  563,  578; 
at  Sparta,  iv.  175. 

Ephorus  of  Cyme,  historian,  v.  187,  190. 

Epic  poetry,  origin  of,  i.  149. 

Epichare*,  iv.  52. 

Epicharmus,  comic  poet,  iii.  247;  in 
Syracuse,  248 ; at  the  court  of  Hiero, 
249.  iv.  74. 

Epicrates,  friend  of  Themistocles,  ii. 
411. 

, popular  orator,  iv.  236,  298. 

E;.<icydes,  popular  orator,  ii.  306. 

Epidamnus,  i.  460 ; founded  by  Cor- 
cyra,  iii.  6 ; the  revolt  at,  ib.  seqq. 

Epidaurus,  ii.  87. 

Epigoni,  the,  iv.  521. 

Epilycus,  iv.  275. 

E;  imenides  of  Crete,  at  Athens,  i.  343. 

Epipolse,  near  Syracuse,  iii.  376;  cap- 
ture of,  377;  nocturnal  battle  cn,  397. 

Epirus,  i.  115;  migrations  from,  117; 
sanctuary  in,  ii.  1 : becomes  barbarian, 
2 ; revolutionary  changes  in,  v.  38 r. 

Epistaise,  the,  of  the  public  works  at 
Athens,  ii.  505. 

Epiteles,  iv.  453. 

Epos,  the  national,  ii.  90. 

Erasinides,  at  Samos,  iii.  529 ; his  exe- 
cution, 545. 


Eratosthenes,  iv.  52,  66 ; v.  181. 

Eraius  conquers  tne  D.yopian  coastr, 
places,  i.  271. 

Eretria,  “the  city  of  rowers/*  i.  454; 
her  war  with  Chalcis,  457  ; proffers 
aid  to  the  Milesians,  ii.  203  ; destroyed 
by  the  Persians,  236  ; treachery  of,  iii. 
483,  v.  112. 

Ergocl  s,  iv.  281. 

Eriohthonius,  foster- son  of  Athene,  i. 
427  ; his  tomb,  ii.  619. 

Erigon,  river,  v.  18. 

Eriuyes,  the,  i.  327;  their  altars,  337. 

Eros,  worship  of,  i.  393,  v.  165,  172  ; 
statue  of,  at  Megsra,  209. 

Erysichthon,  the  Cecropide,  ii.  377. 

Erythrae  joins  the  Peloponnesian  con- 
federation, iii.  433. 

Eryx,  the  ro<.k  of,  iii.  283. 

Eteobutadae,  the,  at  Athens,  v.  546. 

Eteonicus,  at  Chios,  iii.  546. 

Etesian  winds,  the,  i.  22,  iii.  67. 

Etruria,  iii.  238. 

Etruscans,  the,  iii.  238. 

Euagoras  of  Cyprus,  iv.  218  ; supports 
CoDon,  219 ; a second  founder  of 
Athens,  256,  292 ; his  independent 
policy,  294  ; abandoned  by  the  Athe- 
nians, 294. 

Euaenetus,  in  command  over  the  Thes- 
salians, ii.  304. 

Euangelidae,  the,  ii.  14. 

Euboea,  coinage  of,  i.  273  ; its  connexion 
with  the  Greek  East,  ii.  19,  197,  203  ; 
the  Persians  in,  236 ; given  over  to 
the  Persians,  314  ; defection  of,  450  ; 
two-thirds  of,  become  the  property  of 
Attic  citizens,  534,  iii.  57;  loss  of,  to 
Athens,  483,  iv.  426;  Athenian  suc- 
cesses in,  v.  112  ; recovered  to  the 
Naval  Confederation,  113 ; import- 
ance of,  277 ; Phocion  in,  280  ; pro- 
tected by  Philip,  347  ; occupied  by 
his  troops,  379;  liberation  of,  400.. 

Eubulides,  eristic  philosoph.r,  v.  151. 

Eubulus,  v.  121 ; his  policy,  142,  seqq.; 
his  administration,  146  ; his  law  as  to 
the  festival-moneys,  292  ; change  in 
his  policy,  300 ; E.  and  ^Eschines, 
303;  advocates  war,  306;  rules  as  a 
financier,  417. 

Eucheir,  i.  291. 

Eucles,  in  Thrace,  iii.  184. 

Euclides,  as  Archon,  iv.  63;  reforms  in 
the  public  documents  in  the  year  of, 
75‘ 

, sculptor,  v.  209. 

Euclides  of  Megara,  eristic  philosopher, 
v.  151. 

Eucrates,  “ the  boar  of  Melitc,*'  iii.  95. 

, brother  of  Nicias,  placed  un- 
der arrest,  iii.  361  ; iv.  30. 

Euctemon,  astronomer,  iii.  272. 

appears  against  Androtion, 

v.  245- 

Eudamidas,  expedition  of,  iv.  331. 

Euodoxus  of  Cnidus,  philosopher,  v. 
191 ; his  travels,  192  ; at  Cyzicus,  ib.\ 
his  death,  ib.  492,  219. 


General  Index. 


521 


Eugrammu':,  i.  291. 

Eumarus,  painter,  ii.  596. 

Eumelm  i.  291  ; his  epic  poems  on 
Corinth,  ib.  iii.  243. 

Eumolpidas,  iv.  372. 

Kunomius  ofThria  and  Demosthenes, 
v,  242. 

Eupalinus,  water-architect,  ii  166. 

Eupatridse,  the,  in  Attica,  i.  326,  331  ; 
as  party- leaders,  368. 

Euphemus,  i.  198. 

Euphorion,  son  of  ZEschylus,  tragic 
poet,  iv.  89. 

Euohranor,  picture  by,  of  the  battle  of 
Mantinea,  v.  213. 

Euphrates,  river,  i.  23  ; ii.  138 ; iv. 
187. 

Euphron  of  Sicyon,  iv.  489;  his  revolu- 
tion, flight  and  death,  490. 

Eupolia,  mother  of  Agesilaus,  iv.  210. 

Eupolis,  comic  poet,  ii.  592,  iv.  150;  his 
Cities , iii.  188,335,  437. 

Euripides,  celebrates  Alcibiades,  iii. 
335  ; at  the  court  of  Archelaus.  557, 
iv.  95  ; his  labors  98  ; ia  Macedonia, 
98 ; dies  at  Pella,  ib.;  his  character 
and  poetry,  98,  seqq. ; his  Ion , 10 1 ; 
Erechtheus , ib.;  Sitpplices,  103;  Hera- 
clidce,  ib.;  Hippolytus , 104;  Andro- 
mache, ib.;  Archelaus , 106 ; as  a 
Sophist  and  poet,  ib.  107;  his  innova- 
vations,  108,  seqq.  120  ; his  Medea , 
Hecuba , and  Alcestis,  ib.;  his  influ- 
ence upon  subsequent  generations, 
121  ; his  Palamedes , 161  ; his  Arche- 
laits,  v.  38  ; Bacchce,  ib.;  his  death, 
38- 

Euripus,  the,  ii.  311,  seqq. 

Eurotas,  valley  of  the,  i.  219;  iv.  449, 
seqq. 

EuryOiades,  ii.  311  ; commander-in- 
chief of  the  Isthmian  Confederation, 
3I9>  322. _ 

Eurycles,  iv.  84. 

Eurydice,  wife  of  Amyntas,  v.  40. 

Eurylochus,  Spartan  general,  iii.  150. 

, envoy  of  Philip,  v.  311. 

Eurymachus,  oligarchic  leader  atThebes, 
iii.  53;  directs  the  surprise  of  Platsese, 
54- 

Eurymedon,  iii.  145,  278;  return  of, 
from  Sicily,  281  ; arrives  at  Syracuse 
with  Demosthenes,  398. 

(river),  victory  of  the 

Athenians  on  the,  ii.  397. 

Eurynomus,  Delphic  myth  of,  ii.  61. 

Eurypontidse,  the,  i.  204. 

Euryptolemus,  iii.  328,  542. 

Euthycles,  iv.  483. 

Euthycrates  the  Phocian.  v.  70. 

, Olynthian  commander,  v. 

299 > 365- 

Eutnydemus,  iii.  391. 

Eu thymus,  iv.  505. 

Euxenus,  iv.  245. 

Euxitheus  of  Elis,  v.  346. 

Exegetae,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  24,  103. 

Exetastae,  the,  at  Athens,  v.  130. 


F. 

Five  Thousand,  the,  at  Athens,  iii.  4 66, 
478 ; deposed,  the  name  being  re- 
tained, 485. 

Foar  Hundred,  Council  of  the,  at  Athens, 

iii.  466  ; dissension  among,  477,  seqq  ; 
deposed,  485  ; effects  of  the  rule  of, 

iv.  22. 


G. 

Games,  the  competitive,  ii.  33. 

Gamori,  the,  at  Syracuse,  iii.  217. 

Gargaphia,  the  spring  of,  ii.  338. 

Gedrosia,  the  tribes  of,  ii.  277. 

Gela,  history  of,  iii.  212  ; diet  at,  280; 
neutral  in  the  Sicilian  war,  374. 

Geleontes,  i.  326. 

Gelo,  Tyrant  of  Gela,  iii.  216;  in  Syra- 
cuse, 219;  his  policy,  220;  his  rela- 
t ons  with  the  mother-country,  222  ; 
his  interview  with  the  Hellenic  envoys 
asking  aid  against  Xerxes,  223  ; his 
victory  at  Himera  and  its  results,  233, 
seqq.;  his  death,  236. 

G omori,  the,  in  Attica,  i.  325. 

Gephyrseans,  the,  bring  the  invention  of 
written  characters  to  Attica,  i.  323. 

Geraestus  maintains  its  independence 
against  the  Macedonians,  v.  381. 

Geranoa,  iv.  479. 

Gerontes,  the,  at  Sparta,  i.  211,  216. 

Getae,  the,  v.  15. 

Glaucus  of  Chios  invents  soldering,  ii.  82. 

Glaucus  the  Spartiate,  ii.  28. 

Golden  Horn,  the,  v.  406,  408. 

Gongylus  of  Eretria,  ii.  371. 

Gordius,  brother  c f Periander,  i.  311. 

Gordius,  myth  of,  i.  85. 

Gorgias  (Sophist),  iii.  264 ; his  embassy, 
276,  v.  177,  181,  352. 

Gorgidas,  iv.  362. 

Gorgopas,  iv.  282. 

Gorgus,  son  of  Aristomenes,  i.  242. 

of  Salamis,  ii.  206. 

Graeci,  the,  become  Hellenes,  ii.  2. 

Graeco-Italicans,  the,  i.  29. 

Greece  in  Europe,  i.  14  ; Central,  17  ; 
atmosphere  of,  21 ; in  Epirus,  115  ; the 
peninsula  of,  separates  from  the  main- 
land, ii.  1 ; ‘coherent’  G.,  2;  the  cen- 
tral states  of,  iii  ; G.  during  the  in- 
vasion of  Xerxes,  283  ; numbers  of  the 
population  of,  284 ; the  slaves  in,  286  ; 
ideal  unity  of,  288  ; distinct  opposition 
of  parties  in,  296;  formation  of  a na- 
tional party  throughout,  298 ; the 
strength  of,  350 ; end  of  a federal  law 
in,  iii.  31 ; a new,  beyond  Olympus, 
557;  mercenary  armies  in,  iv.  306; 
the  North  of,  v.  7,  seqq.;  under  the 
Macedonian  dominion,  486,  seqq.  , 
490 ; survives  in  Science,  492  ; scien- 
1 ific  trea  ment  of  its  history,  494  ; the 
end  of  the  connected  history  of  free, 

. 495- 


522 


General  Index. 


Greek,  and  Italic,  tongues,  the,  i.  *7; 
verb,  the,  30,  seqq.  ; language,  the, 
historical  > ignificaice  of,  32  ; dialects, 
33  ; nationality,  36  ; polytheism,  65  ; 
history,  beginning  of,  79;  locality  of 
earliest,  115  ; nationality,  limits  of,  ii. 
1;  piiesthood,  2,  seqq.*  30;  popular 
festivals,  40;  writing,  51;  tribes, 
spread  of  the,  112;  mercenaries,  in 
Asia,  155  ; national  colonies  under  the 
leadership  of  Athens,  535  ; confedera- 
tion, the,  the  members  of,  303  ; re- 
vived as  a union  for  works  of  peace, 
607  ; language,  the,  564  ; history,  re- 
covers iis  multiplicity  after  ^Egospo- 
tami,  iv.  19  ; character,  the,  exempli- 
fied in  the  return  of  the  Ten  Thou- 
sand, 190. 

Greeks,  the,  origin  of,  their  unity  and 
division,  i.  47,  seqq. ; become  a tea- 
going people  in  Asia  Minor,  52  ; ex- 
tend to  South  and  West,  54;  their  cha- 
racter, 162  ; on  the  Asiatic  coas  s,  260  ; 
masters  of  the  Archipelago,  438;  in 
Egypt,  451  ; their  early  connexions 
with  the  Italicans,  461  ; in  the  Tyr- 
rhenian, Sardinian,  and  Iberian 
waters,  478 ; settle  among  the  Asia- 
tics, ii.  113;  their  relations  with  the 
Phrygians,  114;  and  the  Lydian*, 
115  ; their  physical  vigor,  287;  in 
Italy,  iii.  263  ; moral  results  of  the 
Peloponnesian  War  on,  iii.  140. 

Gryllus,  father  of  Xenophon,  v.  158. 

, son  of  Xenophon,  v.  158. 

Gryneum,  the,  in  Lesbos,  ii.  19. 

, in  ,/Eolis,  iv.  28. 

Gygades,  the,  at  Delphi,  ii.  119. 

Gyge;,  king  of  Lydia,  ii.  116;  founds 
Abydus  and  Dascylium,  119 ; his 
death,  122. 

Gyl  ppu >,  sent  to  Syracuse,  iii.  384, 
seqq.  ; unites  all  Sicily  against  Athens, 
388  ; persuades  the  Syracusans  to  fight 
the  Athenians  by  sea,  392  ; captures 
the  naval  station  of  the  Athenians, 
393;  appropriates  public  moneys,  iv. 
172. 

Gylon,  v.  220. 

Gymnastic  art,  the,  ii.  37;  influence  of, 
on  sculpture,  78. 

Gymnopaedia,  the,  at  Sparta,  iv.  423. 

Gynaeconomi,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  428. 

Gytheum,  the  docks  of,  ii.  442  ; taken 
by  Epaminondas,  iv.  452. 

H. 

Haemus  mountains,  the,  v.  it,  57,  402. 

Hagnon,  colleague  tf  Pericles,  iii.  71. 
founder  of  Amphipolis,  429,  501,  519. 

Haliacmon,  river,  v.  16,  seqq. 

Haliartus,  battle  of,  iv.  239. 

Halicarnassus,  ii.  318;  ruled  by  Arte- 
misia, 550 ; joins  the  Attic  confedera- 
tion, 551,  v.  214. 

Halonnesus,  island,  v.  347,  379,  385. 

Hal  us,  at  war  with  Philip,  v.  313. 

Halys,  valley  of  the,  ii.  128;  battle  of 
the,  128. 


Hamilcar  (Amilcas),  iii.  231;  besieges 
Himera,  232. 

Hannibal,  son  of  Hamilcar,  lands  in 
Sicily,  iii.  412. 

Hanno  (Anno),  the  voyage  of  discovery 
of,  iii.  231. 

Harmodius  and  Aristogito  1,  i.  396  ; re- 
garded as  heroes  at  Athens,  419  ; sub- 
jects of  sculpture  at  Athens,  ii.  600. 

Iiarmostae,  the  Spartan,  iv.  10 ; expelled 
from  the  Cyclades,  251. 

Harpagus,  ii.  139;  commander  of  the 
Persian  army,  145  ; besieges  the  towns 
of  Ionia,  146;  his  campaigns,  151. 

Hasdrubal,  death  of,  in  Sardinia,  iii.  231. 

Hebrus,  river,  v.  11. 

Hecatseus,  tries  to  pacify  the  Milesians, 
ii.  200  ; his  speech,  200,  209  ; as  a his- 
torian and  geographer,  548. 

Hecatomnus,  dynast  of  Caiia,  iv.  293; 
v.  116 

Hecatompedon,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  393; 
restoration  of,  ii.  619,  seqq. 

Hegemon,  Macedonian  partisan  at 
Athens,  v.  353. 

of  Thasos,  comic  poet,  v.  199  ; 

hi  5 Giga7itomachia , ib. 

Hegesippus  of  Sunium,  v.  359  ; in  Mace- 
donia, 379;  his  speech  concerning 
Halonnesus,  385,  seqq. 

Hegesipyle,  mother  of  Cimon,  ii.  382. 

Heliaea,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  495. 

Helice,  swal'owed  up  in  the  sea,  iv.  434. 

Heliatropion,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  562. 

Hclisson  river,  iv.  440. 

Hellanicus,  the  chronological  system  of, 
ii-  555- 

Hellanodicse,  the,  i.  257. 

Hellas  proper,  i.  130 ; ii.  2.  [See 
Greece.] 

Hellenes,  the  [See  Greeks,  the], 

Hellenic  [See  Greek]. 

Hellenism,  the  standpoint  of,  iv.  523. 

Hellenocrates,  iv.  463. 

Hellenotamise,  ii.  379,  531  ; their  office 
loses  its  meaning,  iv.  72. 

Hellespont,  the  Milesians  secure  the 
Phoenician  ports  on  the,  i.  438;  the, 
ii.  279  ; destruction  and  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  bridges  across  the,  280; 
Xerxes  crosses  the,  282  ; position  of 
the  hostile  fleets  in  the,  iii.  549. 

Helots,  the,  i.  214;  revolt  of,  iii.  176,  iv. 
216. 

Hemeroscopeum,  foundation  of,  i.  484. 

Hephaestas.  the  sons  of,  ii.  42. 

Heraclea,  foundation  of,  iii.  142,  iv.  210; 
occupied  by  Argivo  troops,  iv.  244  ; in 
the  hands  of  Sparta,  463. 

, festival  of  the,  at  Thebes,  iv.364. 

Heracles,  worship  of,  i.  62,  70;  Mel- 
cart,  ii.  45 ; the  temple  of,  at  Thebes, 
iv.  417. 

Heraclidae,  the,  and  their  lots,  i.  177. 

Heraclides,  murderer  of  Cotys,  v.  220. 

Heraclitus,  philosopher,  ii.  272,  468, 
470;  his  teaching,  566. 

Hersea,  exiles  established  at,  iv.  432; 
situation -of,  443;  fortified,  ib. 


General  Index. 


523 


Heraeum,  the,  at  Samos,  a starting-point 
of  trade,  ii.  47,  90 ; under  Pulycrates, 
166. 

Here,  temple  of,  at  Olympia,  i.  250,  251  ; 
her  temple  on  the  promontory  of  La- 
cinium,  457 ; worshipped  by  the  Sami- 
ans, ii.  92. 

Herippidas,  iv.  210. 

Hermae,  i.  388;  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  616; 
mutilation  of  the,  iii.  349,  seqq. 

Hermes,  memorial  statue  of,  at  Athens, 
ii.  243. 

Hermesileus,  ii.  557. 

Hermione,  i.  112. 

Hermippus,  comic  poet,  iii.  44  ; prose- 
cutes Aspasia,  49,  59. 

Hermocrates,  iii.  280  ; urges  the  Syra- 
cusans to  seek  for  allies  abroad,  371 ; 
in  power,  372 ; overthrown  by  the 
democrats,  379  ; his  arrival  in  the 
Iasian  Gulf,  442  ; joins  the  embassy  to 
Susa,  513. 

Hermodice,  wife  of  king  Midas,  ii.  114. 

Hermon,  iii.  481. 

, iv.  170. 

Hermus,  river,  i.  13. 

Herodicus,  physician,  v.  190. 

Herodotus,  i.  73,  281 ; his  veneration  for 
Delphi,  ii.  56,  233,  290  ; his  History, 
746;  at  Thurii,  536  ; makes  history  an 
art,  547;  his  family  and  youth,  id.; 
his  spirit  of  inquiry,  551 ; his  histori- 
cal chronology.  554,  iii.  583,  v.  10. 

Heroes,  myths  of  the,  i.  69,  seqq.  ; wor- 
ship of,  246,  ii.  580. 

Heroic  kings,  i.  152  ; age,  architecture 
of  the,  153;  political  condition  of  the, 
160. 

Hesiod,  poems  of,  ii.  60  ; his  school,  95  ; 
the  first  didactic  poet,  id.  ; his  max- 
ims, iv.  88. 

Hesperia,  the  land  of  the  West,  i.  458. 

Hesperides  (town),  iv.  430. 

Hetaeries,  ii.  240;  their  influence  at 
Athens,  iii.  338. 

Hetcemaridas  of  Sparta,  ii.  374. 

Hieratic  architecture,  ii.  65. 

Hierax,  v.  54. 

Hiero,  Tyrant  of  Syracuse,  ii.  390,  iii. 
235  ; succours  Cyme,  238  ; his  warlike 
achievements,  239;  foundation  of 
cities  by,  241  ; his  victories  and  dedi- 
catory offerings  at  Olympia,  id.  ; his 
court  and  its  guests,  250,  seqq. 

Hieromnemones,  the.  ii.  30;  v.  425. 

Hieropoei,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  12. 

Himera,  foundation  of,  i.  458,  iii.  215  ; 
under  Terillus,  227;  besieged,  232; 
victory  of  Gelo  at,  233  ; destroyed, 
4*3- 

Hi  meros,  statue  of,  v.  209,  212. 

Hipparchus,  son  of  Pisistratus,  i.  388, 
395  ; his  death,  396. 

Hipoarete,  wife  of  Alcibiades,  iii.  331. 

HiDpasus,  ancestor  of  Pythagoras,  i. 
182. 

Hippias,  exiled  with  Pisistratus,  i.  379, 
391  ; Tyrant,  395;  quits  Attica,  400"; 
at  Sparta,  422 ; returns  to  Sigeum, 


I 423;  ii.  224;  his  re-appearance  in 
Attica,  253. 

of  Elis  (Sophist),  ii.  559. 

of  Thasos,  editor  of  Homer,  v. 

189. 

Hippocles,  iv.  52. 

Hippoclides,  suitor  of  Agariste,  i.  287, 

369- 

Hippoclus,  Tyrant  in  Lampsacus,  11. 
180. 

Hippocrates,  father  of  Pisistratus,  T. 
372- 

of  Cos,  founder  of  medical 

literature  at  Athens,  ii.  560  ; inquiries 
into  the  plague  at  Athens,  iii.  71,  v. 
190  ; his  medical  science,  191. 

, Tyrant  of  Gela,  iii.  212  ; 

master  of  Zancle,  215  ; his  fall,  217. 

(Atheoian  general ),iii.  173  ; 

falls  at  Delium,  174. 

(Spartan  general),  falls  at 

Chalcedon,  iii.  505. 

Hippodamea,  statue  of,  i.  257. 

Hippodamus  of  Miletus,  ii.  471;  super- 
intends the  construction  of  Thurii, 
536,  560. 

H ppodrome,  the,  near  the  Piraeeus,  ii. 
631. 

Hippomenes,  fall  of,  i.  328. 

Hipponicus,  ii1.  87,  144;  father-in-law 
of  Alcibiades,  330. 

Histiaea,  city  of,  ii.  451 ; receives  the 
name  of  Oreus,  451  ; occupation  of, 
53),  iv-  14, 

Histiaeus,  Tyrant  at  Miletus,  ii.  180; 
frustrates  the  conspiracy  at  the 
Danube,  185,  186,  188  ; detained  by 
Darius,  190;  incites  Aristagoras  to 
revolt,  199  : e-capes,  208  ; refused 

admittance  at  Miletus  and  Chi^s,  210; 
becomes  a pirate,  210 ; besieges 
Thasos,  214  ; his  capture  and  death, 
214. 

History  at  Athens,  ii.  554. 

Homer,  called  Phrygian,  i.  267,  ii.  33, 
60,  91,95;  as  a National  Hero,  91; 
tradition  of  his  epitaph  of  King  Midas, 
114;  as  a teacher  of  reading,  565. 

Homeric  age,  150;  poems  and  their 
editors,  393,  ii.  91. 

Hophra  (Apries),  ii.  153  ; his  campaign 
against  Cyrene,  id. 

Hoples,  i.  326. 

Hyacinthia,  Spartan  festival  of  the,  ii. 
335- 

Hyates,  i.  281. 

Hydames,  ii.  310. 

Hydrea,  purchased  by  the  Samians,  ii. 
170. 

Hylian  valley  of  the  s°a,  i.  100. 

Hymeas  invades  AloHs,  ii.  207. 

Hymettus,  mount,  i.  318. 

Hypaspistae,  the,  of  Macedonia,  v.  49. 

Hypates,  iv.  366. 

Hypatus,  iv.  475. 

Hyperbolus,  ostracism  of,  iii.  314. 

Hyperides,  v.  360,  367,  450,  455 ; his 
proposals  passed,  457;  defends  him- 
self against  Aristogiton,  488. 


524 


General  Index. 


Hyrcanians,  the,  ii.  276. 


I. 

Iacchus,  the  god  of  the  Mysteries  of 
Eleusis,  ii.  324,614. 

Iason,  home  of,  i.  97. 

Tyrant  of  Pherae,  iv.  398  ; joins 

the  Attic  confederacy,  400 ; at  Leuctra, 
422,  469  ; his  character,  464 ; as  master 
of  Thessaly,  466  ; his  policy  in  Thes- 
saly, 467  ; in  Hellas,  468  ; in  possess- 
ion cf  Thermopylae,  46^;  at  Delphi, 
470  ; murdered,  472  ; his  successors, 
ib.,  v.  65. 

Iasus,  iii.  443. 

Iberians,  the,  iii.  479. 

Ibycus  of  Rhegium,  at  the  court  of 
Polycrates,  ii.  164  ; iii.  244. 

of  Tarentum,  Olympic  victor, 

iii.  272. 

Icarian  plays,  the,  ii.  589. 

Ictinus,  ii.  609;  architect  of  the  new 
Hecatompedon,  620 ; and  of  the  Par- 
thenon, v.  201,  204. 

Ida,  mount,  ii.  561. 

Ilium,  citadel  of,  i.  89. 

Illyria,  Greek  immigration  into,  v.  24. 

Illyrians,  the,  ii.  188,  iii.  7,  v.  21,  seqq.) 
attacked  by  Philip,  48. 

Illyrius,  son  of  Cadmus,  v.  24. 

Imbrus,  ii.  532. 

Immortality  of  the  soul,  doctrine  of  the, 

ii.  58 ; in  Egypt,  58 ; in  Greece, 
58. 

Inarus,  son  of  Psammetichus,  ii.  422. 

Indus,  the,  ii.  276. 

Ino,  oracle  of,  i.  199. 

Iolaia,  i.  494. 

lolaidas,  iv.  510. 

lolaus  arrives  in  Sardinia,  i.  494. 

Jon,  son  of  Xuthus,  i.  320. 

of  Chios,  ii.  458  ; contests  the  tragic 

prize  at  Athens,  555  ; I.  and  Pericles, 
536  ; his  meeting  with  Sophocles,  ib  ; 

I.  and  Cimon,  572,  iv.  88. 

Ionia,  New,  1.  158 ; its  colonization, 
145  ; changes  in,  268  ; Asiatic,  in  con- 
trast to  Attica,  360;  Heroic  age  of,  ii. 
120  ; the  Persians  in,  144 ; emigrations 
from,  146, 183  ; for  the  third  time  in 
servitude,  214  ; close  of  the  history  of, 
214;  admitted  into  the  Hellenic  con- 
federation, 356,  479,  564,  iii.  260; 
advance  of  Persian  satraps  upon  the 
coast  of,  433  ; revolts  against  Athens, 
436,  seqq .;  war  in,  iv.  200;  war  of 
Agesilaus  in,  227  ; defection  of,  from 
Sparta,  255  ; fleet  of,  under  Tiribazus, 
294. 

Ionian  migration,  i.  142  ; colonization, 
435 ; outbreak  of  the  revolt,  ii.  201, 
seqq.;  culture,  beginnings  of,  479  ; phi- 
losophy, 479  ; immigration,  into  Italy, 

iii.  271. 

Iomans,  origin  of  the,  i.  45  ; their  spread, 
74  ; their  influence,  76  ; name  of  the 
old  I.,  276;  their  northern  expeditions, 


4371  ii*  37,  40;  their  invention  of 
writing,  51,  145,  183,  372;  the,  and 
the  Athenians,  475,  seqq. 

Iphicrates,  iv.  259  ; destroys  a Spartan 
mora , 263,  279  ; his  military  r forms, 
307;  his  political  schemes,  309;  re- 
turns from  Egypt,  401  ; his  energy, 
402  ; occupies  the  passes  near  Corinth, 
456,  v.  42,  89  ; helps  Cotys,  iii,  1195 
accused  and  acquitted,  122. 

Iphitus,  king  of  Elis,  i.  249. 

Iran,  the  warriors  of,  ii.  127;  armada 
of,  276. 

Irasa,  ii.  50. 

Isseus  of  Chalcis,  orator,  v.  182,  231. 

Isagoras,  son  of  Tisander,  i.  400  ; com* 
bination  between,  and  Cleomenes, 
412  ; as  Archon,  413. 

Ismenian  Apollo,  sanctuary  of  the,  at 
Thebes,  ii.  19. 

Ismenias,  Theban  party  leader,  iv.  53, 
247,  331  ; executed,  338. 

of  Thebes,  iv.  475. 

Isocrates,  Platcean  Oration  of,  iv.  403; 
v.  94;  his  political  standpoint,  173, 
seqq.)  teaches  at  Chios  and  Athens, 
174  ; his  art,  178  ; his  oration  on  the 
Peace  and  his  Archidamus , 184  ; con- 
trast between,  and  Demosthenes,  239  ; 
his  Philip , 350  ; I.  and  Demosthenes, 
474,  seqq. 

Tsodemus,  brother  of  Myron,  i.  279. 

Ister,  the  [See  Danube]. 

Isthmian  games,  the,  ii.  36,  41,  iii.  434; 
confederation,  the,  under  the  hege- 
mony of  Sparta,  ii.  300  ; its  renewal, 
344*  „ , 

Isthmus  (of  Corinth),  the  passes  of  the, 
iv.  246. 

Istrus,  i.  444. 

Italia,  daughter  of  Themistocles,  iii. 

270. 

Italian  Greeks,  struggles  of  the,  with  the 
Tyrrhenians,  iii.  237  ; with  the  Etrus- 
cans, 238  ; cities,  history  of  the,  266  ; 
their  trade  and  coinage,  272. 

Italicans,  the,  and  their  tongue,  i.  27, 
seqq. 

Italy,  colonization  of,  i.  458 ; the  influ- 
ence of  the  Greek  tribes  on,  461  ; trade 
between  Greece  and,  462  ; the  Greeks 
in,  iii.  237  ; I.  and  Athens,  270;  Ionian 
immigration  into,  271. 

Ithome,  the  fall  of,  ii.  442  ; the  range  of, 

iv.  452. 


j- 

avan  (Ionians),  i.  53. 
una  (Ionia),  ii.  180. 


K. 

Knights,  the,  at  Athens,  under  Solon, 
i.  353,  iv.  34 ; measures  against, 
156. 

Kosmos,  the  Pythagorean,  ii.  64. 


General  Index. 


525 


L. 

Labdalum,  surprise  of,  iii.  387. 

Labynetus,  king  of  Babylon,  ii.  128. 

Lacedaemon,  i.  177. 

Lacedaemonius,  son  of  Cimon,  ii.  410; 
iii.  12. 

Laches,  iii.  94,  197. 

Lacinium,  federal  sanctuary  of,  ii.  51. 

Lacmon,  mount,  v.  10. 

Lacon,  speech,  of.  iii.  132. 

Laconia,  earliest  history  of,  i.  197  ; the 
hexapolis  of,  202  : the  hundred  towns 
of,  244  ; the  population  of,  ii.  284. 

Lacratidas,  iii.  61 ; his  suit  against 
Pericles,  73. 

Lade,  the  island  of,  ii.  21 1,  314 ; the 
battle  of,  212. 

Lamachus,  iii.  94  ; general  against  Sy- 
racuse, 342  ; his  death,  379. 

Lampon,  opponent  of  Cimon,  ii.  412  ; 
his  colonizing  expedition  to  Italy,  ii. 
535- 

Lampsacus,  ra  Phoenician  station,  i. 
437  ; defection  of,  from  the  Athenians, 
iii.  494  ; taken  by  Lysander,  549  ; oc- 
c apied  by  Chares,  v.  120, 189. 

Laodamas,  Tyrant  in  Phocaea,  ii.  180. 

Laphanes,  suitor  of  Agariste,  i.  285. 

Lasthenes,  v.  299. 

Lasus  of  Hermione,  at  Athens,  i.  394  ; 
the  teacher,  of  Pindar,  ii.  573;  estab- 
lishes the  Dithyrambus,  574,  595. 

Laurium,  the  silver  mines  of,  ii.  260 ; 
appropriation  of  the  revenues  of,  to  a 
war-fund,  263  ; its  silver  the  original 
capital  of  the  Attic  Treasury,  ii.  526. 

Laus,  colony  of  Sybaris,  ii.  535. 

Leager,  his  campaign  against  the  Edo- 
nians,  ii.  403. 

League,  the  National,  against  Philip,  v. 
399 

Lechaeum,  battle  near,  iv.  259;  taken 
by  Agesilaus,  260. 

Leleges,  the,  1.  59,  198. 

Lemnos,  handed  over  to  Lycaretus,  ii. 
190 ; the  lands  of,  appropriated  by 
Athens,  532. 

Leobotes,  ii.  395. 

Leocedes,  son  of  Phidon,  suitor  of 
Agariste,  i.  285. 

Leochares,  sculptor,  v.  208. 

Leocrates,  ii.  342. 

Leodamas  of  Acharnae,  orator,  v.  87  ; 
accuses  Chabrias  and  Callistratus,  104, 
182. 

Leogoras,  iii.  353 ; placed  under  arrest, 
362. 

Leon,  Athenian  general,  iii.  468 ; at 
Samos,  529. 

of  Salamis.  execution  of,  iv.  33. 

, Athenian  envoy,  sent  to  Susa,  iv. 

482. 

• , pupil  of  Plato,  defends  Byzantium, 

v.  409. 

Le  nidas,  at  Th  rmopylae,  ii.  307;  his 
death,  310;  see  368. 

Le'ntiades  Theban  oligarch,  iv.  331, 
360  ; killed,  366. 

Leontini,  founded,  i.  468  ; menaced  by 


Syracuse,  iii.  276  ; revolution  at,  280  ; 
appropriated,  by  Syracuse,  281. 

Leosthenes  at  Peparethus,  v.  107. 

Leotychides,  king  of  Sparta,  ii.  232  ; de- 
livered up  to  the  ^Egineians  and  sent 
to  Athens,  234  ; fleet  at  iEgina  under, 
ii.  354  ; his  treason  and  flight,  405. 

Leotychides,  son  of  King  Agis,  iv.  210. 

Lepetymnus,  Mount,  ii.  561. 

Lepreum,  i.  253;  iii.  288  ; iv.  207. 

Leptines,  orator,  v.  246  ; his  law  op- 
posed by  Demosthenes,  247. 

Lesbos,  i.  147,  230,  11.  97 ; granted  to 
Coes,  190  ; admitted  into  the  Greek 
confederation,  356  ; comes  to  an  un- 
derstanding with  Sparta,  iii.  105  ; sub- 
jected by  Paches,  118  ; liberated,  545  ; 
under  a Spartan  Harmost,  iv.  280  ; 
Tyrannical  governments  established 
in,  v.  141 ; influenced  by  Persia,  270. 

Lesche,  the,  at  Sparta,  i.  220. 

, the  painting  on  the,  at  Delphi, 

ii  102. 

Lesche5;,  epic  poet,  ii.  565. 

Letaeans,  the,  the  silver  coinage  of,  v.  57. 

Letrinaeans,  the,  i.  260. 

Leucas,  iii.  5;  devastated  by  Demos- 
thenes, 146. 

Leuce  Acte,  ii.  279. 

Leucippus,  philosopher,  ii.  469. 

Leucon  relieves  the  Attic  vessels  in  the 
Cimmerian  Bosporus,  v.  136. 

Leuctra,  the  field  of,  iv.  415  ; the  battle 
of,  417,  seqq.  ; its  result^,  420,  seqq. 

Libya,  commerce  of,  i.  481  ; the  coast 
of,  485  ; eady  relations  between  Greece 
and,  zb.  486. 

Libyans,  th*,  ii.  231. 

Libys,  brother  of  Lysander,  iv.  51.  168 

Lichas,  iii,  458. 

Lindii,  foundation  of,  i.  467. 

Lipara,  Greek  settlement  on,  i.  471. 

Literature,  development  of.  in  Greece, 
v.  494. 

Liturgies,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  525. 

Locri,  the  Zephyraean,  i.  464  ; legisla- 
tion of  Zaleucus  in,  ii.  105 

Locrians,  the  Opuntian,  ii.  105,  441  ; iii. 
62  ; iv.  426. 

, the  Ozolian,  ii.  105  ; v.  426, 

432- 

Locrus,  sculptor,  ii.  638. 

Logographi,  the,  ii.  548  ; and  Herodo- 
tus, 549,  v.  129. 

Lucania,  ii.  149. 

Lud,  ancestor  of  the  Lydians,  i.  88. 

Ludias,  river,  v.  18. 

Lupiae  (Lyciae),  i.  445. 

Lycabettus,  Mount,  ii.  561. 

Lycaretus,  ii.  190. 

Lyceum,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  393,  ii.  615  ; 
its  gymnasium,  v.  509. 

Lycia,  i.  92  ; and  the  Troad,  95. 

Lycians,  the,  i.  93  ; their  artistic  crea* 
tions,  ib. 

Lycide'?,  death  of,  ii.  335. 

Lyciscus,  iii.  542. 

Lyco,  accuser  of  Socrates,  iv.  160. 

, iii.  420. 

Lycoa,  iv.  445. 


526 


General  Index. 


Lycomedes  of  Mantinea,  iv.  477 ; his 
death,  406,  v.  104. 

Lycopas,  death  of,  ii.  169. 

Lycophron,  son  of  Periander,  life  and 
death  of,  i.  300.  scqq. 

7 — of  Pherse,  Tyrant  in  Thes- 
saly, iv.  215;  his  feud  with  Medius, 
244  ; h s policy,  463. 

Lycosura,  i 158;  iv.  444. 

Lycurgus,  the  legislator,  i.  206;  his  ac- 
tivity, 207;  his  legislation,  209. 

•  (grandfather  of  the  orator), 

executed,  iv.  30. 

•  , son  of  Lycophron,  v.  359  ; his 

administrative  talents,  419  ; superin- 
tends the  finances,  420,  457  ; finishes 
tfie  Theatre  of  Dionysus,  &c.,  488. 

Lydians,  the,  i.  86;  their  empire  in 
vassalage  to  Nineve,  87, 143,  267  ; the  ir 
influence  on  Asia  Minor,  109  ; peace 
between,  and  the  Medes,  124,  195, 
ii.  102 ; relations  between,  and  the 
Gieeks,  115 ; under  the  Mermnadae, 
11 6 ; their  empire  a great  Power,  129  ; 
its  end,  J30. 

Lygdamis,  Tyrant  of  Naxos,  i.  382, 
ii.  160;  his  connexion  with  Pisistratus 
and  Polycrates,  196. 

— , Cimmerian  leader,  ii.  123. 

, Tyrant  of  Halicarnassus,  ii. 

551  ; expelled,  551. 

Lyncestae,  the,  v.  24,  39. 

Lyric  poetry,  schools  of,  ii.  97,  570 ; 
on  the  Athenian  stage,  iv.  109. 

Lysander,  nauarch  at  Sparta,  iii.  517; 
his  character,  518  ; as  a party-leader, 
522  ; his  intimacy  with  Cyrus,  523  ; at 
Epistoleus,  547 ; at  Sardes,  ib.  ; at 
Miletus,  548  ; in  command  of  the  sea, 
549;  his  interview  with  Agis,  ib.  ; es- 
tablishes Harmosts  in  Sestus,  Byzan- 
tium, Chalcedon,  etc.,  560 ; besieges 
Athens,  565  ; L.  the  real  victor  over 
Athens,  iv.  10;  his  personal  influence 
and  policy,  15  ; jealousy  against,  at 
Sparta,  18 ; takes  the  field  against 
Thrasybulus,  54;  his  opponents  at 
Sparta,  55  ; the  worship  of,  16^  ; his 
court,  166;  is  opposed,  167;  is  hu- 
miliated, ib.  ; his  fall,  168 ; retires, 
210 ; L.  and  Agesilaus,  ib.  ; L.  at  the 
head  of  the  new  Council  of  Thirty, 
222  ; in  Ionia,  224 ; humiliation  of, 
225  ; in  the  ascendant  at  Sparta,  238  ; 
his  death  at  Hali  irtus,  239 ; his  cha- 
racter and  plans,  ib.  240. 

Lysias,  general  at  the  Arginusae,  iii.  543  ; 
his  death,  545. 

, son  of  Cephalus,  iv.  53,  63  ; his 

lawsuit  againsc  Eratosthenes,  152  ; his 
warning  to  the  Athenians,  154 ; defends 
the  children  of  Aristophanes,  297;  his 
speech  at  Olym  ia,  302  ; his  oratory, 
v.  181,  352. 

Lysicles,  marries  Aspasia,  iii.  95  ; his 
death,  119. 

, Athenian  general  at  Chaeronea, 

v.  4Si. 

Lysis,  iv.  355,  362. 


Lysistratus  of  Olynthus,  iii.  188. 

M. 

Macedonia,  i.  15  ; becomes  a territory  of 
barbarians,  ii.  2,  188;  represented  at 
the  congress  at  Sparta,  iv.  404;  its 
mountains  and  rivers,  v.  16,  seqq.  ; its 
coast-land,  19  ; its  people,  20,  seqq. ; 
dominion  of,  over  the  Hellenes,  486. 

Macedonians  and  Illyrians,  v.  21. 

Macistus,  death  of,  ii.  337. 

Maeander,  river,  i.  13,  430. 

Maeandrius,  companion  of  Polycrates, 
ii.  171  ; Tyrant  in  Samos,  172. 

Maenace,  foundation  of,  i.  484. 

Maenalians,  the,  iv.  441. 

Masson,  comic  poet,  ii.  589. 

Magians,  the,  ii.  174. 

Magna  Graecia,  the  cities  of,  i.  473  ; ii. 
192;  iii.  33,  265. 

Magnesia,  ruin  of,  ii.  123;  again  de- 
stroyed, 145;  restored  as  the  city  of  a 
Persian  satrap,  171 ; ass-gned  to 
Themistocles,  399  ; iii.  456  ; the  con- 
ferences at,  459. 

Mago  (or  Anno),  the  founder  of  the  war- 
like pow  r of  Carthage,  iii.  229. 

Males,  suitor  of  Agariste,  i.  285. 

Malceis,  harbor  bay  of  Mitylene,  iii.  104. 

Mandocus,  iii.  532. 

Mandrocles,  ii.  183. 

Mantic  art,  the,  among  the  Greeks,  ii. 
7,  seqq. 

Manticles,  son  of  Theocles,  i.  242. 

Maminea,  one  of  the  capitals  of  Ar- 
cadia, ii.  432  ; opposes  Sparta,  iii.  289  ; 
battle  of,  309  ; relapses  into  its  former 
position,  311;  the  independence  of, 
iv.  319  ; war  with,  321  ; fall  of,  322  ; 
rebuilding  0^437;  opposed  to  Epa- 
min  ndas,  501;  attempted  surprise  of, 
506;  battle  of,  509. 

Mantitheus,  iii.  500;  iv.  298. 

Marathon,  ii.  246  ; march  of  the  Athe- 
nians to,  246  ; the  battle  of,  249  seqq.; 
monument  of  the  victory  of,  254. 

Mard.mius,  the  expedition  of,  ii.  215  ; 
wreck  of  his  fleet,  217;  ambitious  de- 
signs of,  328 ; remains  in  Thessaly, 
329 ; his  plans,  332 ; overtures  to 
Athenians,  332 ; devastates  Attica, 
325;  in  Boeotia,  325;  at  Plataeae,  339; 
his  death,  340. 

Maritzi  river,  v.  12. 

Mascames,  ii.  380. 

Masistes,  brother  of  Xerxes,  ii.  398. 

Massagetae,  the,  ii.  122. 

Massaln,  a fixed  seat  of  Hellenic  cul- 
ture, i.  482;  its  trade  and  colonies, 
482. 

Matriceta-,  astronomer,  ii.  561. 

Maussollus,  dynast  of  Caria,  v.  116;  his 
death,  269. 

Masares,  the  army  of,  ii.  144  ; his  death, 
145- 

Medes,  the,  ii.  126,  seqq. 

Media,  ii.  126 ; fall  of  the  throne  of, 
176. 


General  Index. 


527 


Median  Wall,  the,  iv.  187. 

Medius,  dynast  of  Larisa,  iv.  244. 
Megabates,  expedition  of,  against  Naxos, 

ii.  197. 

Megabazus,  the  satrapy  of,  ii.  186  ; his 
campaigns,  187. 

Megacles,  chosen  husband  of  Agariste, 
i.  287. 

Megalopolis,  foundation  of,  iv.  441, 
seqq.;  its  border-war  with  Laconia, 
492  ; oration  of  Demosthenes  for,  v. 
261  ; protected  by  Philip,  346. 
Megara,  condition  of,  i.  303  ; founds  By- 
zantium, 304  ; and  Chalcedon,  458  ; 
Megara  in  Sicily,  468;  resists  ih^ 
Persians,  ii.  337,  436;  joins  the 

Attico-Argive  alliance,  435 ; com- 
plains of,  against  Athens,  iii.  97  ; irre- 
concilable feud  declared  by  Athens 
against,  63  ; new  conflict  of  parties 
in,  170,  iv.  261 ; protected  by  Philip, 
v-  347: 

Melancridas,  iii.  434. 

Melanippides,  dithyrambic  poet,  iv. 
113. 

Melanippus  of  Thebes,  1.  280. 

Melas  of  Thessaly,  i.  289. 

Meles,  called  fatner  of  Homer,  1.  149. 
Melesias,  son  of  Thucydides,  iii.  91. 
Melasippus,  iii.  56. 

Meletus,  tragic  poet,  iv.  91  ; accuser  cf 
Socrates,  158. 

Melicertes,  feast  of,  ii  36. 

Melissa,  married  to  Periander,  i.  300 ; 
her  death,  300. 

, Phrygian  hamlet,  iv.  29. 

Melissus,  philosopher,  ii.  520. 

Melon,  iv.  364,  366. 

Melos,  Athenian  expedition  against,  iii. 
421,  seqq.-,  fall  of,  319  ; its  inhabitants 
summoned  back,  561. 

Memphis,  ii.  174. 

Menander,  sent  to  Syracuse,  iii.  391, 
551- 

Mende,  iii.  198. 

Menecles,  iii.  544. 

Meoeclides,  opponent  of  Epaminondas, 
iv.  373,  457,  514- 
Meneda'ius,  iii.  150. 

Menedemus,  legislator  at  Pyrrha,  v. 
219. 

Menestheus,  son  of  Iphicrates,  v.  119  ; 

accusation  of,  122,  227. 

Menippus,  iii.  43. 

Mentes,  king  of  the  Taphians,  i.  462. 
Mermnadae,  the,  ii.  116  ; their  home  in 
Caria,  116  ; in  Lydia,  117  ; their  war 
with  Miletus,  124  ; fall  of  their  dy- 
nasty, 139. 

Mesodoma,  name  for  a Spartan  wife,  1. 
222. 

Mesopotamia,  ii.  126,  277. 

M^ssana,  taken  by  the  Syracusans, 

iii.  279 ; Nicias  attempts  to  take, 
371 

Messapia,  land  of  the  Iapygians,  i. 

461  ; the  Messapian  language,  46  c. 
Messene,  foundation  of,  iv.  453  ; in  league 


with  Athens,  v.  259 ; protected  by 
Philip,  346. 

Messtnia,  foundation  of,  i.  178;  its  re- 
1 -tions  with  Laconia,  228 ; extinguished 
2*3;  war  in,  ii.  437,  441;  M.  and 
Thebes,  iv.  429  ; revolt  in,  452  ; new 
cities  of,  454  ; restoration  of,  485. 

Messenian  war.  First,  i.  229 ; Second, 
240. 

Messenians,  the,  retreat  into  Arcadian 
territory,  i.  242  ; established  at  JNau- 
pactus,  ii.  442  ; their  migrations,  iv. 
429  ; summoned  home,  430. 

Metagenes,  ii.  611. 

Metapontium,  foundation  of,  i.  472;  ii. 
44  ; iii.  266. 

Methone,  port  of  M-’Ssenia,  i.  242. 

Methone  in  Euboea,  founded,  i.  457 ; 
Athenian  attack  upon,  iii.  62  ; restora- 
tion of,  iv.  454- 

in  Macedonia,  foundation  of,  v. 

13  ; fall  of,  57. 

Methydrium,  iv.  443. 

Methymna,  ii.  106. 

Metiochus  (or  Metichus),  rhetor  and 
architect,  iii.  43. 

Metoeci  at  Athens  ; persecution  of  the, 

iv.  31. 

Metrodorus  of  Lampsacus,  commentator 
on  Homer,  v.  189. 

Metronomi,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  365. 

Metroum,  the,  at  Athens,  v.  155. 

Micythus  resigns  the  government  of 
Rhegium  and  Zancle,  iii.  262. 

Midas,  traditions  of,. i.  278,  ii.  114;  his 
royal  throne  at  Delphi,  ib. 

Midias,  v.  278  ; M.  and  Demosthenes, 
283  ; elected  one  of  the  Pylagorae,  425, 
432- 

Miletus,  i.  263 ; at  feud  with  Carysius 
and  Euboea,  269  ; its  four  harbours, 
435;  its  trade,  4^6,  440  ; its  colonizing 
activity,  442;  the  mother  of  eighty 
colonies,  448;  its  connexion  with 
Egypt,  448  ; extent  of  its  trade,  451, 
498,  ii.  46;  at  war  with  the  Merm- 
nadae, 124;  Naxiaa  exiles  at,  196; 
critical  position  of,  209  ; final  struggle 
at,  210  ; doom  of,  213  ; naval  battle  of, 
iii.  442  ; massacre  at,  iv.  16. 

Miitiades,  (the  younger),  conspires 
against  Darius,  ii.  184,  seqq.;  arrives 
at  Athens,  244 ; chosen  as  general, 
245;  in  supreme  command  at  Mara- 
thon, 247  ; at  the  height  of  his  infl  i- 
ence,  255  ; indictment  of,  257 ; c<  n- 
viccion,  sentence  and  death  of,  ib. 
258. 

Mindarus,  commands  the  Spartan  fhet, 
iii.  492;  at  Abydus,  494  ; falls  at  Cy- 
zicu«,  494. 

Minos,  king  of  Crete,  i.  82  ; expels  the 
Carians,  82  ; his  influence.  83 

Minyae,  the,  i.  97;  founds  Orchomenus, 
99  ; their  foundations  in  Peloponnesus, 
187. 

Mitylenaeans,  the.  ii.  144. 

Mit^lene,  ii.  130;  subjects  Antissa,  Ere* 


528 


General  Index. 


sus,  and  Pyrrha,  iii.  104;  revolt  of, 
106  ; enters  the  Peloponnesian  con- 
federation, no  ; capitulation  of,  115; 
debates  at  Athens  on,  125  ; summary 
judgment  on,  126  ; the  punishment  of, 
129. 

Mnaseas,  the  ho  ’se  of,  v.  68  ; his  quarrel 
with  Euthycrates,  70 ; partisan  of 
Macedonia,  374. 

Mnasippus,  iv.  404. 

Mnesicles  erects  the  Propylaea,  ii. 
636. 

Mnesiphi’us,  i.  376;  encourages  The- 
mistjcles,  ii.  321 ; the  political  teaching 
of,  473- 

Moderates,  the,  at  Athens  ; victory  of, 
iii  128,  iv.  19,  67. 

Molossi,  the,  i 116  ; v.  63. 

Molycria,  i.  290. 

Months,  the  Greek,  ii.  29. 

Morea,  conquest  of  the,  i.  135. 

Morsimus,  tragic  poet,  iv.  89. 

Motye,  iii.  220. 

Munychia,  tne  acropolis  of,  ii.  612, 
613;  the  assembly  in,  iii.  572;  Thrasy- 
bulus  at,  iv.  48  : the  battle  of,  49. 

Murychides,  the  Helle.'pontian,  ii.  335. 

Muses,  the,  ii.  93  ; worship  of,  v.  38. 

Music,  the  art  of,  in  Greece,  iv.  iij, 
seqq.\  Apolline,  at  Sparta,  118 

Mycense,  i.  158  ; sepulchre  in,  i6d. 

Mylse,  foundation  of,  i.  477;  iii.  215. 

Myrcinus,  does  homage  to  Brasidas,  iii. 
T9T- 

Myron,  the  Orthagoride,  i.  278;  his 
chariot  victory  at  Olympia,  ib.\  builds 
r\n  Ionic  treasury  at  Olympia,  ii. 
74- 

— -=» — of  Eleutherae,  sculptor,  ii.  602; 
his  Discobulus , zb. 

Myronides,  ii.  342  ; his  campaign 
against  the  Corinthbns,  436;  defeats 
the  Thebans  near  CEnophyta,  440. 

Mysia,  ii.  180. 

N. 

Nabonassar,  ii.  127. 

Naples,  the  double  bay  of,  i.  465. 

Nauarchy,  the,  at  Sparta,  iv.  174. 

Naucrariae,  the,  in  Attica,  i.  330,  407. 

Naucratis,  foundation  of  a colony  in,  i. 
452. 

Naupactus,  an  Attic  naval  station,  iii. 
3 : saved  by  Demosthenes,  149  ; evac- 
uated b/  the  Messenians  and  restored 
to  the  Locrians,  iv.  15,  v.  381  ; handed 
over  by  Philip  to  the  ./Etolians,  447. 

Nauplia,  allied  with  Prasiae  and  Her- 
mione  against  the  Achaeans,  i.  112. 

Nausicles,  v.  355,  36a. 

Nausinicus,  the  year  of,  iv.  385 ; v. 
90. 

Naxos  (island),  description  of,  193; 
civil  troubles  in,  195 ; expedition 
against,  197  ; sacked  by  the  Persians, 
235;  reluction  of,  384;  exiles  from 
at  Miletus,  196  ; enslaved,  532  ; Attic 


citizens  conducted  to,  534;  battle  of, 
iv.  390. 

Naxos  (in  Sicily),  foundation  of,  i.  467. 

Neapolis,  opposice  Thasos,  foandation 
of,  v.  59 

Nebuchadnezzar,  ii.  118,  137  ; his  death, 
138. 

Neda,  valley  of  the,  i.  242. 

Neleidae,  the,  i.  269 ; at  Miletus,  ii. 
1 14  ; family  registers  of  the  Attic,  ii. 
554- 

Nemea,  battle  of,  iv.  248  ; Epaminondas 
at,  504. 

Nemean  games,  the,  founded,  ii.  36. 

Neogenes,  Tyrant  at  Histiaea,  iv.468. 

Neon,  at  Messene,  v.  374. 

Neophron,  tragic  poet,  iv.  87. 

Neoptolemus,  actor,  v.  197. 

Nestus,  river,  v.  11. 

Nicaea,  magazines  at,  iii.  103  ; taken  by 
Philip,  v.  434. 

Nicanor,  painter,  ii.  638. 

Nice,  statue  of,  ii.  629,  634. 

Niceratus,  son  of  Nicias,  iv.  31  ; his  fall, 
ib . v.  195 

Nicias,  son  of  Niceratus,  his  wealth,  iii. 
98  ; strategus  after  the  death  of  Peri- 
cles, 99. ; his  party,  100 ; his  expedi- 
tion to  Minoa,  &o.,  145 ; at  the  Delian 
festival,  152  ; N.  and  Cleon,  163  ; his 
expedition  against  Corinth,  166  ; sub- 
duces  Cythera,  168  ; at  Potidaea,  198  ; 
the  Peace  of,  206;  its  limited  effects, 
285,  seqq.  ; N.  and  the  peace-party 
at  Athens,  294;  his  political  short- 
sightedness, 296 ; challenge  between, 
and  Alcibiades,  296  ; as  colleague  ot 
Alcibiades  against  Syracuse,  342  ; his 
speech  in  the  assembly,  343  ; besieges 
Syracuse,  369  ; attempts  to  take  Mes- 
sana,  370;  his  difficulties,  388;  sends 
a letter  to  the  Athenian  people,  390  ; 
opposes  Demosthenes,  398;  takes  up 
a position  on  the  Erineus,  406;  sur- 
renders to  Gylippus,  407 ; his  death, 
408. 

Nicodorus  of  Mantinea,  legislator,  iv.  85. 

Nicodromius,  ii.  262. 

Nicogenes  and  Themistocles,  ii.  396. 

Nicolochus,  iv.  393. 

Nicomachus,  president  of  a Legi dative 
Commiss  on,  iii.  554  ; his  unconsti- 
ti  mal  law,  569,  iv.  69;  revises  the 
laws  on  public  worship,  71. 

Nicomachus,  comic  poet,  the  Chiron  of, 
iv.  119. 

■,  physician,  father  of  Ariato- 

t e,  v.  40. 

Nicophemus,  iv.  299 ; his  execution, 
3°4- 

Nicostratus,  iii.  138. 

Nicoteks,  iv.  180. 

Nile,  the,  i.  23  ; its  principal  outlets  oc- 
cupied by  the  Greeks,  448. 

Nine  Roads,  the,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Strymon,  ii.  403. 

Nineve,  ii.  115  ; the  Medes  renounce  al- 
legiance to,  1 16  ; siege  of,  126  ; fall  of, 
137- 


General  Index. 


529 


Ninoe,  foundation  of,  ii.  115. 

Ninus,  ii.  115- 

Ninyadse,  the,  in  Assyria,  ii.  115. 

Niobe,  i.  91. 

Nisaea,  port  of,  i.  304  ; ii.  450. 
Nomophylaces,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  427. 
Nomothetae,  the,  at  Athens,  i/.  69. 
Notium,  under  the  power  of  Athens,  iii. 
117  ; taken  by  Thrasylus,  503  ; Athe- 
nian defeat  at,  526. 

Nymphaeum,  port  of  the  Taurian  penin- 
sula, v.  226. 

Nymphodorus  of  Abdera,  iii.  64  ; nego- 
tiates with  Sitalces  aud  Perdiccas,  61, 
v.  13. 

O. 

Obae,  i.  226. 

Ochus  (Artaxerxes  III.),  v.  251. 
Octaeteris,  the,  ii.  562. 

Odessus  (or  Ordessus),  1.  445 
Odeum,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  618,  632,  iv. 
47  ; (in  the  Lyceum),  built  by  Lycur- 
gus,  v.  488. 

Odrysae,  the  kingdom  of  the,  iii.  103  ; v. 

1 2,  I39. 

Odysseus,  ii.  51. 

CEbares,  at  Dascylium,  ii.  193. 

(Eniadae,  iii.  3. 

CEnoe,  the  frontier  fortress  of  Attica,  iii. 
60;  besieged  by  Corinthians  and 
Boeotians,  487 ; Lacedaemonian  de- 
feat at,  iv.  267. 

CEnophyta,  victory  at,  ii.  440. 

CEnotrians,  the,  i.  4 66. 

CEnus,  valley  of  the,  iv.  449. 

Oeroe,  stream  of,  ii.  339. 

(Eta,  Mount,  iv.  210. 

Olbia,  founded,  i.  445  ; v.  227. 

Olen,  the  Apolline  hymns  of,  ii.  94. 
Oligarchs,  the  Athenian,  ii.  440;  their 
treason  at  Tanagra,  zb.  ; their  theo- 
ries, iii.  462  ; their  deputation  to 
Sparta,  480;  end  of  their  Tyrannis, 
488  ; their  intrigues,  534,  562,  iv.  19  ; 
the  Theban  assassination  of  the,  305. 
Olpae,  battle  of,  iii.  149. 

Olympia,  sanctuary  at,  i.  247 ; temple 
of  Here  at,  248  ; dignity  of,  ii.  35  ; the 
fair  at,  41  ; the  Lesbians  at,  iii.  109  ; 
dedicatory  offerings  at,  241 ; battle  at, 

iv.  493- 

Olympias,  niece  of  Arybbas,  marries 
Philip,  v.  63,  381. 

Olympic  games;  the  p izes  at,  i.  256, 
258  ; as  a common  Peloponnesian  fes- 
tival, ii.  34;  the  festival  year,  i.  258. 
Olympieum,  the,  at  Acragas,  iii.  256. 
Oiympiodorus,  ii.  337. 

Olympus,  Mount,  on  the  frontier  of 
Hellas,  i.  126  ; Xerxes  at,  ii.  282,  v.  8. 
Olynthian  Orations  of  Demosthenes,  the, 

v.  290,  seqq.  ; War,  the,  v.  296,  seqq. 
Olynthus,  iii.  14,  iv.  322  ; expedition 
L against,  335  ; capi.u’ation  of,  339,  v 

54;  allied  with  Phi  ip,  59,  84;  sends 
an  embassy  to  Athens,  85  ; history  of, 
268,  seqq.  ; O.  and  Pnilip,  292  ; sends  1 


embassies  to  Athens,  293  ; admitted 
into  the  Attic  Confederation,  299  ; de- 
feated in  two  battles,  301  ; fall  of,  302. 

Omphalos,  the,  at  Delphi,  ii.  23. 

Oaatas,  sculptor,  ii.  75  ; his  Apollo,  601. 

Oneates,  i.  281. 

Onesilus  besieges  Salamis,  ii.  206. 

Onetor,  brother-in-law  of  Aphobus,  v. 
240. 

Onomacles,  iii.  442. 

Onomscritus,  has  the  care  of  the  oracles 
unJer  Pisistratus,  i.  394;  his  collection 
of  oracles,  ii.  54  ; at  Susa,  274. 

Onomarchus  heads  the  war-party  at 
Phocis,  v.  71  ; his  victories,  75  ; his 
defeat  aud  death,  77,  263. 

Onoma^tus,  suitor  ot  Agar  ste,  i.  285. 

Opheltas,  Boeotian  king,  i.  120. 

Ophis,  strerm,  iv.  321,  437. 

Upisihodomos,  the,  of  the  Parthenon,  ii. 
621,  632. 

Opuntians,  the  [See  Locrians]. 

Oracles,  p^wer  of  the,  ii.  16,  seqq.  ; 
power  of  the  Delphic  oracle,  23 ; an- 
swers of  the  Pythian,  54. 

Oratory  in  Greece,  ii.  564 ; at  Athens, 
567  ; forensic,  568  ; at  Athens,  v.  177, 
180. 

Orchomenus,  founded,  i.  99;  its  citadel 
cap  ured,  120,  iv.  252,  277 ; recognized 
as  an  independent  state,  287;  situa- 
tion of,  443  ; restoration  of,  v.  453. 

O estes,  boue>  of,  brought  back  to 
Sparta  i.  205,  245  ; ii.  426. 

, dynast  of  Pharsalus,  it.  443  ; iv. 

461. 

Orestis,  district  in  Macedo'  ia,  v.  16. 

Oreus  remains  in  Attic  hands,  iii.  484. 

Oroetes,  his  message  to  Polycrates,  ii. 
170. 

Orapus,  iii.  144 ; defeat  of  the  Athe- 
nians at,  483 ; taicen  by  Thebes,  iv. 
490 ; lo.sS  of,  v.  103  ; restored  to  Athens, 
469. 

Orpheotelestae,  the,  iv.  84. 

Orpheus,  ii.  93. 

of  Croton,  i.  394. 

Orrhesc'ans,  the  silver  coinage  of,  v.  57. 

Orsippus,  the  Megarean,  i.  304. 

Orthagoras  (Andreas),  i.  277 

Orthagoridae,  the,  of,  of  Sicvon,  i.  277. 

Ortygia  occupied  by  Greeks,  i.  467  ; iii. 
217. 

Oscophori,  the  choral  dance  of  the,  iii. 
97- 

Ossa  range,  the,  i.  16. 

Ostracism  at  Athens,  i.  426. 

Ostrovo,  the  basin  of,  v.  17. 

Otanes  captures  Byzantium  and  Chal- 
cedon,  ii.  190. 

Otys,  king  of  Paphlagonia,  iv.  231. 

Oxylus,  i.  249. 

Ozolians,  the  [See  Locrians]. 

P. 

Paches,  iii  94;  arrives  off  Mitylene, 
no;  Mityleue  capitulates  to,  116; 
subjects  Lesbos,  118. 


530 


General  Index. 


Pactolus,  the,  ii.  118,  134  ; victory  on 
the,  iv.  228. 

Pactyes,  ii.  148;  his  revolt,  144;  his 
end,  145. 

Pzeon,  the  th’rd  in  the  sentences  of 
Thrasymachus,  v.  15. 

Paeonians,  the,  ii.  187,  v.  187. 

Pagasae,  iv.  463 ; the  chief  harbor  of 
Thessaly,  v.  77. 

Pagondas,  iii.  174. 

Painting  at  Athens,  ii.  586;  v.  210. 

Palaestra,  the,  39. 

Pallene,  worship  of  Pallas  Athene  at, 
i.  321  ; the  peninsula  of,  iii.  14. 

Pammenes,  Theban  general,  iv.  362, 
442  ; in  Asia,  v.  75. 

Pamphaes,  ii.  131. 

Pamphylia,  ii.  402. 

Panaeus,  sculptor,  iii.  45. 

Panathenaea,  the,  i.  321  ; revived  by 
Pisistratus,  390,  ii.  630,  635,  v.  450. 

Pancratium,  the,  i.  257. 

Pandrosos,  ii.  635. 

Panegyrics,  Ionian,  ii.  40. 

Panionium,  the,  ii.  51. 

Panormus  remains  in  the  hands  of  the 
Phoenicians,  i.  477  ; iii.  229. 

Pantagnotus  of  Samos,  ii.  160. 

Pantaleon,  son  of  Omphal.on,  celebrates 
two  Olympiads,  i.  251. 

, son  of  Alyattes,  ii.  130. 

Panticapaeum  (Kertsch),  foundation  of, 
i.  445  ; ii.  147. 

Panyasis,  uncle  of  Herodotus,  ii.  550. 

Paphlagonians,  the,  ii.  278. 

Parali,  the,  331,  377,  404. 

Paralus,  son  of  Pericles,  death  of,  i.i. 
74. 

, the,  iii.  468. 

Para  otamii,  town  of,  v.  441. 

Parmenides,  philosopher,  ii.  474  ; legis- 
lator of  Elea,  id.;  ac  Athens,  475. 

Parmenio,  v.  311. 

Parnassus,  Mount,  ii.  2,  20 ; v.  72, 
435- 

Parrhasians,  t\e,  iv.  441. 

Parrhasius  of  Ephesus,  painter,  his 
Demos , v.  211. 

Paros,  account  of,  193 ; siege  of,  by 
Miltiades,  256. 

Parthenii,  the,  at  Sparta,  i.  234. 

Parihenon,  description  of  the,  ii.  620, 
seqq.;  as  a treasury,  632 ; as  a hall  of 
festiva’,  634,  iii.  532. 

Parthenos,  the,  ii.  632. 

Parthians,  the,  ii.  276. 

Parysaiis,  mother  of  Cyrus,  iii.  515,  iv. 
180,  220. 

Pasargadae,  the,  tribe,  ii.  136. 

, town,  iv.  180. 

Pasimelus  Corinthian  party-leader,  iv. 
259- 

Pata-  a.  first  temple  of  Apollo  at,  i.  93. 

Patizithes,  the  Magian,  ii.  174. 

Patroclides,  the  law  of,  iii  564. 

Pausanias,  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Greeks,  ii.  336  ; at  Plataeae,  339  ; re- 
gent for  Plistarchus,  367 ; the  con- 
fedexate  fleet  under,  368  ; at  the  capture 


of  Byzantium,  369  ; his  treason, 
seqq.;  his  recall,  373;  his  prosecution 
and  acquittal,  39T  ; forced  to  withdraw 
from  Byzantium,  392  ; new  intiigues 
and  new  inaictment  of,  ib.\  his  deatn, 
393- 

Pausanias,  son  of  Plistoanax,  king  of 
Sparta,  besieges  Athen>,  iii.  561,  iv. 
56;  leads  his  army  home,  60;  the  ad- 
versary of  Lysander,  212  ; humiliates 
him,  225,  239  ; his  misfortunes,  242; 
flies  to  Tegea,  243. 

, a relative  of  the  royal  house, 

invades  Macedonia,  v.  41,  45. 

Pedasians,  the,  ii.  151. 

Pedizeans,  the,  i.  331,  378,  407. 

Peiiho,  v.  212. 

Pelagus,  oak-forest,  iv.  508. 

Pelasgi,  and  Hellenes,  i.  39,  seqq.;  their 
land  becomes  Hellenic,  ii.  2. 

Pelasgian  migration,  i,  44 ; religious 
worship,  61  ; P.  Zeus,  247. 

Pelasgicon,  the,  at  Athens,  iii.  59. 

Pella,  revolts  against  Amyntas,  iv.  441  ; 
foundation  of,  v.  38 ; Athenian  em- 
bassy to,  308,  seqq.;  the  envoys  at, 
318,  402. 

Pehene  taken  by  the  Arcadians,  iv. 
458. 

Pelopidae,  the,  i.  106 ; at  Argos,  109; 
their  origin,  150. 

Pelopidas,  and  the  oligarchs,  iv.  359, 
362,  364,  306 ; routs  the  Lacedae- 
monians at  Tegyra,  397  ; at  Leuctra, 
416,  449  ; in  Thessaly,  474  ; liberates 
Larisa,  475  ; in  Macedonia,  id.;  taken 
prisoner,  id.  473;  conducts  2n  em- 
bassy to  Susa,  484 ; P.  and  Ana* 
xerxes,  485  ; his  death  in  Thessaly, 
500. 

Peloponnesian  Confederation,  the,  re- 
solves upon  war,  iii.  25,  31  ; War,  the, 
progess  and  extension  of,  101  ; iis 
fourth  year,  104;  sixth,  143  ; seventh, 
153;  eighth,  168;  ninth,  196;  tenth 
year,  200;  States,  the  Separate  League 
of  the,  289. 

Pel  ponnesians,  the,  unite  with  the 
Athenians,  ii.  336  ; prevent  the  build- 
ing of  the  walls  of  Athens,  359  ; lay 
siege  to  (Enoe,  iii.  60;  send  an  em- 
bassy to  Persia,  71 ; before  Platzeae, 
77  ; devastate  Salamis,  97 ; invade 
Attica,  103  ; occupy  Sphacteria,  156; 
blockaded  in  Pirzeeus,  435 ; at  A£gos- 
potami,  522. 

Peloponnesus,  description  of  the,  i.  18; 
conflicts  in,  ii.  432,  seqq.;  war  between 
the  Northern  maritime  states  of,  and 
Athens,  434  ; schools  of  sculpture  in, 
601 ; hostilities  in,  iii.  307;  movements 
in,  against  Sparta  after  the  Peace  of 
.Antalcidas.  iv.  318;  after  the  libera- 
tion of  Thebes,  431  ; the  Thebans  in, 
449;  continued  agitation,  in,  458; 
third  Theban  expedition  into,  487; 
fourth,  503,  v.  263 ; jEschines  in, 
304;  Phihp  of  Macedonia  in,  344, 
371  ; Demosthenes  in,  372,  seqq.; 


General  Index. 


531 


embassy  from,  to  Athens,  374  ; change 
in  the  whole  system  of,  after  Leuc- 
tra,  466;  territorial  changes  in, 
469. 

Pelops,  adored  as  founder  of  the  Olym- 
pian games,  i.  257. 

Pelusium,  the  victory  near,  ii.  157. 

Penestae,  the,  in  Thessaly,  iv.  467. 

Peneus  (river),  i.  258. 

Pentakosiomedimni,  the,  in  Attica,  i. 
353- 

Poparethus,  siege  of,  v.  107,  250 ; de- 
vastated by  Philip,  40 r. 

Perdiccas  I , founder  of  the  Macedonian 
kingdom,  ii.  188,  v.  15,  27. 

■ II.,  incites  the  Corinthians 

against  Athens,  iii.  14  ; reconciled  to 
Atbens,  65;  Therma  restored  to  him, 
ib.;  his  dispute  with  the  Lyncestae, 
•177,  v.  31  ; the  crisis  of  his  reign,  33 ; 
tindlesa  second  Thracian  war,  34; 
his  activity  and  sagacity,  37  ; his  pa- 
tronag  • of  eminent  Greeks,  ib. 

III.,  overthrows  Ptolemaeus,  v. 

45  ; recalls  his  brother  Philip,  ib.;  his 
death,  zb.;  competition  for  his  throne, 
ib.  45,  286. 

Pergamus,  iv.  198. 

Periander  of  Corinth,  son  of  Cypselus, 
assumes  his  father’s  dominion,  i.  298, 
299 ; his  family,  300 ; his  death,  302, 

ii.  125,  128. 

Pericles,  son  of  Xanthippus,  as  opponent 
of  Cimon,  ii.  412,  415  ; commands  an 
expedition  to  Achaia,  443 ; leads  a 
fleet  to  the  Hellespont,  445  ; at  Euboea, 
451;  pursues  his  own  policy,  454; 
his  influence,  457 ; his  family  and 
youth,  481,  seqq.;  his  training,  483  ; 
his  social  position,  484 ; P.  aud  the 
democracy,  486,  seqq.;  as  a par  y 
politician,  489,  seqq.;  as  a public 
orator,  501  ; as  con.mander-in-chief, 
503  ; as  superintendent  of  the  finances, 
504;  as  commissary  of  the  civic  body, 
505  ; as  a private  individual,  506  ; P. 
and  Aspasia,  507  ; his  domestic  econo- 
my and  public  character,  509  ; his 
speeches,  511  ; his  political  principles 
and  foreign  policy,  51 1 ; his  policy 
towards  the  allies,  516  ; before  Samos, 
520 ; blockades  the  city  of  Samos, 
521  ; entrusted  with  the  moneys  of  the 
Attic  treasury,  527  ; his  expedition  to 
the  Thracian  Chersonnesus,  534  ; in 
the  Pontus,  535;  iuperintends  the 
fo  mdation  of  cities,  536;  his  law  on 
the  civic  franchise,  541  ; his  interest 
in  philosophy,  558  ; encourages  the 
a*-t  of  song  at  Athens,  572  ; P.  and 
Phidias,  607;  proposes  national 
schemes  of  art,  608  ; builds  the  Odeum , 
618  ; the  Parthenon  and  the  Propylse, 
6 6 ; the  va«t  material  advantages  for 
Athens  achieved  by,  639  ; his  war- 
speech,  iii.  20,  seqq  ; his  p litical  po- 
sition, 42 ; his  enemies,  ib.;  prose- 
secuted,  49  ; his  motives  for  war,  ib. 
seqq.;  his  preparatory  measures,  57  ; 


his  expedition  against  Mcgara,  62  ; 
his  speech  at  the  burial  of  the  citizens 
fallen  in  the  war,  66  ; public  confidence 
in  the  system  of,  67  ; his  expedition 
against  Epidaurus,  Argolis,  etc.,  71  ; 
justifies  himself  before  the  Assembly, 
72  ; prosecuted  and  condemned,  73  ; 
re-elected  Strategus,  74 ; his  illness 
and  death,  78  ; review  of  his  adminis- 
tration, 80  seqq. 

Pericles,  son  of  the  great,  iii.  533  ; his 
execution,  544. 

Perinthus,  Samian  colony,  ii.  187;  its 
strength  as  a maritime  fortress,  v. 
397;  siege  of,  405. 

Perioeci,  the,  in  Laconia,  i.  218,  231,  iv. 
12  ; their  discontent,  215,  450. 

Perrhaebians,  the,  and  the  Dorians,  i. 
122  ; submit  to  Xerxes,  ii.  305. 

Persephone,  divinity  of  the  Mysteries, 

iii.  511  ; worship  of, iv.  454. 

Perseus,  i.  109. 

Persia,  ii.  453  ; relations  between  Sparta, 
and,  iii.  419  ; relations  of,  with  Greece 
durirg  the  latter  half  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian War,  51?  ; at  War  with  Sparta, 

iv.  198  ; approximation  between  Sparta 
2nd,  281  ; her  gains  from  the  pea;e  of 
Antalcidas,  294 ; represented  at  the 
congress  at  Sparta,  414,  v.  138  ; envoys 
to,  398;  offers  support  to  the  Greeks  at 
the  siege  of  Perinthus,  405. 

Persians,  the,  ii.  126,  135 ; advance 
upon  Ecbatana,  136  ; in  Lydia,  139  ; 
in  the  valley  of  the  Maeander,  145  ; 
destroy  Magnesia,  145  ; besiege  Pho- 
caea,  147,  150,  153  ; conquer  Egypt, 
157,  x73  » on  Danube,  184;  exten- 
sion of  their  empire,  190;  at  war  with 
the  Ionians,  204;  their  revenge  on  the 
Ionians,  214  ; shipwrecked  off  Athos, 
216 ; in  the  Cyclades  and  Euboea, 
235 ; at  Marathon,  249 ; sail  to  the 
Phalerus,  252  ; their  armada,  276  ; off 
Artemisium,  311,  seqq.;  their  three 
naval  conflicts  with  the  Greeks,  313  ; 
at  Delphi,  315 ; in  Boeotia,  316 ; at 
Salamis,  324,  seqq.;  pursued,  328 ; on 
the  Asopu9,  336 ; at  Piataeae.  339, 
seqq  ; review  of  the  wars  of,  348,  seqq.; 
at  Samos  and  Mycale,  354. 

Petalism  at  Syracuse,  iii.  263. 

Peucetians,  settlemei  ts  of  the,  i.  461. 

Phaeaces,  the,  (conduits)  at  Acragas,  iii. 
25  7- 

Phaeax,  iii.  281,  314. 

Phaedo  of  Elis,  philosopher,  v.  152. 

Phaedriades,  the,  ii.  20;  their  three 
springs,  20. 

Phainus,  astronomer,  ii.  561. 

Pbalaecus,  son  of  Onomarchus,  becomes 
captain-general  of  Phocis,  v.  327,  328 ; 
his  capitulation,  329,  v.  78. 

Phalaris  of  Acragas,  iii.  225. 

Phaderus,  the  Persian  fleet  off,  ii.  318. 

Phanagoria  on  the  Bosporus,  i.  446. 

Phanes,  ii.  157. 

Pharnabazus,  as  satrap  in  Northern 
Asia  Minor,  iii.  420;  as  rival  of  Tissa« 


532 


General  Index. 


phernes  for  the  favor  of  Sparta,  422  ; 
at  the  Bosporus,  501 ; offers  a truce 
to  Alcibiades,  505 ; Susa,  513 ; as  sa- 
trap at  Dascylium,  iv.  28  ; entertains 
Alcibiades,  ib.  ; favors  Sparta,  167; 
P.  and  Lysander,  168  ; unites  Mysia 
and  rhe  Troad  under  the  suzerainty 
of  Persia,  179  ; his  promises  to  Anaxi- 
bius,  193;  at  Susa,  217;  supports 
Conon,  220 ; remains  satrap  on  the 
Hellespont,  226;  relieves  Conon  at 
Caunus,  253. 

Pharnaces,  satrap  in  Asia  Minor,  iii. 
75- 

Pharodemus  composes  an  Atthis , v.  185. 

Pharsalus  defies  Iason,  iv.  465. 

Phasis.  trade  of,  i.  447. 

Ph'iyllus  of  Croton,  in.  267. 

• , brother  of  Onomarchus,  v.  77  ; 

leader  of  the  Phocians,  78  ; his  death* 
32  7- 

Phea,  iv.  208. 

Pheneus,  sacred  documents  in,  ii.  53. 

Pherae  becomes  the  centre  of  Thessaly, 

iv.  463 ; its  Tyrants,  v.  77. 

Pherecrates,  the  Chiron  ascribed  to,  iv. 

119. 

Pherecydes  of  Leros,  and  the  Logogra- 
phi,  ii.  548,  561. 

Pherenicus,  iv.  364. 

Phidias,  son  of  Charmides,  sculptor,  ii. 
606  ; his  Athene  Promachos , 607,  iv. 
522;  P.  and  Pericles,  ii.  607;  his 
genius  displayed  in  the  Parthen  n, 
6>o,  621,  627,  i.  45;  at  Olympia,  46  ; 
his  statue  of  Zeu^,  45  ; his  prosecu- 
tion, ib.  ; his  derth,  47. 

Phidon  of  Argos,  expels  the  Spartans 
of  Argolis,  i.  252;  hs  commercial  re- 
forms, 272 ; celebrates  the  twenty- 
eighth  Olympiad,  274  ; his  death,  274, 

v.  25. 

Phidon,  one  of  the  Thirty , iv.  52  ; goes 
to  Sparta,  54. 

Phigalea,  iv.  432  ; massacre  at,  432. 

Philammon,  the  Delphian,  ii.  94. 

Philip  of  Macedonia,  brother  of  Per- 
diccas  II.,  v.  31. 

— II.,  v.  45  ; his  accession,  46  ; his  I 
first  achievements,  48  ; his  reform*, 
49  ; his  foreign  policy,  51,  seqq.  ; con- 
quers Amphipolis,  52  ; allied  with 
Olynthus,  57 ; crosses  the  Strymon  , 
60 ; destroys  Methone,  61  ; his  do- 
minion. ib.  61  ; his  coinage,  61 ; mar- 
ries Olympias,  63 ; as  successor  of 
Iason,  65  ; his  Greek  policy,  66;  takes 
up  the  policy  of  Thebes,  68  ; in  Thes- 
saly, 79  ; in  Thrace,  80  ; subjects  the 
Chalcid  ans,  ib.  ; P.  and  Olynthus,  ib. 
81,  287  ; his  partisans  at  Athens,  305  ; 
his  armies  on  the  Hellespont  and  the 
Bosporus,  306 ; desires  peace,  ib.  ; at 
war  with  Cersobleptes,  317  ; with  the 
envoys  in  Thessaly,  321  ; P.  and 
Thermopylae,  324  ; summoned  against 
Phocis,  325;  at  Delphi,  329  ; appeases 
Athens,  335;  celebrates  the  Pythia, 
336  ; returns  to  Macedonia,  340 ; his 


position  at  the  conclusion  of  the  peace, 
341  ; his  farther  schemes,  342 ; in 
Ihessaly,  344;  his  progress  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus, ib. ; as  protector  of  Elis, 
Messenia,  &c.,  346,  seq.  ; his  relations 
with  Athens,  347  ; his  friends  there, 
352  ; his  troops  in  Euboea,  379 ; es- 
tablishes connexions  with  the  iEto- 
lians,  382 ; returns  home,  383 ; his 
letter  to  the  Athenians,  384  ; his  pro- 
posals rejected,  387  ; devastates  Peo 
parethus,  402  ; his  Thracian  war,  403, 
seqq.;  besieges  Permthus,  405,  and 
Byz-ntium,  406  ; at  war  with  Athens 

408  ; raises  the  siege  of  Byzantium, 

409  ; in  Scythia,  ib. ; his  difficulties 
and  intrigues,  423 ; appointed  Am- 
phictyonic  general,  429;  his  advance, 
434;  occupies  Elatea,  435  ; marches 
to  Amphissa,  446;  negotiates,  447; 
devastates  Bceotia,  450  ; at  Chaeronea, 
453 ; his  peace-proposals  to  Athens, 
459  ; in  Peloponnesus,  462;  his  Hel- 
lenic policy,  482,  seqq. 

Philippi,  foundation  of,  v.  6o. 

Philippic , the  First , v.  274,  seqq.  ; the 
Second , 375  ; the  Third , 392,  seqq. 

Philippopolis  fjundation  of,  v.  404. 

Philippus,  Athenian  oligarch,  iv.  360. 

Philiscus  of  Abydus,  captain  of  mer- 
cenaries at  Delphi,  iv.  480  ; recalled  to 
Asia,  ib. 

Philistides,  Tyrant  of  Oreus,  slain,  v. 
400. 

Philistion  of  Locri,  teacher  of  medicine, 
v.  192. 

Philocles,  iii.  551. 

, nephew  of  Aeschylus,  tragic 

poet,  iv.  89. 

Philocrates  at  Melos,  iii.  31^. 

, proposes,  negotiations  with 

Philip,  v.  305,  313  ; the  Peace  of,  346  ; 
condemned  to  death,  364. 

Philolaus,  the  Bacchiade,  emigrates  to 
Thebes,  1.  294. 

introduces  Pythagorean  wis- 
dom into  Thebes,  iv.  355. 

Philomelus,  v.  70;  commander  of  the 
Phocian  troops,  71 ; seizes  Delphi,  72  ; 
conduct  of  the  war  by,  73  ; his  defeat 
and  death,  75. 

Philopoemen,  iv.  523. 

Philosophy,  effects  of,  ii.  470  ; its  rela- 
tions with  the  state  at  Athens  473, 
558  ; in  Sicily,  iii.  245  ; in  Greece,  v. 
494. 

Philoxenus,  dithyrambic  poet,  iv.  113. 

, son  of  Ptolemseus,  v.  42. 

Phineus,  the  Phoenician,  1.  437. 

Phlius,  independence  of,  iv.  323  ; dis- 
turbances at,  338  ; Spartan  expedition 
against,  341  ; siege  and  capitulation 
of,  342,  432 ; concludes  peace  with 
Thebes,  491. 

Phocaea,  i.  480;  its  situation  and  signi- 
fi  ance,  ii.  142  ; besieged  by  the  Per- 
sians, 147  ; abandoned  by  its  inhabi- 
tants, 148. 

Phocaeans,  the  voyag- s of,  i.  480;  in 


General  Index. 


533 


Iberia,  ib. ; found  Massalia,  482,  seqq.; 
occupy  Rhode,  483  ; in  Spain,  ib. ; 
found  Hemeroscopeum  rand  Msenace, 
484;  trade  with  Tartessus,  484;  de- 
fend their  city  against  Harpagus,  ii. 
147  ; sail  away,  148  ; their  adventures 
and  settlement  at  Hyele  in  Lucania, 
149. 

Phocians,  the,  ii.  310;  attack  Doris, 

437  ; attempt  to  incorporate  Delphi, 

438  ; defeated  at  Narycus,  iv.  244. 

Phocion,  at  the  battle  of  Naxos,  iv.  390, 

v.  273 ; in  Euboea,  280,  409  ; his  cha- 
racter, 444  ; elected  general,  455. 

Phocis,  agitation  in,  ii.  447  ; envoys  of 
Thebes  in,  iv.  426,  v.  68  ; Amphic- 
tyonic  decree  against,  69,  73  ; at  war 
with  Thebes,  313  ; P.  and  Athens, 
327;  doom  of,  332;  devastation  of, 
445  ; skirmishes  in,  443. 

Phcebidas,  expedition  of,  against  Thebes, 
iv.  331  > seizes  the  Cadmea,  333  ; 
judged  on  Spartan  principles,  335. 

Phoenician  characters  and  alphabet,  ii. 
52-  . . 

Phoenicians,  the,  build  Byblus,  Sidon, 
Tyre,  i.  48  ; in  Greece,  49  ; their  com- 
merce, 52;  theii  deities,  63;  their 
maritime  expeditions,  438  ; their  ti  ade, 
439-  ... 

Phormio,  ii.  521,  iii.  15  ; his  vigilance, 
79  ; his  conflicts  with  the  popular  ora- 
tors, 94  ; at  Astacus,  104. 

(or  Phormus),  at  the  court  of 

Gelo,  iii.  246,  249. 

, an  Acarnanian,  v.  488. 

, legislator,  in  Elis,  v.  219. 

Phormisius,  reactionary  motion  of,  iv. 
62,  80. 

Phraortes,  king  of  the  Medes,  ii.  126. 

Phratries,  in  Attica,  i.  326. 

Phrygia,  subjected  in  the  reign  of  Ninus, 
ii.  114. 

Phrygians,  the,  i.  43,  88  ; ii.  278. 

Phrygius,  i.  267. 

Phryne,  vi.  205. 

Phrynichus,  ii.  217,  242  ; his  Phcenissce , 
3^9,  557  ; his  Fall  of  Miletus , an  t his 
Phcenissce , 581  ; his  Hermit , iii.  366. 

* ■ , comic  poet,  his  Muses , iv. 

89;  his  Tragcedi,  125. 

, son  of  Stratonides,  com- 
mands an  Attic  fleet,  iii.  442  ; P.  and 
Alcibiades,  450  ; his  hatred  of  Alci- 
biades  and  communications  with  As- 
tyochus,  455  ; dismissed  from  his  com- 
mand, 456  ; assassinated,  481 ; trials 
concerning,  490. 

Phrynis,  cither-player,  iv.  116. 

Phrynon,  an  Athenian,  captured  by 
Macedonian  privateers,  v.  304;  in 
Philip's  camp,  305. 

Phthiotis,  Achseans  in,  i.  105. 

Phyle,  the  fort  of,  iv.  45  ; skirmishes 
near,  46  ; the  “men  of,"  v.  87. 

Phyllidas,  iv.  361,  364. 

Pieria,  the  home  of  the  Muses,  iii.  557, 
v.  20  ; under  Archelaus,  38. 

Pilaf-Tebe,  Mount,  v.  57. 


Pinacothece,  the,  of  the  Propylzea,  ii. 
637- 

Pindar  his  metaphysics,  ii.  60,  288,289 
his  travels  in  Hellas,  ib.;  his  songs' 
296;  celebrates  Athens,  349;  and 
Sicily,  iii.  253 ; celebrates  Thero,  ib. 
iv.  35o,  352. 

Pindarus,  nephew  of  Croesus,  ii.  132. 
Pindus,  Mount,  i . 3 ; v.  10. 

Pirceeus,  the  foundation  of,  ii.  241,  364, 
61 1 ; construction  of  a fort  in,  iii.  479  ; 
fight  near,  iv.  57 ; revival  of  ac- 
tivity in,  386 ; blockaded  by  Pollis, 
39°- 

Piraeum,  the,  on  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth, 
iv.  261. 

Pisa,  foundation  of,  i.  187  ; tries  to  rival 
Elis,  233  ; revolt  and  destruction  of, 
253- 

Pisander,  oligarch,  iii.  338  ; his  motion 
after  the  Mutilation  of  the  Hermae, 
350 ; his  schemes  on  arriving  at  Athens 
from  the  camp,  433  ; sent  to  Athens, 
452,  465  ; condemned,  487. 

, brother-in-law  of  Agesilaus, 

iv  254  ; falls  at  Cnidus,  ib. 

Pisindelis,  ii.  551. 

Pisistratus,  i.  372  ; his  descent  and 
parentage,  372  ; as  the  foremost  party- 
leader  at  Athens,  373  ; P.  and  Solon, 
376  ; his  first  Tyranny,  377  ; expelled, 
378;  his  second  Tyranny,  378;  re- 
treats to  Eretria,379  ; his  third  Tyran- 
ny,  383 ; revives  relations  with  Delos, 
383  ; patronises  and  encourages  litera- 
ture aud  art,  393 ; his  libraries,  394  ; 
his  death,  395. 

Pison  one  of  the  Thirty,  iv.  31. 
Pissuthnes,  satrap  at  Sardes,  ii.  520, 

iii.  103,  1 16,  420;  his  revolt,  514. 
Pithias  of  Corcyra,  indictment  and 

death  of,  iii.  136. 

Plastic  art,  ii.  74;  in  the  service  of  the 
temple,  75,  seqq in  Attica,  624 ; at 
Thebes,  iv.  521. 

Plataeae,  resistance  of,  against  Thebes, 

i.  415 ; demands  aid  from  Athens,  ib  ; 
new  settlement  of  its  boundaries,  416, 

ii.  292  ; the  Greeks  at,  337  ; the  battle 
of,  339 ; prize  of  honor  awarded  to, 
342;  Sremains  independent.  344;  ^re- 
mains in  alliance  with  Athens  after 
Thirty  Years'  Peace,  451;  iii.  53; 
surprised  by  the  Thebans,  54 ; be- 
sieged by  Archidamus,  iii,  seqq.y 
130 ; surrender  of,  131,  delivered  up 
to  the  Thebans,  134  ; its  destruction, 

iv.  399  ; its  restoration,  v.  453. 
Plataeans,  the,  run  the  blockade,  iii. 

113  ; negotiations  as  to  their  fate,  132; 
their  execution,  134. 

Platea,  island  opposite  the  mouth  of  the 
Paliurus,  i.  486. 

Plato,  ii.  50. 

, comic  poet,  iv.  81. 

Plistarchus,  son  of  Leonidas,  ii.  336. 
Plistoanax,  king  of  Sparta,  invade9 
Attica,  ii.  450  ; returns  to  Sparta,  iii. 
192. 


534 


General  Index. 


Plutarchus  of  Eretria  applies  to  Athens 
for  aid,  v.  278. 

Pluto,  name  given  to  the  first  ancestress 
of  the  Pelopidae,  i.  160. 

Plynteria,  the  festival  of,  i.  427  ; ii.  635  ; 

iii.  234. 

Pnyx,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  386,  iii.  485, 
509 ; the  ancient,  closed,  iv.  41  ; re- 
constructed as  the  place  of  popular 
assembly,  61. 

Podanemus,  iv.  341. 

Poecile,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  575. 

Poesy,  the  art  of  arts,  ii.  90. 

Poetry  at  Athens,  v.  194. 

Polemarchus,  brother  of  Lysias,  iv.  152  ; 
his  death,  v.  181. 

7 , the,  at  Athens,  i.  329. 

Political  science  in  Sicily,  iii.  245. 

Pollis,  Spartan  admiral,  iv.  390. 

Polus,  sophist,  iv.  140;  v.  177. 

Polybiades  blockades  Olynthus,  iv. 
343* *. 

Polybius,  iv.  523;  v.  478. 

Polyclitus,  sculptor,  ii.  603. 

Polycrates,  ii.  158;  his  rule  and  naval 
power  in  Samos,  160 ; overcomes 
Miletus  and  Lesbos,  161  ; his  depen- 
dents and  allies,  160  ; his  court,  163  ; 
the  causes  of  his  fall,  167 ; his  end, 
170. 

— , sophist,  v.  149. 

Polycritus,  iv.  219. 

Polydamas,  chief-justice  at  Pharsalus, 

iv.  473- 

Polydorus,  king  of  Sparta,  i.235. 

• — , brother  and  successor  of 

Iason  in  Thessaly,  iv.  472  ; his  death, 
ib. 

Polyeuctes  of  Sphettus,  v.  360. 

Polygnotus,  painter,  the  frescoes  of,  ii. 
60,  597 ; adorns  the  Theseum,  598  ; 
his  style  and  works,  ib.  599  ; his  works 
at  Delphi,  600,  v.  210. 

Polyidus  at  the  siege  of  Byzantium,  v. 
408. 

Polymnis,  the  house  of,  iv.  354. 

Polyphron,  Tyrant  in  Thessaly,  iv.  472  ; 
his  death,  ib. 

Polyzelus,  brother  of  Oelo,  iii.  235. 

Pontus,  the,  i.  438  ; fish  in  the,  440. 

Posidon,  worship  of,  i.  65  ; his  temple 
the  centre  of  federal  institutions,  263  ; 
worship  of,  at  Athens,  339 ; in  the 
Isthmia,  ii.  36,  262  ; as  P.  Erectheus 
on  the  Acropolis,  618. 

Pothos,  statue  of,  v.  200.  212. 

Potidaea,  colony  of  Corinth,  iii.  4;  re- 
volt of,  14,  73  ; fall  of,  77  ; repeopled 
with  Attic  settlers,  ib .;  fall  of,  v. 
57-. 

Prasiae,  1.  112 ; captured  by  Pericles, 
iii.  71. 

Pratinas  and  the  satyr-drama,  ii.  576. 

Praxiergidae,  the,  at  Athens,  iii.  524. 

Praxiteles,  sculptor,  iv.  521,  v.  206  ; his 
works,  ib.  seqq. 

Pritne,  the  citizens  of,  enslaved,  ii. 
T45-  . 

Probuli,  the,  at  Athens,  institution  of, 


iii.  429 ; their  first  measures,  43a 
453- 

Procles,  colleague  of  Demosthenes,  iii. 
148. 

of  Phlius,  v.  102. 

Procne,  legends  of,  v.  24. 

Prodicus,  sophist,  ii.  559  ; iv.  140. 
Proedri,  the,  at  Athens,  v.  335. 
Promanteia,  the,  at  Delphi,  transferred 
to  Philip,  v.  337. 

Prometheus,  iii.  576. 

Prone'ion,  the,  of  the  Parthenon,  ii. 
632. 

Prophecy,  Apolline,  ii.  14. 

Propontis,  the,  ii.  280. 

Propylaea,  the,  ii.  636 ; the  works  at, 
641  ; completion  of,  iii.  40. 
Protagoras,  of  Abdera,  sophist,  ii.  476; 
legislates  at  Thurii,  537  ; commences 
the  study  of  language,  559  ; suit 
against,  iii.  479 ; obliged  to  leave 
Athens,  ib  ; persecuted,  iv.  86  ; his 
teaching,  139. 

Prothdus,  iv  41 1. 

Protomachus,  iii.  533. 

Proxeni,  ii.  537  ; iii.  108. 

Proxenus,  brother  of  Hermocrates,  iii. 
5I3- 

Proxenus,  of  Tegea,  iv.  440  ; his  death, 

ib. 

a Theban,  v.  441. 

Prytanes,  the,  at  Athens,  iii.  543,  v.  357, 
436. 

Prytany,  the,  as  an  administrative  term 
of  35  days,  i.  409. 

Psammetichus,  nephew  of  Periander,  i. 

3°3- 

, king  of  Egypt  and  the 

Greek  trade,  i.  450 ; and  of  the  house 
of,  ii.  154. 

Psara,  the  destruction  of,  ii.  147. 
Psenophis  of  Heliopolis,  i.  368. 

Ptoium,  the,  in  Boeotia,  ii.  19. 
Ptolemaeus,  king  of  Macedonia,  iv. 

474,  v.  41. 

Pulytion,  iii.  352. 

Pydna,  v.  29 ; besieged  by  the  Atheniansfl 

33- 

Pylades,  theCrissean,  ii.  25. 

Pylagorse,  the,  at  Athens,  v.  425 
Pylus,  port  of,  i.  242  ; sinks  into  oblivion, 
243,  iii.  153;  battle  in,  157;  conflict 
renewed  at,  162 ; restoration  of,  iv. 
453- 

Pyrilampes,  the  aviary  of,  at  Athens, 

iii.  43. 

Pyrrhus,  son  of  Pantaleon,  i.  253. 
Pythagoras,  ii.  60  ; his  doctrines  on  the 
soul,  ib.  64,  107  ; emigrates  from  Sa- 
mos to  Italy,  167,210,  466. 
Pythagorean  philosophy,  the,  ii.  64; 

principle  of  Number,  the,  466. 
Pythagoreans,  the  persecution  of,  in 
Lower  Italy,  ii.  107;  its  consequences, 

iv.  354  ; at  Thebes,  ib. 
PythermusofPhocaea,  ii.  142  ; at  Sparta, 

142. 

Pythia,  the,  the  oracles  of,  ii  27,  77 ; 
bribed  by  Cleomenes,  232  ; timorous 


General  Index. 


535 


oracles  of,  301;  (t  philippises,"  v. 
445- 

festival  of  the,  celebrated  by 

Philip,  v.  336. 

“ Pythian  " song  at  Delphi,  ii.  98. 

Pythii,  the,  in  Sparta,  ii.  103. 

Pytho,  temple  and  oracle  of,  i.  124. 

Pythecles,  v.  353. 

Pythoclides  teaches  music  to  Pericles, 
ii.  483. 

Pythodorus,  iii.  94;  ravages  the  La- 
conian coast,  422. 

• , Archon  at  Athens,  iv.  23  ; 

not  acknowledged  as  a legal  magis- 
trate, 63,  152. 

Python,  murderer  of  Cotys,  v.  220. 

of  Byzantium,  at  Athens,  v. 

377- 

Pyihonicus,  iii.  352. 

R. 

Ramessidae,  the,  ii.  156. 

Ramses  Colossus,  the,  i.  451. 

Religion  among  the  Greeks,  ii.  4. 

Religious  worship,  earliest  form  of,  of 
the  Pelasgi,  i.  61. 

Rhadamanthys,  the  grave  of,  i.  102. 

Rhamnus,  the  sanctuary  of  Nemesis  at, 
ii.  607. 

Rhapsodes,  the,  i.  390 ; reading  and 
writing  introduced  in  the  schools  of, 

ii.  565. 

Rhegium,  Messenians  obtain  dominion 
in,  i.  243  ; fortified  city  of,  built,  466, 
ii.  149,  iii.  244;  final  overthrow  of  the 
Tyrannis,  at,  262 ; Alcibiades  en- 
camps near,  358. 

Rhenaea,  island,  consecrated  to  Apollo, 
ii.  162. 

Rhetoric,  and  history  at  Athens,  v.  187. 

Rhetras  (Lycurgic  statutes),  i.  209. 

Rhinon,  iv.  52. 

Rhode,  occupied  by  the  Phocaeans,  i. 
483- 

Rhodes,  i.  243  ; the  mariners  of,  474  ; 
held  by  the  Spartans,  iii.  481,  iv.  253 ; 
revolt  of,  v.  117  ; asks  aid  from  Athens, 
268  ; envoys  sent  to,  397. 

Rhodope,  mountain-range,  v.  11. 

Rhcecus,  sculptor  and  architect,  ii.  87. 

Rilostock,  Mount  (Scombrus),  v.  12. 


S. 


Sabazius,  Phrygian  divinity,  iv.  82. 

Sacred  Band,  fall  of  the,  at  Chaeronea, 
v.  453. 

Sacred  War,  against  Phocis,  outbreak 
of  the,  v.  71 ; against  Amphissa,  origin 
^ of  the,  430,  seqq. 

dadocus,  son  of  Sitalces,  v.  13 ; his 
death,  154. 

Sadyattes,  ii.  124. 

Sal's,  Psammetichus  at,  i.  450;  Greek 
camp  (Naucratis)  near,  ib. 

Salaethus,  iii.  115,  118  ; put  to  death, 125. 


Salaminia,  the,  iii.  538. 

Salamis,  conquest  of,  i.  342;  becomes 
the  acropolis  of  Attica,  ii.  317;  ih  : 
seat  of  the  Areopagus.  317 ; the  Greek 
fleet  at,  317  ; the  battle  of,  and  its  re- 
sults, 324,  seqq.,  326  ; devastated  by 
the  Peloponnesians,  iii.  103. 

; (in  Cyprus),  besieged  by  One- 

silus,  ii.  205  ; fall  of,  206. 

Salonichi,  site  of,  i.  10. 

Samian  war,  the,  ii.  519. 

Samians,  the,  purchase  Hydrea,  ii.  170  ; 
in  Crete,  ib. 

Samidas,  iv.  372. 

Samos,  i.  262  ; art  at,  ii.  83;  the  new- 
lonian  population  of,  88  ; S.  the  cen- 
tre of  an  independent  dominion,  196  ; 
helps  Cambyses,  ib. ; her  natural  posi- 
tion in  Ionia,  1581;  democratic  revolu- 
tion at,  159  ; a piratical  state,  161  ; as 
a new  island-Ionia,  162  ; the  citadel 
of,  165  ; the  great  aqueduct  at,  166  ; 
revolution  at,  168 ; the  Spartans  at, 
169  ; admitted  into  the  Hellenic  alli- 
ance, 354  ; claims  independence,  519  ; 
captured  by  Pericles,  521  ; revolution 
at,  iii.  441  ; counter-movement  in, 
468;  Alcibiades  in,  473;  “ Athens  in/’ 
476;  statue  of  Alcibiades  erected  in, 
477 ; deputation  from  Athens  to,  485  ; 
remains  faithful  to  Athens,  566  ; re- 
forms in  writing  at,  iv.  74;  seized  by 
Timotheus,  v.  103,  269. 

Sane  remains  true  to  Athens,  iii.  188. 

Sappho,  lyric  poetess,  ii.  97. 

Sardes,  Attic  envoys  at,  i.  416,  ii.  118; 
the  court  of,  129  ; fall  of,  139  ; effect 
of  its  fall  on  the  Greeks,  141  ; as  the 
centre  of  the  relations  between  the 
Persians  and  Hellas  prcper,  192  ; cap- 
tured and  burnt  by  the  Ionians,  204; 
destruction  of  the  temple  of  Cybele  at, 
ib  ; the  head-quarters  of  the  Ionian 
War,  207 ; the  expedition  of  Cyrus 
starts  from,  iv.  186;  peace-congress 
at,  284. 

Sardinia,  colonization  of,  i.  479. 

Satrpe,  the,  Thracian  tribe,  v.  57. 

Satyr-drama,  the  Attic,  ii.  576. 

Satyrus,  one  of  the  Eleven,  at  Athens, 
iv.  26. 

■ relieves  the  Athenians  in  the 

Cimmerian  Bosporus,  v.  136. 

, actor,  v.  196  ; at  Dium,  299. 

Scamander,  the,  dries  up,  ii.  281. 

Scidrus,  colony  of  Sybaris,  ii.  535. 

Science  at  Athens,  ii.  569. 

Scione,  iii.  197  ; the  inhabitants  of,  re- 
stored, 561,  iv.  15. 

Scironides,  iii.  442. 

Scombrus,  Mount,  v.  12. 

Scopas,  sculptor,  iv.  521 ; v.  204. 

Scope,  the,  near  Mantinea,  iv.  510. 

Sculpture  at  Athens,  ii.  600,  seqq.  ; v. 
201, seqq. 

Scylles,  chieftain  of  the  Scythians,  v. 
227. 

Scyrus,  ii.  381  ; chastisement  of,  384; 
enslaved,  532. 


536 


General  Index. 


Scytalism  at  Argos,  iv.  432. 

Scythes,  mythical  son  of  Heracles,  i. 
492. 

, in  Zancle,  ii.  213  ; betrayed 

by  his  allies,  ib.  ; receives  Cos  from 
Darius,  ib.,  iii.  216. 

Scythia,  Philip  in,  v.  409. 

Scythians,  the,  their  home  and  life,  i. 
445  ; enter  the  Median  empire,  ii.  122, 
126;  in  the  army  of  Darius,  181. 

Seisachtheia,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  350. 

Selinus,  foundation  of,  i.  475  ; her  dis- 
putes with  Egesta,  iii.  283;  destroyed, 
443. 

Selymbria  recovered  by  Alcibiades,  iii. 
506. 

Semitic  immigrations  into  Asia  Minor, 
ii.  114. 

Sestus,  fall  of.  ii.  357;  taken  by  Ly- 
sander,  iii.  560  ; occupied  by  Timo- 
theus,  v.  103  ; taken  by  Cotys,  iii. 

Seuthes,  Thracian  Prince,  iii.  103,  552, 
iv.  196;  the  kingdom  of,  v.  15. 

Seven  Wise  Men,  the,  ii.  61. 

Sicilian  comedy,  iii.  246,  seqq.;  ques- 
tion, the,  in  former  times,  321  ; ex- 
pedition, review  of  the,  and  of  its  re- 
sults, 469,  seqq. 

Sicily,  Greek  colonization  of,  i.  466  ; the 
south  coast  of,  ib.  ; first  Chalcidico- 
Delphic  colony  founded  in,  14;  treaties 
with  the  towns  in,  iii.  33 ; terrible 
mortality  in,  67  ; situation  and  natural 
condition  of,  209;  the  Hellenes  in, 
210  ; the  periods  of  the  history  of,  211 ; 
intellectual  life  in,  before  and  in  t^e 
age  of  the  Tyrants,  243,  seqq.  ; phil- 
osophy, political  science,  and  plastic 
art  in,  245 ; architecture  of,  254 ; 
numismatic  art  in,  257,  seqa.  ; general 
victory  of  democracy  in  Greek,  262, 
seqq.  ; orators  of,  63  ; historians  of, 
264 ; increase  of  party-feeling  in,  275  ; 
Athenian  expedition  to,  277 ; Athe- 
nian schemes  of  conquest  in,  322, 
seqq.  ; the  war  in,  365,  seqq. 

Siculi,  the,  connected  by  descent  with 
the  Pelasgi,  i.  495  ; iii.  273. 

Sicyon,  founded  by  Ionians,  i.  276  ; his- 
tory of,  ib.  seqq. ; schools  of  painters 
at,  v.  211. 

Sicyonians,  as  allies  of  Messenia,  against 
Sparta,  i.  233. 

Sidus,  iv.  238. 

Sigeum  occupied  by  Chares,  v.  120. 

Signyni,  Cypiian  term,  i.  483. 

Sikelia,  iii.  324. 

Silanion,  sculptor,  v.  209. 

Silver-mint,  first  Peloponnesian,  in 
JE gina,  1.  273. 

Simmias,  iii.  60 ; his  suit  against  Peri- 
cles, 73. 

, philosopher,  at  Thebes,  iv. 

355  ; v.  151. 

Simon,  shoemaker,  writes  down  Socra- 
tic  dialogues,  v.  156. 

Simonides  of  Ceos,  at  Athens,  1.  394,  ii. 
274,  288  ; his  influence  in  Greece,  288  ; 
sings  the  Wars  of  Liberation,  302, 


572 ; assists  Themistocles,  572  ; iii, 
,253>iv.  74. 

Sinope,  foundation  of,  i.  572  ; Milesian 
colony,  443. 

Siphnians,  battle  between  the,  and  the 
Samian  pirates,  ii.  170. 

Siphnos,  island,  ii.  170. 

Sipylus,  country  of  the,  i.  91,  160. 

Si  is,  i.  285  ; foundation  of,  1.  470,  472  ; 
the  fields  of,  iii.  271. 

Sisyphus  and  the  Sisyphidae,  i.  288. 

Sitalces,  king  of  the  Odrysae,  as  an  ally 
of  Athens,  iii.  65,  103  ; his  expedition, 
103;  falls  upon  the  Chalcidian  cities, 
ib.  ; the  Thracian  kingdom  of,  v.  12  ; 
his  expedition  against  Macedonia,  15  ; 
mediates  between  Athens  and  Perdic- 
cas,  33. 

Sitophyiaces,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  365. 

Smerdis,  the  False,  proclaimed  king  by 
the  Median  party,  ii.  174. 

Smilis,  ii.  87. 

Smyndirides,  i.  285. 

Smyrna,  yEolians  and  Ionians  form  one 
community  at,  i.  148  ; ii.  120. 

Social  War,  outbreak  of  the,  v.  114  ; its 
close,  120. 

Socrates,  son  of  Sophroniscus,  iii.  299  ; 
S.  and  Alcibiades,  300;  saves  A. 's  life 
at  Potidsea,  302 ; is  in  return  saved 
by  A.  at  Delium,  ib.  ; his  conduct  as 
president  of  the  Prytanes,  543  ; his  in- 
timacy with  Critias,  573,  iv.  127;  his 
character  and  1 fe,  128,  seqq.  ; S.  and 
the  sophists,  136,  seqq. ; development 
of  his  system  of  ethics,  142,  seqq.  ; his 
position  among  the  Athenians,  148  ; his 
enemies,  149,  seqq.  ; his  prosecution, 
158;  his  condemnation,  159 ; his  death, 
1 61  ; causes  of  the  sentence  against, 
ib.,  seqq.  ; S.  and  the  Athenians,  163, 
v.  38  ; his  philosophy,  149 ; his  in- 
fluence, 150;  his  foreign  followers, 
151  ; his  Athenian  followers,  155. 

Socratic  method,  the,  iv.  146. 

Sogdianus,  half-brother  of  Xerxes,  iii. 
420. 

Solois,  iii.  230. 

Solon,  son  of  Execestides.  i.  339  ; his 
travels,  366  ; as  legislator,  365,  seqq.  ; 
elected  Archon,  363  ; his  relations  with 
Pisistratus,  376,  ii.  62:  associated  with 
the  rescue  of  Croesus,  141. 

Sonchis,  priest  of  Sais,  i.  368. 

Sophists,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  475,  480, 
559  i iv.  136. 

Sophocles,  ii.  510 ; gains  the  tragic 
Ajitigone , 520  ; meets  Ion  in  Chios, 
550;  S.  and  ^Eschylus,  584;  receives 
the  prize  for  his  Triptolemus , 585  ; 
the  art  of,  ib.  ; his  Electra , 586  ; his 
character,  587,  seqq.  ; his  CEdipus 
Coloneus , 595  ; his  treatise  on  the 

Chorus,  596 ; his  death,  iii.  554,  iv. 
89  ; his  poetry,  ib.  ; his  CEdipus  Col - 
oneus,  89,  123  ; keeps  away  from  tha 
court  of  Archelaus,  v.  38. 

, grandson  of  the  former,  iv, 

89. 


General  Index. 


537 


Sophocles,  despatched  with  vessels  to 
Sicily,  iii.  153,  279. 

Sophron,  comic  poet,  iii.  250 ; his 
Mimes , ib. 

Sophronistae,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  428. 

Sophrosyne,  the  highest  Hellenic  virtue, 
39- 

Sosicles,  the  Corinthian,  i.  422. 

Sparta,  i.  180,  197;  foundation  of,  200; 
the  twin-kings  of,  201  ; the  new  king- 
dom of,  205  ; life  in,  218,  seqq.  ; wars 
of,  with  Arcadia,  244 ; relations  of, 
with  Olympia,  258 ; as  the  head  of 
Peloponnesus,  259 ; S.  and  the 
Tyrants,  307,  seqq.  ; spread  of 
her  fame,  313;  S.  and  Athens,  315; 
demands  the  expulsion  of  the  Alc- 
mseonidas,  412  ; aids  Croesus,  ii.  137 ; 
sends  an  embassy  to  Cyrus,  143 ; her 
alliance  with  Athens,  230 ; her  war 
with  Athens,  433 ; the  hegemony  of, 
300  ; l her  treacherous  conduct,  334  ; 
as  one  of  the  leading  champions  of 
Hellas,  341  ; views  of  the  peace-party 
at,  374  ; transfer  of  the  naval  hegemony 
from,  to  Athens,  375  ; enemity  of,  to- 
wards Themistocles,  388  ; the  earth- 
quake at,  406  ; sues  for  aid  from  Ath- 
ens, 417;  dismisses  the  Athenian  aux- 
iliaries, 418  ; concludes  the  Five  Years’ 
Truce  with  Athens,  445;  the  Thirty 
Years’  Peace  concluded  at,  451  ; S. 
and  Pericles,  iii.  2 ; confederate  meet- 
ing at,  16  ; resolves  upon  war,  22 ; her 
policy,  23  ; real  motives  of  the  war- 
party  at,  24  ; negotiations  with  Athens, 
26  ; demands  the  expulsion  of  the  Alc- 
maeonidse,  27  ; her  plans,  33 ; her 
confederates,  34  ; combines  with  the 
Ambraciotes  against  Stratus,  77 ; re- 
solves on  intervention  at  Corcyra,  134  ; 
opens  fruidess  peace  negotiations  at 
Athens,  157,  seqq.,  165;  embassies 
from  the  Thracian  cities  at,  177;  her 
peace-proposals,  196  ; her  commission- 
ers in  Thrace,  197  ; a fifty  years’  peace 
established  between  Athens  and,  206  ; 
defensive  alliance  of,  with  Athens, 
207  ; her  action  against  the  new  league 
of  the  Peloponnesian  states,  290  ; her 
imperfect  execution  of  the  conditions 
of  peace,  ib.  ; concludes  an  alliance 
with  Thebes,  292  ; Alcibiades  in,  382  ; 
position  of,  416  ; her  want  of  a navy, 
417;  relations  of,  with  Persia,  419; 
hesitates  between  Tissaphernes  and 
Pharnabazus,  432  ; determines  to  carry 
the  war  into  Ionia,  433  ; first  treaty  of 
subsidies  between,  and  Persia,  438 ; 
second,  ib.,  445  ; makes  proposals  of 
peace  to  Athens,  535  ; humiliates  Ath- 
ens, 571  ; takes  the  new  Athenian  con- 
stitution under  her  protection,  580  ; 
the  new  hegemony  of,  582  ; her  supre- 
macy after  the  Peloponnesian  War,  iv. 

; her  policy  in  Peloponnesus,  11  ; 
er  victory  the  defeat  of  democracy, 
ib.  ; her  Harmosts,  12 ; her  general 
despotism,  15,  seqq.  ; S.  and  the  states 


of  secondary  rank,  18  ; the  Apolline 
music  at,  117;  changes  at,  171  ; ele- 
ments of  good  in,  176;  her  foreign 
policy,  177  ; her  relations  with  Corinth, 
Thebes,  etc.,  178  ; S.  and  Persia,  179; 
her  war  with  Persia,  198  ; with  Elis, 
202 , seqq. ; the  dispute  about  the  suc- 
cession to  the  throne  of,  212  ; danger- 
ous condition  of,  at  home,  215  ; arma- 
ments of,  against  Persia,  222  ; her  in- 
fluence annihilated  in  Central  and 
Northern  Greece,  244  ; her  new  naval 
undertakings,  272  ; her  new  naval  feud 
with  Athens,  281  ; approximation  be- 
tween, and  Persia,  282  ; congress  at, 
286  ; position  of,  after  the  Peace  of 
Antalcidas,  312,  seqq.  ; S.  and  Man- 
tinea,  319  ; S.  and  Phlius,  323  ; her 
army  reforms,  328 ; summit  of  her 
supremacy,  343,  seqq.  ; her  naval  war 
against  the  new  confederation,  389  ; 
concludes  peace  with  Athens,  394  ; 
congress  at,  404  ; remains  at  the  head 
of  the  Peloponnesian  confederacy,  409  ; 
hei  conduct  after  Leuctra,  422,  seqq.  ; 
her  remaining  confederates.  477  ; loses 
the  exclusive  confidence  of  Persia,  484; 
Epaminondas  in,  504 ; embassy  of 
Perdiccas  to,  v.  36  ; her  policy  of  re* 
storation,  259 ; excluded  from  the 
Amphictyonic  Council,  330 ; her  ob- 
stinate attitude  after  Chasronea,  464  ; 
deprived  of  her  ancient  conquests, 

465- 

Spartans,  the,  defeated  under  Anchimoli- 
us,  i.  399  ; at  Samos,  ii.  169;  arrive  in 
Athens,  253  ; march  out  to  Marathon, 
253 ; their  reputation  and  conduct, 
291,  seqq.  ; in  Boeotia,  437;  surrender 
in  Sphacteria,  iii.  163  ; besiege  Athens, 
561,  seqq.  ; enter  the  Acropolis,  580  \ 
their  garrison  there,  iv.  24  ; their 
monuments  of  victory,  170  ; at  Ce- 
phallenia  and  Naupactus,  210;  in  the 
Trachinian  Heraclea,  ib.  ; their  head- 
quarters at  Sicyon,  248,  257  ; victorious 
in  the  battle  near  Corinth,  259 ; de- 
feated at  Leuctra,  417;  their  “ Tear- 
less victory,”  480. 

Spartiatas,  the,  and  their  lands,  i.  213  ; 
their  training  and  discipline,  218. 

Spartocidae,  the,  on  the  Cimmerian  Bos- 
porus, v.  136. 

Spartolus,  batde  before  the  walls  of,  iii. 
77* 

Sphacteria,  the  island  of,  iii.  163. 

Sphodrias,  Harmost  of  Thespiae,  iv.  378  ; 
attempts  to  surprise  the  Piraeeus,  379  ; 
acquitted  at  Sparta,  380 ; conse- 
quences of  his  acquittal,  ib v.  88. 

Spintharus  rebuilds  the  Delphic  Tem- 
ple, ii.  72. 

Spinthridates,  iv.  231. 

Stadium,  the,  on  the  Ilissus,  built  by 
Lycurgus,  v.  488. 

Stagira,  foundation  of,  i.  458. 

Stasipnus,  party-leader  at  Tegea,  iv. 
446. 

Stephanus  indicts  Apollodorus,  v.  282. 

23* 


538 


General  Index. 


Stesichorus,  the  first  and  greatest  of 
Sicilian  poets,  ii.  98  ; iii.  244. 
Stesimbrotus,  historian  and  editor  of 
Homer,  ii.  557  ; v.  189. 

Sthenelaidas,  Ephor,  iii.  22. 

Sthenelus,  tragic  poet,  iv.  92. 

Strategi,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  503. 
Stratocles  of  Amphipolis,  v.  55. 
, commander  of  the  Atheni- 
ans at  Chseronea,  v.  451. 

Strattis,  Tyrant  in  Chios,  ii.  180. 
, comic  poet,  the  Choricide  of, 

iv.  125. 

Strombichides,  iii.  437;  attempts  to  hold 
Teos,  438  ; execution  of,  572  ; iv.  26. 
Struthas,  satrap  at  Sardes,  iv.  272. 
Strymon,  river,  ii,  348 ; campaign  on  the, 
1 384;  commemorated  in  sculpture,  617, 

v.  51,  58. 

Sunium,  Cape,  Feast  of  Posidon  at,  ii. 

262  ; iii.  67.  * 

Susa,  ii.  143  ; the  centre  of  the  Persian 
empire,  178,  273,  276  ; frequent  Greek 
embassies  to,  iii.  512  ; the  Spartan 
envoy  at,  iv.  221 ; Theban  embassy  to, 
482,  seqq. 

Susarion,  comic  poet,  ii.  589. 

Sybaris,  i.  279  ; its  prosperity  in  the  7th 
century,  285  ; foundation  of  festive 
games  at,  499,  ii.  516  ; overthrown  by 
Croton,  iii.  266,  269. 

* , daughter  of  Themistocles, 

iii.  270. 

Sybota,  battle  of,  iii.  12,  seqq. 

Syce,  fort,  constructed  by  Athenians,  iii. 
377- 

Sycophants,  the,  at  Athens,  iii.  119  ; the 
new,  at  Athens,  iv.  25,  155. 

Syennesis,  ii.  128. 

Syllogeis,  the,  at  Athens,  iv.  68. 

Syloson,  leader  of  the  Samian  revolution, 

ii.  159  ; restored  to  Samos,  172. 
Symmories,  the,  at  Athens,  v.  91,  119  ; 

speech  of  Demosthenes  on,  257. 
Syndici,  the,  at  Athens,  iv.  68. 

Syra,  ii.  147. 

Syracosius,  the  law  of,  iii.  366. 
Syracusans,  the,  iii.  218  ; defeat  the 
Acragantines,  275  ; defeated  in  a naval 
battle  by  the  Athenians,  393  ; their 
victory  in  the  second  naval  battle, 
394  ; their  attacks,  401  ; their  last  bat- 
tle in  the  harbour  with  the  Athenians, 
402. 

Syracuse,  foundation  of,  i.  293  ; her 
rapid  rise,  468  ; founds  Camarina,  476, 

iii.  217  ; Gelo  in,  219  ; Hiero  of,  236  ; 
the  supremacy  of,  recognized  in  Italy 
and  Sicily,  237  ; her  Tyrants  as  pa- 
trons of  poets,  246  ; Epicharmus  in, 
248  ; architecture  at,  254  ; aqueducts 
at,  256  ; downfall  of  the  Tyrannis  at, 
262  ; condition  of,  262  ; institution  of 
petalism  at.  263  ; power  of,  275,  278  ; 
siege  of,  369,  seqq.  ; change  of  popular 
feeling  in,  371  ; armaments  of,  373  ; 
in  danger,  378  ; opens  negotiations 
with  Nicias,  381  ; Gylippus  in,  386  ; 
further  events  of  the  siege  of,  387,  seqq.; 


last  battle  in  the  harbor  of,  402 ; 
Athenians  retreat  fiom  before,  403 ; 
the  Athenian  prisoneis  at,  407. 

Syria,  ii.  152. 

T. 

Tabalus,  governor  of  Lydia,  ii.  143. 
Taenarum,  Cape,  v.  422. 

Talent,  the,  a fixed  unit  for  weights 
and  money;  its  divisions,  i.  273; 
value  of,  in  Solon’s  time,  349 ; the 
old  and  the  new,  353. 

Tamias  (or  Epimeletes),  of  the  public 
revenues,  ii.  504. 

Tanagra,  ii.  439 ; the  walls  of,  razed, 
440 ; Athenian  victory  at,  iii.  144  ; 
deprived  of  its  walls,  iv.  399. 

Tanais,  Milesian  colony,  founds  Nauaris 
and  Exopolis,  i.  446. 

Tantalus,  i.  91. 

, the  Spartan,  iii.  170, 

Taras  (TarentumJ,  foundation  of,  i. 
472.  . 

Tarentines,  the  calendar  of  the,  i.  499. 
Tarentum,  settlements  on  the  gull  of, 

i. 468,  472;  democracy  at,  iii.  269; 
festive  poetry  at,  271. 

Tarquinii,  the,  do  homage  to  Delphi, 

ii.  102. 

Tartessus,  bronze  from,  i.  279,  484  ; ii. 

*59-  ... 

Tauteas,  111.  329. 

Taurians,  the,  i.  441. 

Taurosthenes  marches  against  Oreus, 
v.  400. 

Tegea,  i.  188  ; her  alliance  with  Sparta, 
245;  ii.  432;  her  fidelity  to  Sparta, 

iii.  290,  iv.  436  ; party  conflict  at,  445  ; 
peace- congress  at,  498. 

Teledamus,  v.  374. 

Telesagoras  of  Naxos,  ii.  195. 

Teleutias,  naval  commander  at  Sparta, 

iv.  274;  seizes  Samos.  279;  sent  to 
iEgina,  282 ; falls  before  Olynthus, 
343- 

Telines  of,  in  Gela,  ii.  4 ; iii.  212. 
Temenidae,  the,  i.  270  ; in  Macedonia, 
ii.  188 ; v.  25,  39. 

Temenites,  the,  suburb  of,  at  Syracuse, 
iii-  373- 

Temenus,  founder  of  the  Heraclide  dy- 
nasty in  Argos,  v.  25. 

Tempe  and  Delphi,  i.  125;  the  march 
to,  ii.  304  ; the  retreat  from,  304. 
Temple,  the  Greek,  ii.  66,  seqq. 

Ten,  the,  at  Athens,  iv.  51 ; apply  for 
aid  to  Sparta,  54. 

Ten  Thousand,  the  march  of  the,  iv. 
190. 

Tenedos,  the  population  of,  v.  489. 

Teos,  founds  Abdera,  ii.  147 ; taken  by 
Cailicratidas,  iii.  530. 

Teres,  chieftain  of  the,  Odrysae,  v.  12. 
Tereus,  legends  of,  v.  13. 

Terillus,  Tyrant  of  Himera,  iii.  227; 

expelled  by  Thero,  227. 

Terpander,  i.  235  ; founder  of  the  Doric 
lyrical  school,  ii.  97  ; the  descendants 
of,  iv.  1 15. 


General  Index. 


539 


Tetraology  of  the  Attic  drama,  the,  ii. 
578-. 

Teuthis,  iv.  443. 

Thales,  of  Miletus,  ii.  62,  128,  149,  465, 
560. 

Thaletas,  and  the  Gymnopaedia,  i.  237. 

Thallophori,  the,  in  Attica,  i.  427. 

Thapsus,  iii.  376. 

Thargelia,  of  Miletus,  ii.  297. 

Thargelion,  the  spring-month,  ii.  15. 

Thasos,  its  wealth  and  treatment  by 
the  Persians,  ii.  225 ; oppo?>es  the 
Athenians,  404 ; defection  of,  406 ; 
fall  of,  408  ; massacre  4at,  iv.  16,  v. 
57, 188. 

Theagenes,  the  revolution  of,  atMegara, 
i.  305;  his  Tyranny,  306;  T.  and  Cy- 
lon,  308. 

commands  the  Boeotians, 

v.  450. 

Thearion,  v.  147. 

Thebans,  the,  ii.  437.;  occupy  Plataeae, 
iii.  54;  defeated  by  the  Plataeans, 
55  ; their  speech,  136 ; at  Chaeronea, 
v.  452. 

Thebe,  daughter  of  Iason  of  Pherae,  iv. 
469. 

Thebes,  the  seven-gated,  i.  103,  200  ; her 
quarrel  with  Athens,  414 ; march 
upon,  ii.  352,  iii.  34;  outbreak  of  the 
war  from,  53  ; her  persistent  activity 
against  Athens,  422 ; the  exiled 
Athenians  at,  iv.  43  ; co-operates  with 
Corinth  in  opposing  Sparta,  178  ; re- 
fuses to  take  part  in  the  war  against 
Persia,  222  ; her  league  whh  Athens, 
237  ; joins  in  the  Corinthian  League, 
243,  247,  287 ; at  war  with  Sparta, 
338  ; revulsion  at,  353  ; the  conspira- 
tors at,  364 ; assassination  of  the  oli-  1 
garchs  at,  365 ; the  first  popular 
assembly  at,  367,  370  ; the  Sacred 
Band  of,  373 ; T.  and  Sparta,  376  ; 
her  perilous  position,  378  ; her  policy 
under  Epaminondas,  391  ; mistress  of 
all  Boeotia,  397  ; Spartan  declaration 
of  war  against,  410  ; gains  the  victory 
of  Leuctra,  417 ; an  independent 
power  in  Greece,  420  ; T.  and  Delphi, 
427 ; called  into  Peloponnesus,  447, 
seqq.;  intervenes  in  Thessaly,  474;  her 
power,  477  ; T.  and  Achaia,  487  ; sends 
a third  expedition  into  Peloponnesus, 
ib. ; takes  possession  of  Oropus,  490  ; 
makes  peace  with  Corinth,  Phlius 
and  Epidaurus,  491 ; as  a naval  power, 
499 1 gains  the  battle  of  Mantinea, 
509  ; review  of  the  period  of  her  great- 
ness, 511  ; comparison  between,  and 
Athens,  512  ; the  two  great  men  of, 
513,  v.  42  ; defied  by  the  Phocians, 
69 ; summons  an  Amphictyonic  as- 
sembly to  Thermopylae,  72  ; conducts 
a war  against  Phocis,  73  ; as  the  rival 
of  Athens  in  the  Hellespont,  106  ; se- 
cedes from  the  Naval  Confederation, 
114 : her  schools  of  painters,  210; 
sends  troops  into  Peloponnesus,  263,  1 
424,429;  T.  and  Athens,  437;  nego- 


tiations at,  439  ; in  league  with  Athens, 
441  ; treatment  of,  after  Chaeronea ; 
becomes  a mere  Bceotian  country 
town,  454  ; a Macedonian  garrison  at, 
484. 

Themison,  Tyrant  of  Eretria,  v.  278. 

Themistocles,  son  of  Neocles,  ii.  238  ; 
first  discerns  the  importance  of  the, 
Piraeeus,  241 ; his  archbishop,  ib.-,  his 
ambition,  242  ; his  schemes  for  a navy, 
ib.  259 ; in  power  at  Athens,  264  ; 
forms  a navy  of  two  hundred  triremes, 
268  ; exertions  of,  and  Chileus,  299  ; at 
Tempe,  304  ; leads  a second  march- 
out  against  the  enemy,  304 ; retreats 
from  Artemisium,  31 1 ; at  the  councils 
before  Salamis,  322,  seqq.;  his  secret 
message  to  Xerxes,  323  ; encourages 
his  fellow-citizens,  324  ; at  the  battle 
of  Salamis,  ib.;  his  advice,  353  ; his 
•treatment,  331 ; his  views  and  con- 
duct, 353  ; his  energy,  359  ; at  Sparta, 
361;  results  of  his  exertions,  328;  his 
last  fortunes,  396 ; his  conduct  at 
Athens,  427  ; enmity  of  the  Spartans 
against,  388  ; his  ostentation  and  vio- 
lence, ib.;  erects  a sanctuary  of  Ar- 
temis Aristobule,  390 ; his  ostracism, 
391 ; goes  to  Argos,  ib.;  his  condem- 
nation, 393  ; his  flight,  395  ; received 
by  Admetus,  ib.;  at  Ephesus,  396; 
journeys  from  iEgae  to  Susa,  397 ; at 
the  court  of  Artaxerxes,  399  ; in  Mag- 
nesia, ib.;  his  death,  401. 

Theocles  of  Athens,  i.  467. 

Theocosmus,  sculptor,  iii.  45. 

Theodorus,  a priest  of  the  mysteries, 
iii.  523. 

, mathematician,  v.  162. 

Theodosia,  foundation  of,  i.  445. 

Theogenes,  iii.  162. 

Theognis  and  his  poems,  1.  306  ; iv.  41, 
90. 

, one  of  the  Thirty,  iv.  31. 

Theopompus,  king  of  Sparta,  i.  230, 
235- 

of  Chios,  historian  and 

orator,  v.  186  ; his  Philippics , 186. 

Theori,  the  colleges  of,  ii.  103. 

Theoricon,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  493,  iv. 
72  ; increased  distribution  of,  v.  145 

Theoris,  Delphic  priestess,  executed,  v. 
445- 

Theotimus,  the  house  of,  v.  68,  70. 

Thera,  i.  485  ; its  immigrants,  ib. 

Theraeans,  the,  in  Africa,  i.  486. 

Theramenes,  the,  Lacedaemonian,  iii. 
439- 

• — (son  of  Hagnon),  iii.  461, 

482  ; his  influence,  486  ; victorious  at 
Byzantium  with  Alcibiades,  507  ; as 
a liberating  hero  at  Athens,  539;  as 
peace  plenipotentiary,  568,  569,  570; 
the  peace  of,  571,  iv.  32,  seqq.;  in- 
dicted, 36;  defends  himself,  37; 
his  execution,  39  ; effects  of  his  death, 
40. 

Therippides,  guardian  of  Demosthenes, 
v.  230. 


540 


General  Index. 


Therma,  ancient  capital  of  Emathia,  v. 
20  ; captured  by  the  Athenians,  33. 

Thermopylae,  li.  31;  the  pass  of,  306; 
consequences  of  the  loss  of,  315; 
Amphictyonic  decree  from,  against 
Philomelus,  v.  73,  324 ; the  diet  at, 
427. 

Thero,  Tyrant  of  Acragas,  iii.  227  ; his 
death,  239. 

Thersilium,  the,  at  Megalopolis,  iv.  442. 

Theseus,  author  of  the  union  of  Attica, 

i.  385 ; the  remains  of,  restored  to 
Athens,  ii.  384 ; the  s nctuary  of, 
founded  by  Cimon,  ii.  616. 

Thesmothetae,  at  Athens,  i.  329. 

Thespiae,  fortified  anew,  iv.  384;  de- 
prived of  its  walls,  399;  restoration 
of,  V.  453. 

Thespis  of  Icaria,  i.  392  ; tne  founder  of 
Attic  Tragedy,  ii.  576. 

Thesprotians,  the,  i.  116. 

Thessalians,  the,  account  of,  i.  118;  in- 
vade Boeotia,  119  ; march  to  Tempe, 

ii.  304. 

Thessalus,  son  of  Cimon,  ii.  410 ; ac- 
cuses Alcibiades,  iii.  364. 

Thessaly,  estranged  from  the  Hellenes, 
ii.  2 ; its  national  organization  under 
the  Aleudae,  274,  303  ; Mardonius  in, 
329  ; Athenians  in,  333 ; joins  the 
Corinthian  League,  iv.  244 ; account 
of,  461  ; military  organization  of,  by 
Iason,  470  ; the  power  of,  v.  40,  67  ; 
Philip  in/344;  divided  among  te- 
trarchs  and  ceases  to  exist,  382. 

Thetes,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  373  ; iii.  92. 

Thibron,  in  Ionia,  iv.  200,  seqq.  ; sent 
to  Ephesus,  273  ; his  death,  274. 

Thirty,  the,  at  Athens,  iv.  21  ; terrorism 
of,  30  ; reaction  among,  32  ; false  se- 
curity of,  42 ; make  proposals  to 
Thrasybulus,  47 ; part  of,  remain  at 
Eleusis,  64 ; excepted  from  the  Am- 
nesty, 65. 

Thisoa,  iv.  443. 

Thorax  offers  homage  to  Xerxes,  ii.  275. 

• , Harmost  at  Samos,  ii.  180. 

Thrace,  the  population  of,  i.  455  ; early 
fame  of  the  music  art  of,  ib. ; the 
Athenians,  403,  534 ; an  Attic  fleet 
sails  to,  iii.  77  ; continued  hostilities 
in,  1^7 ; the  Cyreans  in,  iv.  195  ; the 
empire  of,  v.  12  ; T.  and  Athens,  13 ; 
at  the  height  of  prosperity,  15  ; the 
mines  of,  57,  seqq.  \ under  Cerso- 
bleptes,  iii  ; feuds  and  Athenian  suc- 
cesses in,  138  ; intervention  of  Philip 
in,  264  ; Athenian  policy  concerning, 
265  ; successes  of  Philip  in,  267  ; sub- 
jected by  Philip,  402,  seqq. 

Thracian  sea,  expedition  into  the,  ii. 
380. 

Thranitae,  the,  iii.  356. 

Thrasondas,  iii.  534. 

Thrasybulus,  Tyrant  of  Miletus,  ii.  125. 

, Tyrant  of  Syracuse,  iii. 

259  ; quits  Syracuse,  ib. 

, son  of  Thrason,  indicts 

Alcibiades,  iii.  527. 


Thrasybulus,  son  of  Lycus,  elected  gem 
eral,  iii.  471  ; T.  and  Alcibiades,  472  ; 
his  share  in  the  death  of  Phrynicnus, 
490;  banished,  iv.  26  ; at  Thebes,  45  ; 
at  Phyle,  47  ; advances  towards 
Athens,  48 ; celebrates  the  day  of  his 
return,  60  ; dedicates  a work  of  art  to 
Thebes,  76;  leads  an  auxiliary  force 
to  Thebes,  238  ; his  maritime  exploits, 
279;  his  death,  281,  303. 

Thrasybulus,  of  Collytus,  iv.  248,  284 ; 
v.  87. 

Thrasycles,  elected  one  of  the  Pylagorm, 
v.  425. 

Thrasydseus,  Tyrant  of  Acragas,  iii. 
240. 

, of  Elis,  iv.  203. 

Thrasylochus,  Athenian  trierarch,  v.233. 

of  Messene,  v.  374. 

Thrasylus,  iii.  471  ; surprises  the  Syra- 
cusans, 502  ; his  defeat,  ib.  ; one  of 
the  commanders  at  the  Arginusse,  533  ; 
his  execution,  544. 

Thrasymachus,  of  Chalcedon,  iv.  140, 
v.  178  ; his  oration  /or  the  Larisceans, 

„ _ *83. 

Thrasymedes,  sculptor,  ii.  638  ; iii.  45. 

Three  Thousand,  the,  at  Athens,  iv.  34; 
their  march  upon  Phyle,  46. 

Thucydides,  son  of  Olorus,  his  opinion 
on  the  war  between  Chaicis  and  Ere- 
tria,  i.  287,  ii.  31,  402,  569  ; charged 
with  the  defence  of  the  Thracian  coast, 

iii.  184 ; banishment  of,  187 ; sus- 
pected as  a free-thinker,  iv.  86,  v.  10. 

, son  of  Melesias,  ii.  457. 

his  ostracism,  458,  iii.  121. 

Thurii,  foundation  of,  ii.  535,  seq.,  iii. 
270 ; as  the  enemy  of  Tarentum, 
270. 

Thymbrse,  oracle  of,  ii.  19. 

Thyrea,  iii.  170. 

Tilphusium,  Mount,  iv.  251. 

Timsea,  wife  of  Agis,  iii.  445. 

Timagoras,  of  Cyzicus,  iii.  433. 

sent  to  Susa,  iv.  483. 

Timandra,  iv.  30. 

Timanthes  of  Cythnus,  painter,  v.  211. 

Timarchus,  son  of  Arizelus,  v.  360  ; his 
condemnation,  362. 

Timesilaus,  ii.  535. 

Timocracies,  ii.  105. 

Timocrates,  the  Rhodian,  mission  of,  to 
Athens,  iv.  233,  seqq. 

, Demosthenes  against,  v.  248. 

Timocreon,  poet,  ii.  387. 

Timolas,  partisan  of  Philip,  v.  424. 

Timolaus  proposes  an  attack  on  Sparta, 

iv.  246. 

Timomachus  abandons  the  Chersonne- 
sus,v.  III. 

Timon  at  Delphi,  ii.  305. 

Timotheus,  son  of  Conon,  iv.  386  ; com- 
mander of  the  new  confederate  fleet, 
389  ; in  the  Ionic  sea,  392;  lands  Za- 
cynthians  in  their  island,  396;  sails  to 
Thessaly  and  Macedonia,  400 ; at- 
tacks Amphipolis,  v.  53,  88  ; his  cha- 
racter, 93 ; his  fall,  96 ; retires  from 


General  Index. 


541 


public  life,  98  ; ordered  to  support  Ar- 
icbarzanes,  103  ; his  successes,  ib.  119  ; 
his  condemnation  and  death,  122,  133  ; 
the  picture  of,  211. 

* — of  Miletus,  poet  and  musi- 

cian, iv.  117  ; T.  and  Euripides,  120  ; 
the  music  of.  v.  39. 

Tiresias,  ii.  8. 

Tiribazus,  successor  of  Tithraustes,  iv. 
268  ; goes  to  Susa,  272  ; conducts  a 
fleet  to  Cyprus,  204. 

Tiryns,  the  walls  of,  i.  159. 

Tithora,  v.  75,  435.  . 

Tisamenus,  the  motion  of,  iv.  69. 

Tisias,  rhetorician,  ii.  537  ; iii.  264  ; v. 
181. 

Tissaphernes,  satrap  in  Asia  Minor,  iii. 
420;  his  first  treaty  of  subsidies  with 
the  Spartans,  438 ; lowers  the  rate  of 
pay,  444  ; his  court  at  Magnesia,  456  ; 
at  Cnidus,  456 ; returns  to  Magnesia, 
ib,;  at  the  south-coast,  476;  his  policy, 
493 ; arrests  Alcibiades,  497 ; dis- 
missed, iv.  18;  T.  and  Cyrus,  180; 
satrap  in  Asia  Minor,  196  ; in  the  in- 
terior of  Caria,  226;  assembles  his 
troops,  228  ; his  fall,  229. 

Tithraustes,  succeeds  Tissaphernes,  iv. 
232 ; negotiates  with  the  Greek  states, 
233- 

Tolmides,  ii.  442  ; his  naval  achieve- 
ments, 443,  445 ; falls  at  Coronea, 
449. 

Torone.  iv.  15. 

Tragedy,  Attic,  ii.  576,  seqq.  ; iv.  87, 
seqq.  ; v.  195. 

Trapezus,  foundation  of,  i.  444 ; re- 
turn of  the  Ten  Thousand  to,  iv. 
192. 

Triacades,  at  Sparta,  i.  212. 

Tricolini,  iv.  447. 

Trierarchy,  the,  at  Athens,  ii.  525. 

Triphylia  becomes  Periceci-land  of  Elis, 
i.  253  ; iv.  208. 

Tripolitza,  the  plain  of,  iv.  510. 

Tritaea,  i.  469. 

Troad,  part  of  the,  called  Lycia,  i. 
87. 

Trcezene  college  of  Theori  in,  ii.  103  ; 
Athenians  at,  317. 

Troja,  i.  89  ; date  of  fall  of,  164. 

Trojan  myths,  i.  146. 

Trophonius,  architect,  ii.  71. 

Tschardagh,  Mount,  v-  11. 

Tyche,  goddess,  v.  212. 

, quarter  of  Syracuse,  iii.  220, 

254. 

Tydeus,  iii.  550. 

Tyndareon,  iii.  262. 

Tyrannis,  the,  in  Ionia,  i.  268;  spread 
of,  in  Greece,  i.  309  ; downfall  of  the, 
at  Syracuse,  iii.  259. 

Tyrants,  the,  and  Sparta,  i.  307,  seqq. 

Tyras,  i.  444. 

Tyre  taken  by  storm,  iv.  294. 

Tyrrhenians,  the,  myths  as  to  the  emi- 
gration of,  from  Lydia,  i.  263. 

Tyrtaeus,  and  elegiac  poetry,  i.  239. 
his  wai-songs  for  Sparta,  ii.  99. 


U. 


Uinim,  Egyptian  name  for  the  Greeks, 
i.  54- 


V. 


Vardar,  valley  of  the,  v.  17. 

Vegetation,  introduction  of  foreign,  into 
Hellas,  i.  69. 

Vistritza,  valley  of  the,  v.  16. 

Vodena,  waterfalls  of,  v.  25. 


W. 


Writing,  use  of,  among  the  Greeks,  ii, 
51 ; in  Boeotia,  54. 


X. 


Xantbians,  courage  of  the,  ii.  152. 

Xanthippus,  indicts  Miltiades,  ii.  257 ; 
in  command  of  the  Attic  fleet,  331  ; the 
fleet  assembles  at  iEina  under,  354. 

Xanthus  (river),  i.  92  ; ii.  152. 

Xenares,  iii.  292. 

Xenias,  iv.  207. 

Xenocles,  architect,  ii.  611. 

Xenoclides,  poet,  banished  from  Mace- 
donia, v.  379. 

Xenocrates,  son  of  ^Enesidemus,  at  Acra- 
gas,  iii.  226. 

Xenophanes,  philosopher,  ii.  466,  474. 

Xenophon,  ii.  29,  iv.  20 ; a typical 
Athenian,  190  ; the  preserver  of  the 
Greek  army,  19 1,  194  ; leads  it  from 
PeriDthus  to  Asia,  196 ; enters  into 
service  with  Seuthes,  ib.  200  ; assists 
Agesilaus,  226,  251,  322,  v.  156  ; 

enters  the  service  of  Cyrus,  157  ; his 
experience  of  life,  ib.  158  ; as  a phi- 
losopher, 159  ; his  Memorabilia , 
ib.;  CEcono7?izcus , ib.;  X.  and  Plato, 
159-  _ 

Xerxes,  son  of  Darius,  ii.  31,  271;  suc- 
ceeds to  the  Persian  throne,  273  ; his 
motives  for  war,  273  ; armaments  re- 
sumed by,  275  ; his  armada  at  Critella, 
and  in  winter-quarters  at  Sardes,  278  ; 
crosses  the  Hellespont,  282  ; at  Mount 
Olympus,  ib.;  advances  against  Ther- 
mopylae, 309  ; his  council  of  war  on 
the  bay  of  Phalerus,  318  ; receives  a 
secret  message  from  Themistocles, 
323  ; his  throne  on  Mount  .Egaleus, 
325  ; at  the  battle  of  Salamis,  327  ; his 
return  to  Asia,  329  ; enters  into  the 
plans  of  Pausonius,  371 ; last  years 
of,  369;  his  death,  398. 


542 


General  Index. 


Xerxes  II.,  assassinated  by  his  half- 
brother,  Sogdianus,  iii.  420. 

Xuthus  'Apollo),  i.  320. 


Y. 

Year,  the  Great  of  the  Hellenes,  ii.  30. 


Z. 

Zacynthians,  the,  expelled  from  Cydonia, 
ii.  170. 

Zacynthus,  Demaratus  flies  to,  ii. 

232,  iii.  4 ; a fleet  despatched  to,  iv.  396. 
Zagreus,  Mount,  the  passes  of,  ii.  277 
Zaleucus  of  Locri,  the  legislation  of,  ii. 

TOO. 

Zancle,  Messenians  obtain  dominion  in, 

i.  243  ; Cymseani  establish  themselves 
in,  466 ; colonies  of,  477  ; Scythes  at, 

ii.  212. 

Zaretra,  fort  of,  v.  282. 


Zeno,  philosopher,  ii.  475. 

, court-dancer  of  Aitaxerxes,  iv, 

220. 

Zephyraean  promonotory,  the,  i.  471. 

Zeugitae,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  353. 

Zeus,  i.  61,  84,  229  ; his  altar  on  Lycaeon, 
241  ; colossus  of,  dedicated  by  the 
Cypselidae,  296  ; at  Athens.  320  ; wor 
shipped  in  the  Achaean  towns  of  Italy, 
463  ; his  oracle  at  Dodona,  ii.  1 ; su- 
periority of,  in  the  Apolline  religion. 
26  ; Ammon  acknowledged  by  the 
Hellenic  oracles,  57  ; Urius,  the  altar, 
of,  on  the  Bosporus,  183 ; the  Pan- 
hellenic , 229  ; his  national  sanctuary 
founded  at  Plataeae,  389  ; Eleutherius , 
the  marble  hall  of,  at  Athens,  616  ; in 
Olympia,  iii.  239  ; a helmet  dedicated 
by  Hiero,  to,  io.\  Eleutherius , 260  ; 
inundation  of  the  Corinthian  temple 
of,  iv  223  ; Lycceus , worship  of,  440. 

Zeuxis  of  Heraclea,  painter  , v.  38,  210. 

Zophyrus  of  Heraclea,  editor  of  the 
Homeric  poems,  i.  394. 


END  OF  VOL.  V. 


HISTORY  AND  BIOGRAPHY 


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the  subject  to  be  found  In  a concise  form,  and  as  it  embodies  the  results  of  tha 
latest  researches  and  discoveries  in  ancient  mythologies,  it  is  superior  for  school 
and  general  purposes  as  a hand  book  to  any  of  the  so-called  standard  works.” 

THE  BOSTON  JOURNAL. — “ Whether  as  a manual  for  reference,  a text  book 
for  school  use,  or  for  the  general  reader,  the  book  will  be  found  very  valuable  an«J 
interesting.” 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS' 


EPOCHS  OF  HISTORY. 

CHARLES  KENDALL  ADAMS,  President  of  Cornell  University.— ••  A Series 
d£  concise  and  carefully  prepared  volumes  on  special  eras  of  history.  Each  is 
devoted  to  a group  of  events  of  such  importance  as  to  entitle  it  to  be  regarded  aa 
an  epoch.  Each  is  also  complete  in  itself,  and  has  no  especial  connection  with 
the  other  members  of  the  series.  The  works  are  all  written  by  authors  selected 
by  the  editor  on  account  of  some  especial  qualifications  for  a portrayal  of  the 
period  they  respectively  describe.  The  volumes  form  an  excellent  collection, 
especially  adapted  to  the  wants  of  a general  reader.” 

NOAH  PORTER,  President  of  Tale  College. — “ The  ‘ Epochs  of  History  ’ seem 
to  me  to  have  been  prepared  with  knowledge  and  artistic  skill  to  meet  the  wants 
of  a large  number  of  readers.  To  the  young  they  furnish  an  outline  or  compen- 
dium which  may  serve  as  an  introduction  to  more  extended  study.  To  those 
who  are  older  they  present  a convenient  sketch  of  the  heads  of  the  knowledge 
which  they  have  already  acquired.  The  outlines  are  by  no  means  destitute  of 
Bpirit,  and  may  be  used  with  great  profit  for  family  reading,  and  in  select  classes 
or  reading  clubs.” 

BISHOP  JOHN  F.  HURST,  Ex-President  of  Drew  Theological  Seminary.— 
“ It  appears  to  me  that  the  idea  of  Morris  in  his  Epochs  is  strictly  in  harmony 
with  the  philosophy  of  history— namely,  that  great  movements  should  be  treated 
not  according  to  narrow  geographical  and  national  limits  and  distinction,  but 
universally,  according  to  their  place  in  the  general  life  of  the  world.  The  histor- 
ical Maps  and  the  copious  Indices  are  welcome  additions  to  the  volumes.” 

THE  NATION. — “ The  volumes  contain  the  ripe  results  of  the  studies  of  men 
who  are  authorities  in  their  respective  fields.” 


EPOCHS  OF  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  A series  of  books  narrating 
the  History  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  of  their  relations  to 
other  countries  at  successive  epochs.  Edited  by  Rev.  G.  W. 
COX,  and  CHARLES  SANKEY,  IV1.A.  Eleven  volumes, 
16mo,  with  41  Maps  and  Plans.  Sold  separately.  Price  pet 
vol.,  $1.00.  The  set,  Roxburgh  style,  gilt  top,  in  box,  $11.00. 

TROY—  ITS  LEGEND,  HISTORY,  AND  LITERATURE.  By  S.  G.  W.  Benjamin; 

THE  GREEKS  AND  THE  PERSIANS.  By  G.  W.  Cox. 

THE  ATHENIAN  EMPIRE.  By  G.  W.  Cox. 

THE  SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  SUPREMACIES.  By  Charles  Sankey. 

THE  MACEDONIAN  EMPIRE.  By  A.  M.  Cukteis. 

EARLY  ROME.  By  W.  Ihne. 

ROME  AND  CARTHAGE.  The  Punic  Wars.  By  R.  Bosworth  Smith. 

THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS  AND  SULLA.  By  A.  H.  Beesley. 

THE  ROMAN  TRIUMVIRATES.  By  Charles  Merivale. 

THE  EARLY  EMPIRE.  By  W.  Wolfe  Capes. 

THE  AGE  OF  THE  ANTONINUS.  By  W.  Wolfe  Capes. 


STANDARD  TEXT  BOOKS. 


EPOCHS  OF  MODERN  HISTORY.  A series  of  books  narrating 
the  History  of  England  and  Europe  at  successive  epochs 
subsequent  to  the  Christian  era.  Edited  by  EDWARD  E=> 
MORRIS.  Eighteen  volumes,  16mo,  with  77  Maps,  Plans, 
and  Tables.  Sold  separately.  Price  per  vol.,  $1.00.  The 
set,  Roxburgh  style,  gilt  top,  in  box,  $18.00. 

The  BEGINNING  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES'.  By  R.  W.  Creech. 

THE  NOEMANS  IN  EUROPE.  By  A.  H.  Johnson. 

THE  CRUSADES.  By  G.  W.  Cox,  M.A. 

THE  EARLY  PLANTAGENETS.  By  Wh.  Stttbbs. 

EDWARD  HI.  By  W.  Wareurton. 

THE  HOUSES  OF  LANCASTER  AND  YORK.  By  James  Gairdner. 

THE  ERA  OF  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION.  By  Frederic  Seotohm 
With  Notes  on  Boohs  in  English  relating  to  the  Reformation.  By  Prof 
George  P.  Fisher,  D.D. 

THE  EARLY  TUDORS.  Henry  VH.;  Henry  VIH.  ByC.  E.  Moberly. 

THE  AGE  OF  ELIZABETH.  By  M.  Creighton. 

THE  THIRTY  YEARS’  WAR,  161S-164S.  By  Samuel  Dawson  Gardiner. 

THE  PURITAN  REVOLUTION.  By  Samuel  Rawson  Gardiner. 

THE  FALL  OF  THE  STUARTS.  By  Edward  Hale. 

THE  AGE  OF  ANNE.  By  Edward  E.  Morris. 

THE  EARLY  HANOVERIANS.  By  Edward  E.  Morris. 

FREDERICK  THE  GREAT.  By  F.  W.  Longman. 

THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  AND  FIRST  EMPIRE.  By  William  O’Connor 
Morris.  With  Appendix  by  Andrew  D.  White,  LL.D. 

THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM,  1830-1850.  By  Justin  McCarthy. 

THE  ENGLISH  RESTORATION  AND  LOUIS  XIV.  By  Osmund  Airy,  M.A. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  ROME,  from  the  Earliest  Time  to  the  Period 
of  Its  Decline.  By  Dr.  THEODOR  MOMMSEN.  Translated, 
with  the  author’s  sanction  and  additions,  by  W.  P.  Dickson, 
D.D.,  LL.D.  With  an  Introduction  by  Dr.  Leonhard  Schmitz. 
Reprinted  from  the  Revised  London  Edition,  Four  volumes 
crown  8vo,  gilt  top.  Price  per  set,  $8.00. 

LONDON  TIMES.— “A  work oi  the  very  highest  merit;  its  learning  is  exact 
and  profound ; its  narrative  full  of  genius  and  skill ; its  descriptions  of  men  are 
admirably  vivid.  We  wish  to  place  on  record  our  opinion  that  Dr.  Mommsen’s  is 
by  far  the  best  history  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Commonwealth.” 

DR.  SCHMITZ.— “ Since  the  days  of  Niebuhr,  no  work  on  Roman  History  has 
appeared  that  combines  so  much  to  attract,  instruct,  and  charm  the  reader.  Its 
ttyle— a rare  quality  in  a Gerrnar  author — is  vigorous,  spirited,  and  animated 
professor  Mommsen’s  work  can  stap^.  a comparison  with  the  noblest  productions 
K modem  history  ” 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS' 


AN  ADDITION  TO  THEODOR  MOMMSEN'S  BISTORT  OF  ROME. 

THE  PROVINCES  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE.  From  Caesar  t« 
Diocletian.  By  THEODOR  MOMMSEN.  Translated  witf 
the  author’s  sanction  and  additions,  by  William  P.  Dickson, 
D.D.,  LL.D.  With  ten  maps,  by  Professor  Kiepert.  2 vols., 
8vo,  S6.00. 

Contents  : The  Northern  Frontier  of  Italy — Spain — The  Gallic 
Provinces — Roman  Germany  and  the  Free  Germans — Britain — The 
Danubian  Lands  and  the  Wars  on  the  Danube — Greek  Europe — Asia 
Minor — The  Euphrates  Frontier  and  the  Farthians — Syria  and  the 
Land  of  the  Nabateans — Judea  and  the  Jews — Egypt — The  African 
Provinces. 

N.  Y.  SUN. — “Professor  Mommsen’s  work  goes  further ^han  any  other  ex- 
tant, or  now  looked  for,  to  provide  us  with  a key  to  the  mediaeval  history  of  the 
Mediterranean  world.” 

PROF.  W.  A.  PACKARD,  in  Presbyterian  Review.— “ The  author  draws  the 
wonderfully  rich  and  varied  picture  of  the  conquest  and  administration  of  that 
great  circle  of  peoples  and  lands  which  formed  the  empire  of  Rome  outside  of 
Italy,  their  agriculture,  trade,  and  manufactures,  their  artistic  and  scientific  life, 
through  all  degrees  of  civilization,  with  such  detail  and  completeness  as  could 
have  come  from  no  other  hand  than  that  of  this  great  master  of  historical  research 
in  all  its  departments,  guided  by  that  gift  of  historical  imagination,  for  which  he 
is  equally  eminent.” 

THE  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  By  Prof.  Dr.  ERNST  CURTIUS. 
Translated  by  Adolphus  William  Ward,  M.  A.,  Fellow  of  St. 
Peter’s  College,  Cambridge,  Prof,  of  History  in  Owen’s  Col* 
lege,  Manchester.  Uniform  with  Mommsen’s  History  of 
Rome.  Five  volumes,  crown  8vo,  gilt  top.  Price  per  set, 
S10.00. 

LONDON  ATHEN/EUM.— “Professor  Curtius’  eminent  scholarship  is  a suffl- 
eient  guarantee  for  the  trustworthiness  of  his  history,  while  the  skill  with  which 
he  groups  his  facts,  and  his  effective  mode  of  narrating  them,  combine  to  render 
it  no  less  readable  than  sound.  Prof.  Curtius  everywhere  maintains  the  true 
fignity  and  impartiality  of  history,  and  it  is  evident  his  sympathies  are  on  the 
gsde  of  justice,  humanity,  and  progress.” 

LONDON  SPECTATOR.— “ We  cannot  express  our  opinion  of  Dr.  Curtius’ 
book  better  than  by  saying  that  it  may  be  fitly  ranked  with  Theodor  Mommsen’s 
£reat  work.” 

N.  Y.  DAILY  TRIBUNE.— “As  an  introduction  to  the  study  of  Grecian  history, 
to  previous  work  is  comparable  to  the  present  for  vivacity  and  picturesque 
beauty,  while  in  sound  learning  and  accuracy  of  statement  it  is  not  inferior  t« 
Sie  elaborate  productions  which  enrich  the  literature  of  the  age.” 


MENTAL  AND  MORAL  SCIENCE, 


AM  OUTLINE  STUDY  OF  MAN;  or,  the  Body  and  Mind  in  On* 
System.  With  illustrative  diagrams.  Revised  edition.  By 
MARK  HOPKINS,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  late  President  of  Williams 
College.  12mo,  $1.75. 

This  is  a model  of  the  developing  method  as  applied  to  intellectual 
science.  The  work  is  on  an  entirely  new  plan.  It  presents  man  in 
his  unity,  and  his  several  faculties  and  their  relations  are  so  presented 
to  the  eye  in  illustrative  diagrams  as  to  be  readily  apprehended. 
The  work  has  come  into  very  general  use  in  this  country  as  a man- 
ual for  instruction,  and  the  demand  for  it  is  increasing  every  year. 

GENERAL  S.  C.  ARMSTRONG,  Principal  of  Hampton  Institute.— “I am 
glad  ot  the  opportunity  to  express  my  high  appreciation  of  Dr.  Hopkins'  Outline 
Study  of  Man.  It  has  done  more  for  me  personally  than  any  book  besides  the 
Bible.  More  than  any  other  it  teaches  the  greatest  of  lessons,  lenow  thyself.  For 
over  ten  years,  I have  made  it  a text  booh  in  the  Senior  Class  of  this  school.  It 
Is,  I think,  the  greatest  and  most  useful  of  the  books  of  the  greatest  of  our  Am- 
erican educators,  Rev.  Dr.  Hopkins,  and  is  destined  to  do  a great  work  in  forming 
not  only  the  ideas  but  the  character  of  youth  in  America  and  in  other  parts  of  the 
world.” 

PROF.  ADDISON  BALLARD,  of  Lafayette  College. — “I  have  for  years  used 
Dr.  Hopkins’  Outline  Study  of  Man,  in  connection  with  his  Law  of  Love,  as  a text 
book  for  our  Senior  Classes.  I have  done  this  with  unfailing  success  and  with 
increasing  satisfaction.  It  is  of  incalculable  advantage  to  the  student  to  come 
under  the  influence,  through  his  books,  of  this  great  master  of  thought  and  of  style, 
t cannot  speak  of  Outline  Study  in  terms  of  too  hearty  commendation.” 


THE  LAW  OF  LOVE,  AND  LOVE  AS  A LAW;  or,  Christian 
Ethics.  By  MARK  HOPKINS,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  late  President 
of  Williams  College.  12mo,  $1.75. 

This  work  is  designed  to  follow  the  author’s  Outline  Study  of  Man . 
As  its  title  indicates  it  is  entirely  an  exposition  of  the  cardinal  precept 
of  Christian  philosophy  in  harmony  with  nature  and  on  the  basis  of 
reason.  Like  the  treatise  on  mental  philosophy  it  is  adapted  with 
unusual  skill  to  educational  uses. 

It  appears  in  a new  edition,  which  has  been  in  part  re-written  in 
order  to  bring  it  into  closer  relation  to  his  Outline  Study  of  Man , of 
which  work  it  is  really  a continuation.  More  prominence  has  been 
given  to  the  idea  of  Rights,  but  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  tbo 
treatise  have  not  been  changed. 


POLITICAL  SCIENCE  AND 


ECONOMY. 


POLITICAL  SCIENCE;  Or,  The  State  Theoretically  and  PractE 
cal ly  Considered.  By  THEODORE  D.  WOOLSEY,  D.D., 
LL.D.j  late  President  of  Yale  College.  2 vols.,  8vo,  $5.00, 

THE  BOSTON  TRANSCRIPT. — “Noworknu  Political  Science  has  ever  been 
published  in  America  which  covers  so  wide  a ground  and  which  treats  the  sub* 
ject  so  fairly  and  impartially,  and  with  so  thorough  knowledge  and  judgment.” 

THE  CINCINNATI  GAZETTE.— “ This  work  ip  indeed  one  of  the  most  im 
portant  contributions  of  the  century  to  the  science  cf  natural  and  national  law  ana. 
ethics.” 

THE  N.  Y.  TRIBUN  E.  — “ In  the  discussion  of  the  marifold  questions  suggested 
by  the  general  theme  of  the  work  Dr.  Woolsey  exhibits  the  same  cautiousness  of 
judgment,  moderation  of  tone,  and  vigor  of  expression  which  characterize  his 
previous  writings.  His  volumes  abound  with  the  signs  of  profound  study  and 
copious  erudition  as  well  as  of  original  thought.” 


BNTRODUCTION  TO  THE  STUDY  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW. 

Designed  as  an  Aid  in  Teaching  and  in  Historical  Studies. 
By  THEODORE  D.  WOOLSEY,  D.D.,  LL.D-,  late  President 
of  Yale  College.  Fifth  edition,  revised  and  enlarged.  Crown 
bvo,  $2.50. 

A complete  outline  of  that  grand  system  of  ethical  jurisprudence 
which  holds,  as  it  were,  in  one  community  the  nations  of  Christendom. 
Its  appendix  contains  a most  useful  list  of  the  principal  treaties  since 
the  Reformation.  The  work  has  no  rival  as  a text  book. 

Special  attention  is  directed  to  the  fact  that  this  FIFTH  EDITION  of  Dr. 
W oolsey’s  International  Law  is  entirely  re-written  and  enlarged,  and  is  printed 
from  new  plates. 

THE  ST.  LOUIS  REPUBLICAN. — “A  compendium  treatise,  intended  not  for 
lawyers  nor  for  those  having  the  profession  of  law  in  view,  but  for  young  men  who 
are  cultivating  themselves  by  the  study  of  historical  and  political  Science.  While 
the  work  gives  the  state  of  the  law  of  nations  as  it  is,  it  compares  the  actual  law 
ivith  the  standard  of  justice,  and,  by  exhibiting  the  progress  of  science  In  « 
historical  way,  brings  it  into  connection  with  the  advances  of  humanity  sort 
rivilization,*’ 


STANDARD  TEXT  BOOKS. 


POLITICAL  ECONOMY,  By  ARTHUR  LATHAM  PERRY,  Pro- 
fessor of  History  and  Political  Economy  in  Williams  College. 
Crown  8vo,  S2.50. 

Professor  Perry’s  book  has  passed  through  many  editions  and  has 
recently  been  subjected  to  a thorough  revision  and  recasting.  His 
work  is  a complete  exposition  of  the  Science  of  Political  Economy  both 
historically  and  topically,  his  style  is  admirably  clear  and  racy  ; his 
illustrations  are  forcible  and  well  chosen,  and  he  has  made  a subject 
interesting  and  open  to  the  comprehension  of  any  diligent  student, 
which  has  often  been  left  by  writers  vague  and  befogged  and  bewilder- 
ing. This  work  has  stood  excellently  the  test  of  the  class  room,  and 
has  been  adopted  by  many  of  the  chief  educational  institutions  in  this 
country.  Among  them  are  Yale  College.  Bowdoiu  College,  Dartmouth, 
Trinity,  Wesleyan,  University  of  Wooster,  Denison  University, 
Rutgers  College,  New  York  University,  Union  College,  and  many  other 
colleges  and  normal  and  high  schools. 

T.  D.  WOOLSEY,  President  of  Yale  College. — “Your  book  interests  students 
more  than  any  I have  ever  instructed  from.” 

THE  NEW  YORK  TIMES.— “As  a manual  for  general  reading  and  popular 
instruction,  Prof.  Perry’s  booh  is  far  superior  to  any  work  on  the  subject  before 
issued  in  the  United  States.” 

THE  NATION.— “We  cordially  recommend  this  book  to  all,  of  whatever  school 
of  political  economy,  who  enjoy  candid  statement  and  full  and  logical  discussion.” 

THE  INDEPENDENT. — “ There  is  more  common  sense  in  this  book  than  in  any 
of  the  more  elaborate  works  on  the  same  subject  that  have  preceded  it.  It  is  tho 
most  interesting  and  valuable  one  that  has  been  given  to  the  American  public  ou 
this  important  subject.” 

BNTRODUCTION  TO  POLITICAL  ECONOMY.  By  ARTHUR 
LATHAM  PERRY,  Professor  of  History  and  Political  Ecoiv 
omy  in  Williams  College.  Revised  edition.  12mo,  $1.50. 

FROM  THE  PREFACE. — “I  have  endeavored  in  this  book  so  to  lay  the  founda* 
tlons  of  Political  Economy  in  their  whole  circuit,  that  they  will  never  need  to  be 
disturbed  afterwards  by  persons  resorting  to  it  for  their  early  instruction,  how- 
ever long  and  however  far  these  persons  may  pursue  their  studies  in  this  science.” 

THE  N.  Y.  EVENING  POST. — “This  work  is  not  meant  in  any  way  to  take 
the  place  of  its  author’s  larger  treatise,  but  rather  to  occupy  a field  which,  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  that  work  cannot  occupy.  It  is  not  an  abridgment  of  that 
work  but  a separate  treatise,  intended  primarily  for  the  use  of  students  and 
readers  whose  time  for  study  is  small,  but  who  wish  to  learn  the  broad  principles 
of  the  science  thoroughly  and  well,  especially  with  reference  to  the  scientific 
principles  which  are  involved  in  the  practical  discussions  of  our  time.  * * * We 
need  scarcely  add,  with  respect  to  a writer  so  well  known  as  he,  that  his  thinking 
is  sound  as  well  a3  acute,  or  that  his  doctrines  are  those  which  the  greatest 
toasters  of  political  science  have  approved.’' 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS’ 


AMERICAN  POLITICAL  ECONOMY.  By  FRANCIS  BOWEN, 
Professor  of  Natural  Religion  and  Moral  Philosophy  in 
Harvard  College.  8vo,  $2.50. 

This  treatise  presents  views  compatible  with  the  idea  that  “ every 
country  has  a political  economy  of  its  own,  suitable  to  its  own  physical 
circumstances  of  position  on  the  globe,  and  to  the  character,  habits, 
and  institutions  of  the  people.” 

THE  PHILADELPHIA  AGE. — “If  our  members  of  Congress  would  vote  them- 
selves a copy  of  this  book,  and  read  it,  fewer  wild  schemes  would  be  coneocted 
by  them,  and  a great  saving  of  time  and  the  people’s  money  would  be  secured.” 

THE  SPRINGFIELD  REPUBLICAN. — “His  arguments  are  worth  considering, 
imd  his  whole  book  is  of  high  value  to  any  American  to  study  economical  ques- 
tions.” 


CONTEMPORARY  SOCIALISM.  By  JOHN  RAE,  M.A. 

8vo,  $2.50. 

Such  a book  as  this  which  Mr.  Rae  has  written — a thorough  history 
hnd  analysis  by  a man  of  singularly  candid  and  liberal  mind,  equally 
without  prejudice  and  fanaticism — has  long  been  needed  and  earnestly 
wished  for  by  every  student  of  socialism,  and  in  all  countries. 

THE  LONDON  SATURDAY  REVIEW.— “A  useful  and  ably  written  book.” 

THE  CONGREGATION ALIST. — “ No  subject  more  needs  thorough  and  im- 
partial discussion  at  present  than  this,  and  the  work  before  us  by  John  Rae  is  em- 
inently able  and  helpful.  It  is  distinguished  in  a remarkable  degree  by  breadth  of 
view  and  the  grasp  of  underlying  and  widely  reaching  principles,  and  also  by  his 
minuteness  of  detail  and  the  careful  relation  o'.  facts  and  figures  in  support  of  its 
position.” 


COMMUNISM  AND  SOCIALISM,  In  their  History  and  Theory/ 
A Sketch.  By  THEODORE  D.  WOOLSEY,  D.D.,  LL.D., 
late  President  of  Yale  College.  12mo,  $1.50. 

This  book  is  the  only  comprehensive  review  of  its  subject,  within 
small  compass,  yet  exactly  meeting  the  needs  of  the  reader,  that  is  ac- 
cessible in  English.  The  candor  of  the  discussion  is  remarkable  ; the 
book  is  the  argument  of  a perfectly  fair  reasoner,  painting  nothing  in 
too  dark  colors,  but  taking  his  opponents  at  their  best. 

THE  N.  Y.  COMMERCIAL  ADVERTISER.— “ The  work  is  an  epitome  of  the 
history  of  the  socialistic  and  communistic  movement,  and  will  prove  a most,  vales' 
tble  text  book  to  all  who  have  not  made  themselves  familiar  with  this  greet 
fabject.” 


i 


Date  Due 

L.  B.  Cat.  No.  1137 

